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THE BEST OF ATTACK! 
AND NATIONAL VANGUARD 

TABLOID 



SELECTED AND ARRANGED BY 



KEVIN ALFRED STROM 




PUBLISHED BY THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Distributed by; 

NATIONAL VANGUARD BOOKS 
PO BOX 2264, ARLINGTON, VA 22202 



COPYRIGHT ©1984 BY THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE 

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by 
any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any 
information storage retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher, 

ISBN 0-937944-03-3 



Article 

The Nature of the Beast 

Facts of Racial Science Blatantly Suppressed 

On Plutocracy in America 

Natural Foods and Health 

Drugs and American Youth 

Lighting Up the Tibetan Plateau with Chairman Mao 

Editor-in-Chief Gives Phila. TV Speech 

Why Conservatives Can't Win 

On Liberty 

The Black Man's Gift to Portugal 

Why Revolution? 

A New Western Prehistory 

Tragedy of Our Schools 

Man and Technology 

Revolutionary Notes (Firearms, Street Fighting) 

The Song of the Fifth River 

The Future of Capitalism 

Portnoy's Complaint: A Goyische View 

Why We Fight 

Subversion in South Africa 

On Goals 

The Jewish Problem 

Hitler Didn't Do It 

The Roots of Decadence 

The Nature of Communism 

Role of the Church 

Out of the North 

The Alienated Society 

The Ideological Roots of Zionism 

America and the Third World 

Richest Man Sucks Americans' Blood 

Right On, Muhammad 

The Arts in America 

Solzhenitsyn and the Liberals 

400 Race Murders 

Revolt of the Submen 

It Speaks for Itself 

Ardrey Books Pack Ideological Punch 

Papers Say Spinola May Be Jew 

The Important Things 

Israelis Ban 'Nazi' Wagner 

America & the World Food Crisis 

Blacks, Jews, and Reverse Discrimination 

People Ask (Is It Too Late to Save the White Race?) 

Liberals, the Jews, and Israel 

Gov't Pushes Porn in Sex-Ed Classes 

Labor Dep't Funding Human Slaughterhouse in Capital 

Education for Death 

Prepare Now to Bury Guns 

1,000 Whites Victims May 10 

White Self-Hatred — Master Stroke of the Enemy 

Open Letter to the U.S. Congress 

The Fable of the Ducks and the Hens 

Not a Dime's Worth of Difference 

Two Minutes' Hate 

The Law of the Land 

Tests Show Students Learning Less 

Does America Deserve to Live? 

Unless We Cure Ourselves , . . (Book Review: 

The Camp of the Saints) 
People Ask (Why Don't All Pro-White 

Organizations Unite?) 
HST: No Use for Jews 
Zionism I: Theory 
Zionism I: Practice 
Marxism's Essence Bared 
Jews, the USSR, and Communism 



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Drifter's Story (Book Review; Spandau: The 

Secret Diaries) 68 

Ali's Wisdom 68 

Prisoner of Peace 68 

Bassou: Man-Ape Hybrid? 69 

A Close Look at Hell (Film Review: Taxi Driver) 69 

Crisis in Rhodesia 70 

Churches Bent on Suicide 74 

Briton Jailed for 'Sale' Sign 74 

Requiem for the Right 75 

Patriots' Notebook (Self-Def ense I) 75 

Black Delusions Encouraged 75 

"No Conspiracy," Media Masters Say 76 

Patriots' Notebook (Self-Defense II) 77 

'Holocaust' Myth Being Revived 77 

Who Was Karl Marx? 80 

Patriots' Notebook (Self-Defense III) 80 

An Amazing Parallel (Biology of the Jewish Problem) 81 

Conservatism or Radicalism? 82 
People Ask (Are Our Leaders in the Pay of the Enemy?) 83 

The Importance of Conan 84 

Jewesses Head Both Treason Factions in Southern Africa 84 

The Essence of Judaism 85 

General Patton's Warning 86 
Three Rays of Light (Book Review: The Last European 

War; A dolf Hitler; and Hitler 9 s War) 89 

The Stranger 89 

Has the White Race Become Too Liberal to Survive? 90 

The Buying of Mr. Churchill 91 

Sociobiology: The Truth at Last 93 

American Consumption, Conservation, & the 

Third World (Part I) 94 

Are the Courts Decriminalizing Rape? 96 

The Men of the Alamo 97 

American Consumption, Conservation, & the 

Third World (Part II) 98 

Bohemond and the First Crusade 100 

Whither America: Elitism or Racism? 103 

"Nazi" Chic 105 

Jews Boot Blacks 105 

Those Mitford Girls 106 

Roger Degueldre and the O.A.S. 106 

No Place in Hell 109 

Afrikaners O.K. Racemixing in S.W. Africa 109 

The Trouble with Conservatism 110 

Two Worlds, Not One 111 

Fichte and the German Nation 112 

Farmers Fighting to Survive 1 14 

The Roots of Civilization 1 15 

The Great Trek 117 

The Darkening of America 120 

Codreanu& the Iron Guard 121 

The Afro-Asian Invasion of Europe 123 

The Radicalizing of an American 124 

The Inquiring Mind of Aldous Huxley 1 26 

Leonidas and the Spartan Ethos 127 

The Fight for Our Planet 130 

Solzhenitsyn's Message for Our People 131 

Street Impressions, Washington, D.C. 132 

Stephen Decatur and the Barbary Pirates 132 

The Battle of Clontarf 135 

Sluyterman: Artist of Blood and Soil 137 

Russians Face Racial Crisis 138 

What Is To Be Done? 140 

The Devil's Wind 141 

The Organizational Nexus 143 

The Black Angels of Yakima 144 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

(Continued) 



Page No. 
145 



Article 

The Faustian Spirit 

Sulla the Fortunate 146 

Criteria for a White Future 148 
Bohdan Khmelnytsky and the Fight for 

Ukrainian Freedom 149 

Whites on the March in Britain 151 

Singer Killing — Inexcusable Atrocity 152 

Leon Degrelle and the Crusade for Europe 153 

A Salvo Against Psych oquackery 155 

Sick WASP 156 

More Babble 156 

Recipe for Amazons? 156 

Worse in Mexico 156 

Equality: Man's Most Dangerous Myth 157 

"Holocaust" Claims Exposed as Lies 158 

German Historian Hits Hoax with New Book 159 

The Task of the National Alliance 160 

The Education of a Liberal 162 

What the Alliance Demands of Us 163 
Neurometries: New Science Supports Race Differences 164 

The Race Bomb 164 

Giordano Bruno: Visionary and Martyr 165 

America's Danger 167 

The Shame of Reconstruction 169 

Which Way Western Man? (Book Review) 171 

Reconstruction II: The Whites Fight Back 173 

The Future Belongs to Us 175 

Dostoievsky on the Jews 176 

What Makes the Power Elite Run (Part I) 177 

Sven Hedin: Last of the Vikings 177 

What Makes the Power Elite Run (Part II) 179 

South Africa Chooses Suicide 180 

Why the West Will Go Under 181 
Economics, Work, and Morality (What Makes the 

Power Elite Run, Part III) 183 



Article 

Hungary Fights On 

The Roots of Black Slavery 

Report from a British Teacher 

The 1936 Berlin Olympics and the Big Lie 

Pieter Bruegel: Dutch Master 

The Solipsist Society 

Denis Kearney and the Struggle for a White America 

The Coming of the Jews to America 

Pope Wants Blacks, Not Voodoo 

Rembrandt: Interpreter of Nature 

Birth Figures Show White World Aboard Suicide Express 

The Core of Western Music 

Jan Vermeer: Artist of Light 

Anne Frank Hoax Exposed 

Keeping Christians in Line: * 'People for the 

American Way" 
Learning to Get Along 
Arno Breker: 20th Century Michelangelo 
Albrecht Duerer: Nuremburg Master 
Churches Misdirect Young Americans 
A Real Case Against the Jews 
Jewish Antisemite? 

World's Deadliest Threat: The Race Bomb 
A Rite of Summer 

Survivalism: Response to Racial Chaos 
Dialogue with a Libertarian Journalist 
Spreading the Word 
Permissiveness: America's Moral Rot 
The Holocaust Problem 
Programmed for Death 
The White Conquest of Nicaragua 
What Are They Doing to Our World? 



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mm 



INTRODUCTION 



Every book is, in a sense, a time capsule, and this is particularly true of The Best of 
ATTACK! and NATIONAL VANGUARD Tabloid. If among the readers of this 
introduction there is an antiquarian of the 25th century, let me address my first paragraph 
to him. You have found a gem! As you study our era, I am sure that your overall emotional 
reaction must be one of profound sadness. No doubt you frown when contemplating, for 
example, the White men who strove mightily to cut down an ancient forest for the pulp 
mills, so that their daughters might purchase a poster of an androgynous Negro "rock star" 
and so that every Haitian and Mexican could get his Big Mac properly wrapped. Yes, you 
must frown often, but in this book you have found reason to smile. For this is not only a 
book, but a chronicle of an awakening: the awakening of White men and women to their 
past greatness, to the reality of their race's degradation, and to their responsibility for their 
future. It is a chronicle of the very beginnings of a movement, the success or failure of which 
will determine the future course of Life on this planet. So smile, hypothetical antiquarian; 
smile for us. If our expressions seem grim at times, you will understand why. 

Every article in this book is reproduced from the originals. Nothing has been edited or 
reset, except in the case of a few typographical errors or in cases where the fragile newsprint 
originals were in such poor condition that they were not legible. Even in such cases, only the 
affected portions were reset. This necessarily entails that the typography of the original 
tabloids, with all its weaknesses — and all its strengths, such as its sense of immediacy — 
will be reproduced exactly. I have arranged the articles "newspaper style" to maintain the 
look and feel of the originals as much as possible. Short items, letters to the editor, and 
cartoons are included as filler where necessary, and are always taken from issues 
contemporary with the adjacent major articles. With a few exceptions due to space 
constraints, the articles are in chronological order. 

The individual pieces that make up The Best of ATTACK! and NATIONAL VAN- 
GUARD Tabloid cover a broad spectrum of topics, including history, philosophy, poetry, 
humor, science, politics — virtually everything that might be of interest to a racially 
conscious person or that might have a bearing on the future of our people. They were, 
however, selected with a single goal in mind: to preserve for posterity and expose to a wider 
audience those articles with a lasting value which were published in the "tabloid years," 
before the present NATIONAL VANGUARD magazine came into being. 

In reading this book you will notice, as I did in reading the original tabloids, an evolution 
in style, in attitude, and in language as you progress from the earlier issues toward the more 
recent ones. Change is an inevitable and necessary consequence of growth. Underlying the 
evolution of the National Alliance is the bedrock of an uncompromising world view. And 
beyond shines a fixed star, the unchanging point toward which all our growth and evolution 
are directed: the survival and advancement of our race. 

One final, personal note: it has taken nearly one year of my life to compile and prepare 
this book for publication. During the course of that year I lost someone very dear to me. I 
wrote her a poem once, the last four lines of which seem to express not only how I felt about 
a dream now gone forever, but how I feel about our dream, the dream embodied in the 
pages which follow, the dream of a White America. 

Now may these lines become as seed, 
To be sown in her, so as she reads, 
She should know these things because 
Of all this dreaming, she's the cause. 



K.A.S. 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

The Nature of the Beast 



What is the Establishment? 

Why, that's easy, you say: the 
Establishment is those persons, 
taken collectively, who run the 
System. 

But who are "those persons"? 
What are their names? 

What, if anything, do they 
have in common? 

How did they get into the 
Establishment in the first place? 
Is one born into it? 

Is it something like a frater- 
nity or a secret society? 

Is great wealth a prerequisite 
for admission? Or is mem- 
bership in the Establishment a 
prerequisite for owning great 
wealth in America? 

There is a great deal of con- 
fusion on these questions 
because of the sloppy but 
prevalent tendency to oquate 
prestige and status — i.e., social 
rank — with power in our 
society. Things don't necessarily 
work that way. 

It is clear that the one 
meaningful criterion for 
distinguishing members of the 
Establishment from non- 
members is power — power to 
make independent decisions 
which directly affect the 
operation of the System. 

In applying this criterion, 
however, it is essential to 
distinguish between apparent 
power, or power of a purely 
formal sort, and real power. 

Military-Industrial Complex 

As an examole. consider the 
oft-mentioned "military- 
industrial complex." The 
standard rhetoric on the subject 
would lead one to the conclusion 
that the brass hats — the 
generals and the admirals who 
make up the military side of the 
complex — are powerful men 
and, hence, part of the 
Establishment. But, as a matter 
of fact, this conclusion is false. 

Most generals and admirals 
exercise virtually no influence 
on the System. The average 
general may have a lot of tanks 
and guns to play with. An ad- 
miral may command a mighty 
aircraft carrier or a whole fleet 
of secretaries and typists in the 
Pentagon. 

But one thing these men may 
not do Is make independent 
decisions. All their gold braid 
does not change the fact that 
they are mere pawns in the 
game — and rather rigidly 
restricted pawns, at that. 

Being allowed to decide 
whether next Tuesday's mission 
will be to blow up village "A" 
instead of village "B" in Viet- 
nam does not constitute real 
power, in the System sense. 
Neither does having the 
authority to write a purchase 
order for one million mess kits, 
aluminum, collapsible. 

This is not to say that there is 
no truth in the Colonel Blimp 
caricatures of the military 
bureaucrat or that much of 
what's wrong in public life today 
is not exemplified in the Pen- 
tagon hierarchy. But the 
example of Douglas MacArthur 
should serve to illustrate what 
can happen when a general 
begins to get ideas too big for his 
brass hat. 

Similar considerations apply 
to much of the industrial side of 



the military-industrial complex 
— although the industrialists, 
because they have money, must 
be scrutinized more carefully 
than the generals, There is no 
denying the fact that any man 
with $500 million in the bank — 
provided he is also moderately 
clever — has a definite potential 
for calling the tune. 

Nevertheless, it is surprising 
how little correlation there is 
between personal wealth and 
real power — in most cases. 

In the first place, the 
manufacturer who owns a $100 
million tire factory by no means 
necessarily has $100 million in 
financial weight to throw 
around. His liquid assets, 
available for buying politicians, 
silencing critics, influencing 
elections, etc., will generally be 
much smaller than his fixed 
assets, such as land, buildings, 
and machinery. He may find 
himself hard pressed just 
keeping his employees' union 
bought off, the IRS off his back, 
and his yacht afloat. 

The average industrialist 
makes his contribution to the 
System not so much by pulling 
the strings as merely by playing 
along with it through his own 
money-grubbing self-interest, 
His control over our lives is 
largely mechanical — the filth 
his factories pour into the air we 
breath and the water we drink, 
the honking, flashing, 
screeching asphalt and neon 
jungle he has built for us to live 
in. 

The control exercised over our 
lives by the System — and, thus, 
by the men of the Establishment 

— is much more profound. It 
reaches into our minds and our 
souls and twists our wills to its 
own ends; it manipulates us and 
subtly persuades us; it corrupts 
us and robs us of our strength 
and our virtue; and, when its 
purpose is so served, it coldly 
snuffs out our lives by the 
millions. 

The War-Makers 
The military-industrial 
complex may glory in wars and 
it may profit from them, but it is 
the Establishment — not the 
generals and the factory owners 

— which makes the basic 
decisions as to whether there 
shall be a war and when and 
against whom. 

American involvement in both 
World Wars gives us an ex- 
cellent example of how the 
Establishment works. Neither in 
World War I nor in World War II 
were the interests of the 
American people served by 
intervention in European con- 
flicts. Yet, in 1917 Wilson 
dragged a reluctant America 
into a European war, and 24 
years later Roosevelt managed 
the same thing. 

In both cases the principal 
actors had been re-elected to the 
Presidency immediately 
beforehand on a platform of 
pacifism and nonintervention. 
And in both cases the mass 
media — principally the press, 
in that pre-TV era — had played 
the vital role of swinging public 
opinion into line behind the 
newly elected instant warriors. 

But neither Wilson nor 
Roosevelt were the ultimate 
decision-makers. Nor was it the 



generals or the industrialists. 

In both cases the decision- 
makers — the men of the 
Establishment — worked behind 
the scenes to further their own 
vital interests at the expense of 
the American people. And they 
exercised the necessary control 
over the System to prevail. 

In World War I those whose 
interests were served were the 
Zionists, who received 
England's pledge, as later ex- 
pressed in the Balfour 
Declaration, to deliver Palestine 
to them, In return they brought 
about U.S. intervention in the 
war on the side of England. 

Their agents in this were Louis 
Brandeis, the Zionist Supreme 
Court justice, who exerted his 
influence directly on Wilson, and 
a number of Jewish newspaper 
publishers who controlled a 
substantial portion of the 
American press. 

In World War II world Jewry 
was faced with its most serious 
crisis in centuries as National 
Socialist Germany moved to 
destroy Jewish power and in- 
fluence in Europe. Again, the 
media played an enormously 
important role in conditioning 
the American people to accept 
the necessity of a European war. 
In the war hysteria generated 
after the fortuitous — but not 
unforeseen — Japanese attack 
on Pearl Harbor, Roosevelt and 
the press were able to sweep the 
public along on a monumentally 
destructive and murderous 
''Crusade in Europe." 

We can again see the same 
process at work where the 
Middle Eastern war is con- 
cerned today. 

The Omnipotent Media 

It is not the generals and it is 
not the industrialists who are 
responsible for the U.S. backing 
Israel. Between them they 
couldn't begin to talk the 
American people into another 
war now. 

But the media could — and 
are. 

The generals and the 
munitions makers have clearly 
recognizable spheres of self- 
interest. Thus, even the most 
credulous elements of the public 
immediately discount anything 
they say. 

Unfortunately, the same is not 
true of the media. First, most 
people do not recognize that the 
media also, because of the 
tightly knit nature of the group 
which controls them, have a 
definite sphere of self-interest. 
Second, the media are truly (and 
inherently) Oriental in their 
subtlety. The average American 
thinks "propaganda" is what a 
plainly labeled spokesman for 
the System tells the people in 
order to keep them happy, win 
their support for a new govern- 
ment program, etc. He simply 
doesn't think anyone would be 
devious enough to try to ac- 
complish the same thing with the 
Wednesday Night Movie, or the 
Six O'clock News, or an 
Associated Press release, or the 
Sunday supplement in his 
morning paper. 

The pride of the media is their 
ability to create the illusion of a 
marketplace of diverse ideas 
and opinions, while in reality 
always representing only their 



own interests. Consider, for 
example, the spectrum of views 
presented by the media on the 
Middle East conflict. Some 
editorial writers are hot for all- 
out U.S. military support of 
Israel, while others feel a little 
less commitment would be more 
appropriate. Most com- 
mentators refer to the fedayeen 
as "terrorists", while some use 
the more neutral term 
"guerrillas." And while some 
columnists rage about "Arab 
aggression," others gently 
remind us of the miserable 
conditions in the Palestinian 
refugee camps. 

But can you name a single 
major newspaper in America 
which advocates that we back 
the Arabs rather than the Jews? 
And when was the last time you 
heard David Brinkley refer to 

Israeli commandos as 

"terrorists"? 

No Choice 
Indeed, we never get both 
sides of an issue from the media, 
but only various views of the 
same side. We are given the 
same sort of "choice" in forming 
our opinions that the Democrats 
and Republicnas present to us 
every four years. 

In today's world many things 
are important and represent 
power: money, the military . . . 
but the most important and 
powerful of all in a modern 
democracy is the mechanism for 
creating and controlling public 
opinion. 

The group which has this 
mechanism in its hands wields 
the ultimate authority. That 
group is the Establishment— or, 
at least, the vital core of the 
Establishment. 

And, in 20th-century America, 
that group is predominantly 
Jewish, 

This may be hard to accept for 
those who have convinced 
themselves that the Establish- 
ment is Standard Oil and the 
Pentagon. In the world of 100 
years ago that would have been 
the case. But today Mr. 
Rockefeller, despite all his 
millions and all his talent for 
deceit and all his conniving, 
grasping, unprincipled am- 
bition, wields less power than 



say, Sam Newhouse, of whom 
most Americans have never 
heard. 

Mr. Newhouse, the publicity- 
shunning son of Jewish im- 
migrants from Russia, doesn't 
own Standard Oil, But he does 
own 28 big-city daily 
newspapers, with a combined 
circulation of more than five 
million. 

The slanted news In one day's 
printing of the Washington Post 
or the New York Times carries 
more weight than all the 
memoranda ever issued by all 
the generals in the Pentagon. 
Needless to say, both these 
papers are in the hands of 
Jewish families. If one considers 
not only direct ownership but 
also indirect control through 
advertising revenue — which is 
the lifebfood of any newspaper — 
virtually every major daily 
newspaper in America is subject 
to the dictates of the Jewish 
Establishment. 

"Mlnitru" 

We are living in the age of the 
mass media. It is an age in 
which new rules apply. No 
longer is it necessary, in order to 
control a nation, for a ruling 
clique to have a monopoly on the 
capital assets and the firepower 
of that nation. 

These days control is exer- 
cised more subtly, but all the 
more surely, by manipulating 
the thoughts and the opinions of 
the populace, Universal literacy, 
which makes every American a 
newspaper reader, and un- 
precedented prosperity, which 
has put a TV receiver in every 
home, insure that that control 
will be all-pervasive. 

There is only one way to fight 
it, and that is to understand what 
it is and who exercises it — and 
then to go after them tooth and 
nail. 

SMASH THE SYSTEM! 

DEATH TO THE 

ESTABLISHMENT! 

(Issue No. 2, 1970) 




This Andy Warhol advertisement for a Jewish nose-job, titled "Before 
and After," was auctioned off in New York last month. An "art" 
collector paid $21,000 for it. 

(ftwt'.No. 8, f9?l) 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Facts of Racial Science Blatantly Suppressed 



One of the most memorable 
features of George Orwell's 
fascinating politico-fiction 
novel, 1984, is the "memory 
hole." Memory holes were the 
small wall orifices scattered 
throughtout the offices and 
corridors of the Ministry of 
Truth (propaganda ministry) 
and giving access to huge in- 
cinerators in the basement of 
that building. Any document, 
photograph, book, or whatever, 
containing evidence of any 
facts displeasing to Big Brother 
or not in accord with the 
Party's line of the moment, 
went into a memory hole. 

Then, using the process of 
"doublethink," the government 
clerk or researcher who had 
just dropped something into a 
memory hole would im- 
mediately forget that that 
evidence had ever existed. 
Thus, facts became "unfacts," 
and any scrap of printed matter 
which might have contradicted 
Big Brother conveniently, 
disappeared. 



All Featherless Bipeds 

Unfortunately for all of us, 
the memory hole has become 
more than a figment of Orwell's 
imagination. It has been in 
wide use in the Western world 
for some time now, not only as 
an aid in rewriting history and 
politics but also for bringing 
science into accord with liberal 
dogma. 

The field of science most 
blatantly abused in this way is 
physical anthropology—more 
specifically, racial science. 

To the liberal it is axiomatic 
that all featherless bipeds are 
"equal' '-not just equal before 
the law or in the sight of God, 
but endowed with equal 
creative potential, equal in- 
tellect, etc. In particular it is 
unthinkable that there might be 
inherent intellectual or 
psychic differences among the 
races of man. 

The quite manifest racial 
differences in behavior, 
temperament— and, especially, 
achievement^are explained 
away as being due solely to 



exploitation or repression of the 
"disadvantaged" race. For 
liberal doctrine holds that race 
is only skin-deep— strictly a 
matter of color nothing else. 

But there are also profound 

and highly significant physical 

and anatomical differences'" 

beside color— among the races. 

Smaller Brains 

Negroes, for example, have 
brains which are substantially 
smaller, on the average, than 
those of Caucasians. Negro 
skulls are" thicker, their cranial 
structure is more primitive, 
and their cranial sutures fuse 
at an ealier age than is the case 
with Whites. 

This is not racist theory but 
scientific fact, which has been 
carefully observed in 
thousands of autopsies and 
comparative anatomical 
studies. It was, until a few 
years ago, readily accessible to 
the inquiring reader in any 
encyclopedia worthy of the 
name. 

Today, however, it has 
become "unfact," The sections 



on race in the latest editions of 
all the major encyclopedias 
have been rewritten, not for the 
sake of scientific updating but 
for the sake of deleting all 
material which might suggest 
the possibility of inequality 
among races, particularly 
between Negro and White. All 
the carefully compiled 
measurements on cranial 
structure, brain size, etc. have 
gone down the memory hole. 

The 1967 edition of En- 
cyclopaedia Britannica, for 
example, offers exactly two 
sentences, on the physical 
characteristics of Negroes: 
"The general characteristics of 
Negro populations are: a dark 
skin, woolly hair, thick lips and 
a high freqency of the cDe (Ro) 
blood group (see BLOOD 
GROUPS). Most of these 
populations are characterized 
by a short and broad nose, a 
protruding lower part of the 
jaw (prognathism) and legs 
that are long compared with 
the trunk." (Volume 16, p. 187) 



Hoked-UD History 

After approximately one 
page of exposition on other 
matters pertaining to the 
Negro, there follows a 17-page 
panegyric on the American 
Negro. Obscure Blacks with no 
material or historical achieve- 
ments are written up as 
though they were important 
and great people, giving the 
impression that the develop- 
ment of the United States has 
been a matter of more-or-less 
equal partnership between 
Black and White Americans. 

Nowhere is there mention of 
the biometric facts given in 
earlier editions of the en- 
cyclopedia. 

There can be no doubt 
whatever as to the reason for 
this omission. It has certainly 
not been to save space, for the 
number of pages devoted to the 
Negro is larger in the current 
edition than in any previous 
edition. No, the intentions of 
Britannica's editors are quite 
evident. They want us to un- 



Negro 



BiJMlTIVE PEOPLES 



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»^£hirtg 

Bjian Islands in 

r the Philippine* 

% prefer $o the 

Collective term of 

the ttfe wfcicn 

toe characteristics 



h<?me beiag icuth of 
. 14&fin*d line running 
a south-easterjy trend 
Ttna. In this tract 
nearest relatives, the 
tft of the last -mentioned 
Bushman and HbUeo* 
to the 'negro it 
lera, the tightly 
prognathism; 
and CUlturd 

l ^^^ ap*» ♦ ^rf^^^^s ■ 

ifctuiof* 

trnUsia 



■ iifif&'aifr, 

,M* eyes dark 
broad and fiat; 



among the Bantu, who are also as a rutc lew tall, less. 
Jess platyrrhine and jess dark| A few tribes m thcX,, 
negro domain '(the Weilc d(strtct Of Belgian Con&>) ^ 
tendency to round hc^d, shorter suture #d fairer comply 
but there seerni reason to suppose that they have jrccdvc, 
inftisioTi of Libyan £o> leas probablyllaruitic)orNe||rilo blo@& 

The colour of the skji;, which is also distinguished by a velvety 
surface and a characteristic odour, is due not io the presence of 
any speciaipigmen^ btit to the-$reateV abundance of the colour* 
fhg matterln Mt' 'M^ighiatt; mucous* membrane between the 
inner or Jn& ; skfo arid ttte epidewniiTpr ScaTf .sBn'. 1 ThJKoIonrfog 
matter b not dktribu0gd '"eQuaat^^yie^ die -=-.l^dy,' and does hot 
Xg$k its : fullest devifepment until some weeks after birth; 
so that new-bora babies are a reddish chocolate orcopper colour. 
But excess of pigraent*fion is not confined to t|e skin* spots 
of pigment are often fojund Jn some of the internal organs, such 
as the liver; s|lecti, &c, Other characteristics appear to be a 
hypertrophy of the Organs of excretion, a more developed venous 
system, and & less voiorniaous brain, as compared with the 
white races. '!f 

in certain Of the characteristics mentioned above the negro 
would appear to stand on * lower evolutionary plane than the 
: W$& $^Wto&,Wt*-tif$dy **k*W to the highest anthro- 
, Br*. # c ^V»*ct*rist|ce »r« Jes^tti of arih/itagsaansifc 
* *^TX mas^ecrarnum ^ith la^^grgomlUc arenes, flat nose 

™**fe<* : W ¥»V *» * nSt * <«** «&»& to ck»«er relation 
t<**h*J^er*^ - ^ ^v 

±W^^W<* m inferior to the white. The remafi oi 

*' Kf?5 *^ ^£3#*fe m& o* the ne*to to America, 

■urn ##^w^^ 

sSl8£K £ t58?* JMH -**»rt^ mm Place 
5l2&^** ,, *i WMfyWdli* to Jodolencr We must 
£2^*522? *¥* &*****&it of the nSo and S 
SnSTiSfttSS:- W^>*^»^SvotSof 



puhi&n question 
irer, and mth it 

fey of .'these 



H-M 



*<*^W^mm sutures and lateral 
bone** 



witfr 

B$ 

are 

btition 

peoples 

Id our 

them, 

*ess-~ 

ieta 



The verdict is that the negto does belong 
to an inferior race. His brain capacity 
is poorer, its construction simpler. Hi's 
psychological type, on ike average, is lower, 
most notably in the matters of judgment 
^d inhibition^ or self-control, It is in 
ie^y ; r ; this respect that'" alcohol | and other drugs 
which paralyze self -ponfrol , are his enemies. 

If the anthropologist could report other- 
wise, no doubt he would. His study of 
mankind, and his interest in human types, 
tend towafd hjmianity and sympathy 
with those whom "he studies; an4 he has 
no desire to^tiport anything which would 
lead to other feelings. But the interests 
of scientific truth are paramount, not 
, Hjerely because truth is truth, but because 
we must Jqiow in order to control, and 
because false hopes are not worth fostering. 
Impartial students in the United States 
report very unfavorably on the influence 
- of the ra^e of tower psychological type upon ; 
the Jess ^ (^trolled members of what is 
really the higher race. Many of the least 
pleasing features of American civilizationj 
seem to bejdttg-tathis vitiating fac tor. 



MOST OLDER EDITIONS of encyclopedias have been consigned to 
the flames, destroying all mention of racial differences which 
would otherwise be available to students. In a few secondhand book 
shops and out-of-the-way libraries the proscribed information can 
still be found, however. The photograph above is from the 11th 
edition of Encyclopaedia Britanica (Volume XIX, page 344); that 
on the right, above, is from The Book of Popular Science (Volume 
II), published in 1931 by the Grolier Society. The apologetic tone of 
this reference reveals the pressure already being applied 40 years 
ago to suppress the truth. Another source of current information on 
racial differences is advanced medical texts on anatomy and 
surgery. These are apparently considered sufficiently esoteric and 
inaccessible to the general public as to be ' 'safe.'* 



*& *fie latter have been affe< 
*$ost black vEtZ ™? r^P l >rown, al- 
JWXlUy halt of tttHrrfwP* ■■■ 8 5 or »' black 

thfak Srdffii^ 6 ^^ very 
Hon Ah^wSHJ^r• v Kr ,, a P^^aature ossirlca- 



own< 
of th] 

school 

founts 
Ei 



derstand that Negroes are 
simply human beings who 

happen to have dark skins, and 
any troublesome facts which 
might distract us from this 
fundamental theme have 
simply been fed to the In- 
cinerator. 

And to take the place of those 
troublesome facts an entire 
pseudo-history has been hoked 
up, In this pseudo-history a 
hapless mulatto who wandered 
into the British line of fire at 
Boston is elevated into an 
inspired leader of the American 
Revolution; Admiral Peary's 
Black manservant, whom he 
carted along with him on his 
arctic expeditions, becomes an 
Intrepid explorer and co- 
discoverer of the North Pole; 
Black cowboys help tame the 
West; and Black military 
leadens play a crucial role in 
the evolution of the U.S. Army. 
Artificial S«lf-E»teem 

Perhaps the motives of 
Britannica's editors are as pure 
as the driven snow. It may be 
that they feel that In an era of 



By John Sullivan 

The American people pride 
themselves on being "free 
men," pragmatic and rational 
beings who bow before no man 
and only slighUy, if at aLI, 
before gods. Not for them the 
degraded and obsequious 
respect for aristocracy, 
tradition, hierarchical religion, 
and all the other leftovers from 
bad, old Europe! 

Like all of America's myths, 
this is so many sheep drop- 
pings; for in actuality the 
American people, taken 
together, constitute the most 
credulous, superstitious mass 
of mindless serfs in the history 
of the world and the most 
ignominious mob of grovelers 
and lickspittles since the Helots 
of Sparta. 

Cocksure Clods 

The "free" citizen of Moronia 
trembles not before the enigma 
of existence. Your cocksure, 
TV-saturated clod, puffed up 
with all the pseudoscience and 
ludicrous twaddle which passes 
for education, is beyond such 
medieval hangovers. Yet he 
"believes," with the faith of 
little children, in "progress," in 
"education," in "freedom," in 
"equality," and in all the idiotic 
fuss and fuddle of plutocratic 
democracy. He nods gravely 
over the asinine emissions of 
Ph.D.'s and finds his ideal of 
the true and the good in the 
creations of advertising and 
public-relations charlatanry. In 
brief, Mororua's substitute for 
religion is a thousand times 
more obnoxious and a million 
times more improbable than 
the real thing at its very worst. 

Even when he possesses 
religious feelings, the 
American is bound, nine times 
out of ten, to express it in 
outlandish forms. If he tends 
toward liberalism, the 
Unitarian or Quaker quackery 
suffices to satisfy his spiritual 
needs. If conservatism is hjj 
thing, he is sure to find balm for 
his soul in the tatterdemalion 



increasing racial tension and 
conflict they can help bring 
about harmonious relations 
between the races by artif ically 
providing the Negro with a 
sense of self-esteem he has 
previously lacked. 

Almost certainly some of 
those writers and editors who 
have stretched the truth out of 
shape in order to write the new 
Black histories which are 
coming off the presses these 
days feel that their altruistic 
end justifies their rather shady 
means. 

But what of the scientists, the 
anthropologists? Can they 
possibly excuse the suppression 
of the truth and the perversion 
of their profession simply 
because It might hurt 
someone's feeling to teach that 
Negroes have more bone and 
less grey matter above their 
collars than Whites do?. 

No one asks that the an- 
thropologist Label the Negro as 
"inferior." That requires 
making a value judgement, 
which is quite a different thing 



from simply expounding the 
facts of racial differences, 

If it is embarrassing to the 
professor to have to 
acknowledge that the Negro 
skull is more lt apellke" than 
the Caucasian skull, he can 
always point out Caucasian 
hair is more akin to that of the 
apes than Is Negro hair-or, 
more properly, Negro wool. So 
what? 

Doctrinaire Obaessloni 

Are we so frightened of the 
possibility that the facts of 
race, if widely disseminated, 
might lead to some social and 
political re-evaluations that we 
must pretend that what is so is 
not so? 

Must we make "un- 
fact'* of fact in order to keep 
our civilization from coming 
apart at the seams? 

Have we not yet learned, at 
this late date, that the truth will 
always out, sooner or later, and 
that to persist in ignoring it 
must Inevitably make the day 
of reckoning more painful? 



Have our scholars, our 
scientists, our learned men In 
this enlightened era so little 
sense of duty and propriety that 
they will continue to aid rmther 
than oppose those whose 
doctrinaire obseiiorn make 
them emenies of truth? 

The Ue of Lys enkoiam 

The sad actuality is that for 
practically all anthropologists 
there has been no real moral 
struggle at all over this issue. It 
has been very easy for thera to 
"go along in order to get 
along." 

In the Soviet Union those who 
for decades accepted and 
taught Lysenkoisra to their 
students, knowing all the while 
they were teaching a He, at 
least had the excuse that the 
NKVD was watching them. 

Which all goes to prove two 
things: First, that the threat of 
being burned at the stake or 
liquidated by the secret police 
is by no means necessary to 
assure doctrinal orthodoxy. 



Moral terror and the herd in- 
stinct are quite sufficient It is 
safe to say that the average 
American university professor 
is more afraid of being labeled 
a "racist" and ostracized by 
the liberal university 
Establishment than his Soviet 
counterpart feared that mid- 
night knock: on tho door. 

And, second, that the 
stereotype of the typical 
professor-scientist as a eleax- 
eyed seeker of the truth la as 
phony as a three-dollar bill. The 
true pioneers, rebels, ind 
iconoclasts, who were able, to 
recognize truth amid the 
prejudices and dogmas of their 
day and then were wilting to 
make real sacrifices for the 
sake of that truth— the Brunos, 
the Galileos, and even the 
Scopeaes — have always been as 
different from their more 
pedestrian colleagues as is thai 
day from the night 

[fsme Vb J, iv^l\ 



On Plutocracy in America 



bufoonery of fundamentalism 
with its sexually psychopathic 
revivalist syndrome. 

Dignity of worship, like all 
other manifestations of 
superiority and culture, elicits 
no response from the "free" 
American, Thus the startling 
number of zany, ugly, and 
brutal religions that have 
sprouted up on American soil; 
Jehovah's Witnesses, Ad- 
ventists, Holy Rollers, 
Christian Scientists-every 
conceivable bird of prey in the 
aviary of man's credulity, And 
these from a people supposedly 
enlightened and liberated from 
the burden of their Gothic 
heritage. 

Pliant Careerists 

Nor does the Americano bend 
before kings, defile before 
caudillos, commissars, and 
likesuch. His leaders are, like 
himself, living embodiments of 
the national character and, 
therefore, half-wits ... or so 
they appear to be. If a man of 
real ability, independent 
habits, sound vision, and true 
culture presented himself to the 
electorate, he would be laughed 
to scorn, and if he offended 
democratic sensibilities too 
deeply he might find his life in 
actual danger. If such a person 
were to venture into politics he 
would have to hide his light 
under a bushel of platitudes, 

This is why the Presidency, 
ever since John Quincy Adams 
vacated it, has been a refuge 
for outright scoundrels and 
pliant careerists. This resultant 
lack of leadership is why 
plutocracy has been able to loot 
and degrade us to its heart's 
content. 

It used to be that every so 
often a really independent man 
would slip into office, or that 
once in office a formerly pliable 
party hack would try to upend 
his masters. Andrew Jackson is 
a good example of this, as is 
Lincoln, who for most of his life 
was the very epitome of the 
opportunistic, gasbag 



politician. When he gave 
evidence of wanting to create a 
true nation out of the ruins of 
the Civil War, he was 
assassinated. 

Lincoln's Vice-President, 
Andrew Johnson, was almost 
driven out of office by Thad- 
deus Stevens and his horde of 
race-mixers and financiers. 
Johnson's lenient policy toward 
the South and his anti-Semitism 
constituted a grave threat to 
the Northeastern Anglo- 
Yiddish plutocracy which took 
over this country In 1865 and 
has held it ever since. 
What America Is All About 

Now, however, since the 
people have grown far more 
stupid and the techniques of 
brainwashing more expert, the 
System is hermetically sealed 
against talent, vision, and 
honesty, I firmly believe that 
every public official in the 
United States, from the Justice 
of the Peace in Nowheresville 
up to the President himself, is a 
bona fide criminal who, under 
normal conditions and under 
any other system, would be in 
the penitentiary. Yet, this is the 
leadership that America 
deserves, the type that 
most closely approximates the 
national Zeitgeist. ..for, isn't 
money-grubbing and swindling 
what America is all about, 
anyhow? 

Nor does the golden realm of 
art entice them with its 
treasures. The average 
American is definitely no 
aesthete. Refinements oi 
sound, of form, of utterance, 
never intrude upon hia 
workaday Weltanschauung, 
and his art, such as it is, 
reflects his total immunity to 
beauty. In soup-cao por- 
traiture, psychedelic clap-trap, 
glass-box architecture, and 
rock music the American has 
finally found a culture low 
enough for his tastes; Just as in 
Richard Nixon, John Lindsay, 
the Kennedys, and Lyndon 
Johnson has he found leaders 



who correspond to his swinishly 
debased notion of what 
leadership is all about. And so 
he revels in it, wallows In it, 
enjoying-mongrel that he is— 
the sights and sounds, the 
aromas and flavors of 
mediocrity and Ignominy, this 
is so-called "freedom," This is 
the state of being which your 
pragmatic, rational, scientific, 
20th-century superman finds so 
superior to the culture of his 
ancestors, 

Demo-man' i Deity 

No! Neither God nor art nor 
hero are held in high regard 
by demo-man. But be does have 
a deity-a totem, if you wish- 
before which he prostrates 
himself, a hero to him more 
heroic than Lancelot I have 
never met an American who 
did not venerate,, adore, wor- 
ship, and palpitate over a rich 
man, especially a "self-made" 
rich man. No courtier ever 
fawned more over his master, 
no oriental eunuch bowed lower 
than our "free-and-equal" 
fellaheen do when caressing the 
stinking toes of some supcr- 
avaricious, extra- 
unscrupulous, organically 
malicious creature from the 
lower depths who has nuzzled 
and clawed his way to the top of 
the mercantile dunghill, 

Inherited wealth, however, is 
always suspect in the eyes of 
demo-man. Its possessor did 
not "earn it" and is, therefore, 
tainted and might be given to 
Heliogabolic vices like art 
collecting or classical music. 
The self-made plutocrat, on the 
other hand, is covered with the 
scars of mercantile combat and 
the sin of leisure has not yet 
scented away the stench of the 
marketplace. 

I am not insinuating that 
people like the Rockefellers 
are in any way superior to the 
New Money crowd, t only point 
out the pathological American 
respect for the man who 
"makes a million 1 ' on his own 
and the equally pathological 



haired for anything that evi-n 
faintly mumbles aristocracy. 
The monstrous inheritance 
taxes are proof enuugh of thus 
attitude, as, in fact, thai in 
order to survive, the scion of 
inherited wealth must prove 
how "democratic" hei u» by 
clowning in true "evcryman" 
style. Witness the election-time 
psntomines of Nelson 
Rockefeller and, more to the 
point, the case of his nephew, 
who recently emerged from » 
year as a ghetto resident, ! 
hub in it that a man who lea von a 
comfortable baronial estate to 
dwell with criminal negroids. 
and half-breed Puerto Ricans 
cannot possibly enjoy it unless, 
he is some sort otf freak. This 
may well be the ense. But it is 
more likely that the young 
Rockefeller was ordered into 
Spanish Harlem as part of the 
overall campaign to 
democratize rns family's 
image. 

American National Faith 
Truly the self -mad* man is 
cock-of- Die- walk in the United 
States. Sverytime some 
vulgar oaf gets rich by con- 
cocting some fresh precocity of 
a swindle the System is 
strengthened, because tve has 
helped keep the National Faith 
alive; Ihe cement that holds all 
the dissipate elements together 
tn a semblance of nationhood- 
the hope that 200 million TV- 
watchers cultivate >n their 
beart of hearts, the beck.onin|[ 
horiion toward which V00 
million autornible drivers are 
speeding, the goal that keeps 
the mob steadfast in its, pursuit 
of " happiness," ' trie vision for 
which .11 ttu* national 
platitudes are but a facade— the 
AU - American Dream thai 
you, too. with the proper 
education, luck, and jus l. pUun 
skill at conniving, can be rich 
and, therefore, wise and-who 
knows.i .-mavbe even be*uttf ui 



! M 






THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Natural Foods and Health 




In any community a stranger 
who wants an Introduction to 
local right-wing circles needs 
only walk into the nearest 
"health food" store. There, 
among the shelves of sunflower 
seeds, dried seaweed, and 
wheat germ he Is sure to rub 
elbows with any number of 
LOLITS, Minute Men, Bir- 
chites, and others of a 
generally rightist hue-and 
perhaps a few SDS'ers too, for 
many members of the New Left 
have also shown a growing 
interest in so-called health 
foods in the last couple of years. 
Certified Crackpots 

Unfortunately, he will also 
meet his fill of diet faddists, 



religious wierdoes, certified 
crackpots, and even a few 
paranoiacs who are dead 
certain that all food preser- 
vatives and chemical additives 
are part of a communist plot to 
poison America. This fringe 
element has, in fact, rather 
colored the public's mental 
image of the average heaith- 
food consumer, giving a 
Bomwh&t crankiah or oddball 
aspect to the whole health-food 
picture. 

This is. a shame, because 
there are interesting im- 
plications to the recent surge in 
the popularity of health foods, 
particularly those which also 



Drugs and 

rs ago the student Thus, he cannot write on some 



Ten years 
who used illegal drugs was 
likely to be looked upon by his 
peers as both a criminal and a 
person with serious personal 
problems— as was more often 
than not the case. 

Certainly, there were young, 
White drug users before 1960. 
But, outside a few com- 
munities, they were a rarity. 
Marijuana was almost as 
scarce on most university 
campuses as was. herom. 

Itis, in fact, quite difficult for 
today's average undergraduate 
to imagine just how drastically 
student attitudes toward drugs 
have changed in the few short 
years during which drug usage 
has passed from a curiosity to a 
fact of everyday life. 

Most Significant 
Development 

Other things— attire, jargon, 
sexual attitudes— also un- 
derwent a fairly radical 
transformation during the 
1960's. But the vast and sudden 
increase in the use of drugs by 
young people easily stands as 
the most significant social 
development, not only of the 
last decade but of our 
generation. If that statement 
sounds like an exaggeration 
now, it certainly will not a year 
from now, so rapidly is the 
phenomenon still developing. 

The editor should confess at 
this point that, other than a few 
puffs of pot to see what the stuff 
tastes like, he has never had 
any drug "experiences. ,f For 
that matter, he has never 
smoked tobacco and his 
alcoholic comsumption is 
limited to an occasional beer. 




drug-related matters with the 
same sort of authority a 
member of Alcoholics 
Anonymous can boast of when 
warning others against demon 
rum, for example. 

On the other hand, he is by no 
means a total outsider to the 
drug scene. He has many 
friends who use, or once used, 
pot regularly, just as he has 
many friends who use tobacco 
ami alcohol- 

Drugs a Social Evil 

One of the four basic points of 
the NYA program states our 
unequivocal opposition to 
illegal drugs and to those who 
promote their use. This op- 
position is by no means based 
on religious or "moral" con- 
siderations or on any sort of 
"conservative" foot-dragging 
Where something new and 
different is concerned. 

We oppose drug usage 
because it is harmful to human 
society in general and because, 
at this point in time, it presents 
a clear threat to the survival of 
our civilization. More in- 
clusively, we feel that the 
widespread usage of any 
harmful, intoxicating, or 
debilitating substance is a 
social evil— and an indicator of 
social sickness. 

Some substances are much 
more harmful than others, or 
harmful in different ways, and 
some types of usage of a given 
substance represent a greater 
social evil than other usages. 

Tobacco and Alcohol 

It may be useful to briefly 
discuss tobacco and alcohol 
before going on to the illegal 
drugs. There can be little 
doubt that tobacco causes the 
agonizing death of tens of 
thousands of Americans every 



fall in the category of 

"natural" foods. 

It is easy to i&e this trend as a 
growing rejection, on the part 
of the more sensitive elements 
in the population, of our over- 
organized, over-crowded, over- 
adulterated, over-mechanized, 
over-synthesized, over-polluted 
civilization; as a yearning for 
the simple instead of the 
complex, for the natural or 
"real" instead of the artificial 
or ( 'plastic," for the plain and 
homely instead of the slick and 
gimmicky, for the pure and 
pristine instead of the 
preserved and refined. 

But is there, perhaps, more to 
it? Is man's instinct for sur- 
vival, as well as his esthetic 
outrage, asserting itself? One 
might almost suspect that to be 
the case, in the light of recent 
studies by UCLA an- 
thropologist R.D. McCracken. 

Man a Meat-Eater 

Ancient man, according to 
McCracken, was a healthier 
animal than modern roan-at 
least where his eating habits 



are concerned. Before the 
advent of agriculture, a bare 10 
millennia ago, man lived on a 
diet of fish, game, edible roots 
and berries, and fruit. This was 
his diet during a period of 
millions of years-many 
thousands of muUennia-as he 
evolved from his subhuman 
primate ancestors. 

Thus, his body chemistry had 
ample opportunity, through the 
slow process of mutation and 
natural selection, to adapt itself 
perfectly to this diet. 

Then, almost overnight on 
the evolutionary time scale, 
man's diet underwent a radical 
change. Instead of meat and 
fruit , cereal grains-the 
produce of agriculture-became 
his staple. 

And this change, says Mc- 
Cracken, played havoc with 
man's body chemistry: "The 
carbohydrates, or starches, are 
an unnatural diet for him." 

McCracken traced the rise in 
prevalence of a long list of 
degenerative diseases, in- 
cluding heart disease, stroke, 



schizophrenia, alcoholism, and 
some forms of diabetes and 
cancer, to man's increasing 
ingestion of grains and other 
high-carbohydrate foods-such 
as sugar. 

"Two hundred years ago the 
per-capita consumption of 
sugar in England was about 7Mi 
pounds a year," he said. 
"Today it is 120 pounds." 

He pointed out that it is 
precisely during the last 
century or so that almost all the 
degenerative diseases have 
assumed such devastating 
importance in the morbidity 
and mortality statistics. 

It is comforting to think that 
we now have scientific backing 
for our vague and undefined 
feeling that the highly artificial 
nature of modern man's 
selection of edibles is somehow 
"wrong." 

(Issue No. 3, 1971) 




mencan 



Youth 



year through lung cancer and 
emphysema alone. Tobacco is 
an extremely harmful sub- 
stance to those individuals who 
smoke it. 

Yet, from the racial or social 
viewpoint, tobacco is a 
relatively minor evil. Those 
whom its long-range effects 
strike down are nearly always 
well into middle age and have 
already sired or borne children. 
The race is neither harmed nor 
helped by their departure. 

Furthermore, cigarettes do 
not play a really major or 
significant role in our society, 
despite their omnipresence. 
Although they are addictive, 
they are only slightly in- 
toxicating, and our life mode 
and social institutions would 
change relatively little if we did 
away with them althogether— 
which is not a bad idea. 

Alcohol is a different sotry. 
Its effect on our gene pool is 
certainly larger than that of 
tobacco, but still relatively 
minor. Its net racial effect is, if 
anything, beneficial, in that it 
tends to remove the least fit 
elements from the breeding 
population. 



Its social impact, on the other 
hand, is vastly greater than 
tobacco's. Alcoholism must be 
ranked among the major social 
problems of our day. It is ex- 
tremely harmful, not just to the 
individuals and families it 
touches directly, but to society 
as a whole. 

A Booze Tradition 

And yet it is difficult to 
condemn alcohol itself as an 
unmitigated evil. 

WhaT could' be more 
satisiying than a glass of cold 
beer on a hot summer evening? 

Beer and wine have been an 
integral part of the life of the 
European peoples since 
prehistoric times, and there are 
so many rich and fine traditions 
associated with them that 
giving them up altogether 
would constitute a major 
cultural trauma. 

With alcohol the trouble 
probably lies more in certain 
types of usage than in the 
nature of the substance itself. 
When alcoholic beverages are 
comsumed strictly as food or 
refreshment, we can find little 
to criticize. They become 
socially harmful only when 
large numbers of pleple con- 
sume them for their in- 
toxicating effect— when they 
become a means of escape 
from reality instead of a 
relaxing draught or a social 
lubricant. 

Although we can certainly 
accept the abolition of alcohol if 
there proves no other way to 
curb its evil social effects, 
it would seem that the better 
approach is to set about 




building the sort of healthy 
society in which there will be 
far fewer people than at 
present who feel the need to 
escape into a bottle. 

The Illegal Drugs 

When we consider the illegal 
drugs— marijuana, hashish, 
LSD, cocaine, heroin. . . — we 
again must make distinctions 
and qualifications. 

First, we can state without 
qualification that the strongly 
addicting drugs, of which 
heroin is the most important, 
have absolutely no place in our 
society under any conditions. 
The growing menace of the 
"hard" drugs must be coun- 
tered effectively and soon. 

Neither the weak half- 
measures presently being 
employed by U. S. law en- 
forcers nor Britain's welfare- 
state idiocy, which merely 
requires that drug users 
register with the government 
before receiving their narcotics 
dole from their neighborhood 
pharmacy, can cope with the 
problem. 

Hang Pushers 

The National Youth Alliance 
believes that a two-fold ap- 
proach must be used. First, a 
steel- hard enforcement policy 
is required. Those who illegally 
manufacture, import, broker, 
transport, distribute, promote, 
or sell hard drugs or in any way 
collaborate with or aid those 
who do should be dealt with 
swiftly and ruthlessly. Publicly 
hanging these people, after 
summary trials, is too good for 
them, but it should suffice. And 
that is meant literally, not 
figuratively. 



Second, just as in dealing 
with alcoholism, a long-term 
mending of the flaws in our 
society which cause so many 
people to turn to drugs is 
required. 

Actually, these two phases of 
our approach to the drug 
problem must go hand in hand. 
Clearly the decrepit, liberal, 
corrupt, and gutless govern- 
ment with which America is 
now cursed will never adopt a 
really tough and effective 
enforcement policy. 

Problem Grows Worse 
Nixon and his predecessors 
have financed innumerable 
studies, issued solemn reports, 
made inspirational speeches, 
instituted new "get-tough" 
policies, announced sen- 
sational drug seizures— but all 
that is just so much sound and 
fury, signifying nothing. The 
hard reality remains that the 
drug menace continues 
growing year by year, day by 
day. 

Can you imagine the present 
administration ordering the 
public hanging of even one 
heroin peddler — and even if 
the law allowed it and even 
after he had been duly con- 
victed and that conviction had 
been upheld by every appellate 
court in the land? Unthinkable! 
Prohibition as an Example 
The problem of effective 
enforcement goes far beyond 
the liberal paralysis of our 
legislatures and courts, to 
whom the civil rights of the 



drug pushers are more sacred 
than the health and well-being 
of all the rest of society. The 13- 
year attempt by the United 
States government, between 
1920 and 1933, to curtail the sale 
of ^alcoholic beverages serves 
as a cogent and concise 
illustration. 

After prohibition legislation 
had been enacted, the govern- 
ment put a great deal of effort 
into its enforcement. And 
certainly the authorities did 
succeed in putting many a 
speakeasy out of business, 
breaking up many an illegal 
distillery, and putting a 
number of gangsters behind 
bars. But the government 
failed utterly in achieving the 
basic aim of prohibition, 
namely, the prevention of the 
consumption of alcohol and the 
corollary suppression of all 
alcohol's attendant ills. 
Official Corruption 

A key element in this failure 
was the government's inability 
to deal effectively with the 
organized criminals who 
controlled the immensely 
profitable liquor business. The 
gangs diverted millions of 
dollars of their illegal booze 
profits into the pockets of 
corrupt judges, police officials, 
mayors, governors, and 
Congressmen, 

This massive bribery gave 
the gangs the protection they 
needed to carry on their 
business. Unless the govern- 
ment were prepared to 



thoroughly clean out its own 
stables at every level, from the 
ward and precinct 

headquarters on up— and it was 
not— it could not realistically 
hope to stamp out the 
prohibition— era gangs, thus 
breaking the backbone of the 
booze trade once and for all. 
And we are faced with even 
worse official corruption today 
than in the 1920' s. It would be 
going too far afield from the 
central topic of this policy 
statement to explore all the 
ramifications of governmental 
corruption and its possible 
cures. 

Without attempting to 
present a solution for that 
problem here, let us simply 
reiterate the two steps which, 
in one way or another, must be 
taken in order to eliminate the 
menace of hard drugs: (1) 
ruthless, even brutal ex- 
termination of the organized 
criminal apparatus of drug 
distribution and (2) a long-term 
rebuilding of our society on a 
sane, healthy, and natural 
basis. 

The Pot Problem 

Marijuana is really in a class 
by itself. All available evidence 
seems to indicate that its use 
does not result in physical 
addiction. Although ex- 
perimental data on the long- 
term physiologicaleffects of pot 
smoking are far from complete 
at this time, the smoke from 
marijuana does seem to be at 



least as rich in tar and other 
carcinogens as tobacco smoke. 

It would be the sheerest folly, 
however, to rate pot as no 
worse than tobacco. The reason 
is that a substantial portion of 
the persons who smoke pot 
regularly do so in order to 
become intoxicated— to have a 
"high." 

Marijuana is the accepted 
means of escape from reality 
for the rapidly growing number 
of young, White Americans who 
have decided to drop out and 
turn on. A whole subculture 
based on the weed has sprung 
up in the last decade. And, in 
case you didn't know, it's 
another world, man! 

Drano, Anyone? 

Now, the NYA is not alarmed 
because we have a small 
minority of persons in our 
society who have self- 
destructive urges, If an in- 
dividual wants to mess up his 
insides by drinking Sterno 
squeezings— or even Drano, for 
that matter— that's his 
business. There's very little 
danger that either Sterno or 
Drano will catch on. 

But pot has caught on. It is no 
longer an individual problem, 
but society's problem. It is a 
problem because it offers an 
escape, an easy out, for those 
who have taken a look at the 
world and found it so seriously 
wanting that they don't want to 
become a part of it. 



Human Garbage 

There is, of course, plenty of 
plain human garbage- 
weaklings and rejects and 
antisocials of every sort— 
among those who have joined 
the drug culture. But there are 
too many who are basically 
sound— and perhaps because of 
that very soundness have 
rejected an ugly, dirty, and 
senseless world with which 
they feel out of tune. 

We need those people; 
America needs them; our race 
needs them. They should be 
even more highly motivated 
than most of the members of 
the "straight " culture to make 
the revolutionary changes in 
our world that must be made if 
we are to survive. 

Withdrawing . . . escaping . . . 
dropping out may ease the 
pressure on the individual, but 
it will never get the problem 
solved— regardless of all the 
hostility and revolutionary 
rhetoric directed at the "pigs" 
and other straights. 

Revolutions are made and 
civilizations are maintained by 
people with clear heads and the 
self -discipline to face problems 
squarely until they are solved, 
not by those who head for cloud 
nine whenever the going gets 
tough. So let's get with it, 
man! 

(Issue No. 3, 1971) 



Lighting Up the Tibetan Plateau With Chairman Mao 



An enormous amount of 
Chinese Communist propaganda 
materia! comes into this 
country, where it is diligently 
distributed by such 
Peking-oriented groups as the 
Progressive Labor Party. 

The uninitiated, upon first 
reading through a batch of this 
Chinese material, may begin to 
suspect that the translators who 
rendered it into English were all 
secretly working for Chiang 
Kai-shek. In the first place, 
most of it is incredibly dull, 
dealing with such unstimuiating 
topics as; ''Report of an 
Investigation into the Wukou 
Part-Time Tea-Growing and 
Part-Time Study Middle School 
in Wuyuan County, Kiangsi 
Province.' 1 

Unintentional Humor 

The only thing that keeps the 
reader going beyond the first 
paragraph is the fact that much 
of the material is also hilarious. 
Here, for flavor, are the titles of 
a few articles in recent issues of 
Peking Review and China 
Pictorial: 

"The 125,000-Kw. Steam 
Turbo-Generating Set With a 
Double Internal Water-Cooling 
System, Manufactured by the 
Chinese Working Class Armed 
With Mao Tsetung Thought, Is 
Now In Operation" 

"Mao Tsetung Thought 
Lights Up the Tibetan Plateau" 
"Resolutely Taking the Road 
of Maintaining Independence 
and Keeping the Initiative in 
Our Hands and Relying on Our 
Own Efforts" 

"Unprecedentedly Excellent 
Situation in China's Great 



Proletarian Cultural 
Revolution" 

"Vigorously Grasping 
Revolution and Promoting 
Production, Workers of the 
Shanghai Transformer Plant, 
Working With Greater, Faster, 
Better, and More Economical 
Results, Fulfilled the 1969 
State Production Plan 50 Days 
Ahead of Schedule" (Whew! 
That really tells it like it is.) 

Particularly gripping are 
some of the articles directed 
against the Soviet Union. For 
example: 

"Thoroughly Crush the 
Rapid Aggressive Ambitions of 
Soviet Revisionist 
Social-Imperialism!" 

"Soviet Revisionist Renegade 
Clique Can Only Be Digging Its 
Own Grave in Rapidly 
Opposing China" 

"Soviet People, Rise in 
Struggle, Powerfully Pounding 
at the Reactionary Rule of the 
New Tsars" 

"You Gang of Soviet 
Revisionist Renegades, You 
Have Bullied Us Long Enough" 

"We Will Resolutely, 
Thoroughly, Wholly, and 
Completely Wipe Out All 
Aggressors Who Dare to 
Invade" 

Just Wait, Hatoyama! 

The cake is really taken, 
however, by the "revolu- 
tionary" poems and songs that 
are occasionally printed in 
China Pictorial. Here, believe it 
br not, are the words of an 
inspirational little ditty titled 
"Hatred in My Heart Sprouts a 
Hundredfold": 



I'm furious at the enemy, 

Suppressing my hatred, 1 grind 

my teeth. 

-Hatoyama has tried by every 

means to get the code. 

He killed my granny and my 

dad. 

In desperation he has 

threatened me, 

But I'll stay firm unto death. 

Chewing my hatred, I swallow 

it down 

In my heart to sprout a 

hundredfold. 

No tears I show, to my heart 

they go 

To irrigate flowers of blazing 

fire. 

Flames of rage leap a thousand 

leagues high. 

To consume this reign of filthy 

darkness. 

Arrest me, release me, I'm well 

prepared. 

1 fear not whip and lash, I fear 

not lock and chains. 



I won't give you the code . 

Even if you grind me to 

powder. 

Just wait, Hatoyama, 

This is Tieh-mei's answer! 

Bourgeois Skill 

Propaganda written in this 
country by our home-grown 
brand of Mao-thinkers may not 
be phrased as ludicrously as 
that written in China, but it 
often doesn't make any better 
sense. As an illustration, 
consider the following gem 
from a recent issue of PL, 
Progressive Labor's theoretical 
organ (edited by Mao-theorists 
Milton Rosen and Solomon 
Davidowicz). 

In an article attacking 
Professor Arthur R. Jensen's 
findings on genetic deficiencies 
in Negro intelligence, we read: 



'To accept the ruling class's 
definition of intelligence is to 
fall into the liberal trap that 
black people's problems are due 
to inadequate opportunity to 
learn such bourgeois skills as 
abstract reasoning." 

After going on to make it 
absolutely clear that if there's 
one thing good Mao-thinkers 
have no use for it's a bourgeois 
skill like abstract reasoning, the 
article comes to the conclusion 
that it is precisely because of 
their limited mental horizons 
that Negroes should share the 
leadership of the revolution 
with God's own Chosen Ones: 
"Black workers are the most 
advanced sector of the working 
class. They can provide 
leadership because they are not 
befuddled by bourgeois 
ideology." 

(Issue No. 4, 1971) 



Editor-in-Chief 
Gives Phila 
TV Speech 

ATTACK! 's editor, Dr. 
William Pierce, announced 
to Philadelphia - area TV 
watchers recently NYA's in- 
tention of helping to build a 
new order in American life. 
On August 26 Dr. Pierce gave 
a hard - hitting 10 - minute 
speech over Philadelphia's 
WTAF-TV, outlining NYA's 
goals and activities. 

This unusual opportunity 
for NYA to utilize the facili- 
ties of a mass medium was 
the direct result of a Marxist 



attack. The candidate of the 
Independent Socialist Party 
for mayor of Philadelphia, 
commu-Zionist Marvin Burak, 
had attacked NYA in one 
of his televised campaign 
speeches. 

Burak implied that if his 
principal opponent, Philadel- 
phia Police Chief Frauk Rizzo, 
won the mayoralty race NYA's 
fascist goon squads would 
terrorize and regiment Phil- 
adelphia youth. 

The station which broadcast 
Burak's imaginative speech 
was then obliged by law to 
offer NYA equ«l time for 

a reply. 

In describing NYA's pro- 
gram, Dr. Pierce emphasized 



how NYA stands out from all 
other youth organizations. 
Of all the anti - communist 
youth groups in America, 
only NYA is both militant and 
radical — i.e., with a revo- 
lutionary program; and of 
all the radical, militant youth 
groups, only NYA is anti- 
communist and pro-Ameri- 
can. 

Dr. Pierce displayed the 
Summer 1971 issue of ATTACK! 
to the TV audience and in- 
vited them to write to the 
National Office for a free 
copy. There were a number 
of takers. 

(Issue No. 7, 1971) 



\ 



6 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Why Conservatives Can't Win 



Some of my best friends are 
conservatives. I sincerely like 
them and I admire them for 
their genuine virtues: for their 
sense of propriety and personal 
integrity in an age of 
corruption, for their 
independent spirit and their 
willingness to stand on their 
own feet in an increasingly 
paternalistic society. 

Therefore, I hope my 
conservative friends will forgive 
me for what I am about to 
write. 

A Tragic Choice 

There is not the least doubt 
in my mind that if 1 were 
forced to cast my lot with 
either American conservatism 
or with the left - old or new - 
I would choose conservatism. 

But, fortunately, none of us 
is faced with such a limited 
choice. It would surely be tragic 
if we were. It would be tragic in 
the great sense^ in the 
Spenglerian sense. We would be 
making the choice of Spengler's 
Roman soldier whose b6nes 
were found in front of a door in 
Pompeii - who, during the 
eruption of Vesuvius, died at 
his post because they forgot to 
relieve him. We would be 
choosing what is right and 
honorable and in accord with 
the traditions of our race — and 
certain to fail, 

For conservatives cannot 
possibly emerge victorious from 
the life-or-death struggle in 
which they are presently 
engaged, Although their 
opponents on the radical left 
may not attain their own goals 

— indeed, cannot attain them, 
because they are based on an 
erroneous conception of man 
and Nature - conservatives 
have proved themselves utterly 
incapable of preventing the 
destruction of their own world 
by those same radical leftists. 

Revolutionary Advantage 

Conservatives cannot win 
because the enemy to which 
they are opposed is a 
revolutionary enemy - an 
enemy with revolutionary goals 
and guided by a revolutionary 
view of life, 

The advantage has alway Iain 

— and always wilJ lie — on the 
side of the contender who is 
prepared to take the offensive, 
rather than maintaining a 
defensive position only. And 
the elementary natures of the 
conservative and the 
revolutionary determine that 
the one shall always play an 
essentially defensive role and 
the other an offensive role. 

Besieged vs. Besieger 

This defensive-offensive 
dichotomy does not apply 
absolutely to tactics, of course, 
but it does to strategy. The 
conservative may launch brief 
counterattacks - he may sally 
forth from his fortress to harry 
his revolutionary besieger - but 
in the long run he is always the 
besieged and the revolutionary 
the besieger. 

The goal of the conservative 
is to protect what is, or, at the 



extreme, to restore what 
recently was. The goal of the 
revolutionary is to radically 
transform what is, or to do 
away with it altogether, so that 
it can be replaced by something 
entirely different. 

Raceless Nirvana 

Thus, the conservative talks 
of "restoring the constitution," 
of halting crime in the streets, 
of keeping down taxes, of 
fighting the spread of drugs and 
pornography, of keeping Big 
Government in check. And the 
leftist strives for a utopia in 
which there shall be no war, no 
''repression, 1 ' no 
"discrimination," no "racism," 
no bounds on the individual's 
freedom of action - a raceless 
and effortless nirvana of "love" 
and "equality" and plenty. 

Never-Never Land 

The conservative's goals may 
seem reasonable enough — and 
attainable. The leftist's goals, 
on the other hand, lie in a 
never-never land far beyond the 
horizon of reality. And that is 
precisely what gives the 
advantage to the left. 

When the conservative makes 
some minor gain — getting a 
"constructionist" on the 
Supreme Court or a Republican 
in the White House — he is 
likely to act as if he had just 
won the whole war. He sees the 
achievement of his aims just 
around the corner, he lowers his 
guard, and he settles back to 
enjoy the fruits of his imagined 
victory. But the leftist is never 
satisfied, regardless of what 
concessions are made to his 
side, for his goals always remain 
as remote as before. 

The conservative works in 
fits and spurts, He reacts with 
alarm to new depredations from 
the left, but is satisfied if he is 
able to fall back, Tegroup his 
wagons, and establish a new line 
of defense. The leftist keeps on 
pushing, probing, advancing, 
taking a step back now and 
then, but only to be able to 
take three steps forward later. 

Defeat by Halves 

If the leftist makes new 
demands — for example, for the 
forced racial integration of 
schools or housing — the 
conservative will oppose them 
with a plea to maintain 
"neighborhood" schools and 
"freedom of association." When 
the smoke clears, the leftist will 
have won perhaps half what he 
demanded, and the conservative 
will have lost half what he tried 
to preserve. 

But then the conservative 
will accept the new status quo, 
as if things had always been 
that way, and prepare to defend 
it against fresh attacks from the 
left with the Same ineptitude he 
displayed in defending the old 
position. 

Evil Ideology 

This continually shifting 
position is almost as great a 
disadvantage to the conservative 



as is his chronic inability to 
grasp the initiative. The 
revolutionary left. Ijas an 
ideology, evil and unnatural 
though it may be, and from this 
ideology come the unity and 
the continuity of purpose 
which are indispensable 
prerequisites for victory. 

What can conservatives, on 
the other hand, look to as a 
fighting credo, an immutable 
principle for which they are 
willing to sacrifice all? They 
have been retreating so rapidly 
during the last 50 years or so 
that they have completely lost 
sight of the earlier ground on 
which they stood. It has simply 
receded over the ideological 
horizon. 

"Racists" Are Radicals 

Consider race, for example. 
Half a century ago men Like 
Madison Grant and Lothrop 
Stoddard were spokesmen for 
the conservative position on 
race. They argued eloquently, 
albeit defensively, for the 
preservation of America's racial 
identity by maintaining strict 
barriers against miscegenation, 
adopting sound immigration 
controls, and applying eugenic 
standards to the problem of 
population quality. Today no 
"responsible" conservative 
would be caught with the books 
of either of these men in his 
living-room bookcase, for by 
present conservative standards 
they are both "racists" - 
hence, "radicals" rather than 
safely respectable conservatives, 

Saving the Constitution 

Is there any granite 
outcropping in the midst of the 
shifting sands - any firm 
common ground on which 
conservatives can rally? 

The defense of the 
Constitution, perhaps? 

The Constitution no longer 
exists, except as a scrap of 
paper in the National Archives. 
Its relevance became nil when it 
was no longer able to serve the 
purpose its authors intended for 
it. 

Insuring domestic tranquility 
and promoting the general 
welfare are quite different 
undertakings today than they 
were 200 years ago. Even such a 
fundamental portion of the 
Constitution as its ironclad 
guarantee of the right to keep 
and bear arms has proved to be 
as worthless as the paper it was 
written on. Nor has the 
Constitution's explicit ban 
against legislators who give aid 
and comfort to our enemies 
served to prevent the United 
States Senate from becoming a 
hotbed of treason. 

Free-Enterprise Pitfall 

How about rescuing the 
American free-enterprise system 
from the evil machinations of 
Big Government? 

As a matter of fact, the 
free-enterprise system was still 
relatively intact during the 
period when alien forces 
subverted our government and 
took over our country, and it 



cannot be said that free 
enterprise slowed them down 
even one little bit. The people 
who gained control of our 
biggest newspapers and our 
motion-picture industry and 
our radio and TV networks did 
so with the aid of free 
enterprise, rather than in spite 
of it. 

More than Economics 

These comments should not 
be considered a condemnation 
of free enterprise per se, nor a 
belittling of the importance of 
economic problems in general; 
more than one nation has gone 
to ruin through economic 
mismanagement. The point is 
that America's problems today 
go far deeper than any 
constitutional or economic 
refotms can hope to cure or 
even substantially ameliorate. 

The youth of America are 
smart enough to recognize these 
things for themselves, and, 
consequently, are not to be 
blamed for having few tears to 
shed for the demise of either 
the Constitution or laissez-faire 
capitalism. 



Fanatics Needed 

The left can find plenty of 
misguided young fanatics 
willing to set themselves afire or 
blow up a police station in 
order to further the cause of 
"equality" or "peace." But the 
idea of young men and women 
assembling bombs in candle-lit 
cellars to put an end to the 
progressive income tax or 
social-security deductions is 
simply ridiculous. 

Until conservatives can offer 
something more inspiring, not 
many young Americans will 
rally to their standard. 

Conservatism's two principle 
failings, lack of a spirit of 
aggressive activism and lack of 
any clearly defined ideological 
basis, go hand in hand. The one 
cannot be had without the 
other. 

Ultimate Goals 

In the words of an 
outstanding anti-communist 
leader: "The lack of a great, 



creative idea always signifies a 
limitation of fighting ability. A 
firm conviction of the right to 
use each and any weapon is 
always bound up with a 
fanatical belief in the necessity 
of the victory of a 
revolutionary new order on this 
earth. 

"A movement which is not 
fighting for such ultimate goals 
and ideals will never seize upon 
the ultimate weapon" ... and, 
needless to say, will never 
emerge victorious from a 
struggle with an opponent who 
is so motivated. 

Revolutionary vs. Revolutionary 

Though conservatism cannot 
win against the left, a new 
revolutionary force, with the 
spiritual basis that conservatism 
lacks, and advancing with even 
more boldness and 
determination than the forces 
of the left, can win! 

That new revolutionary force 
is being built now. Its ranks are 
being filled with disciplined, 
idealistic young Americans. 

They have examined and 
found wanting both the 
drugs-and-sex libertinism of the 
left and the economic 
libertinism of the right. 

A New Order 

They are fighting for a new 
order in American life, based 
not on the fads and whims of 
the moment, but on the 
fundamental values of race and 
personality - values which once 
led Western man to the mastery 
of the earth and which can yet 
regain that mastery for him and 
lead him on to the conquest of 
the universe. 

They know that the time is 
Jong past when conservative 
rhetoric or conservative votes 
might have saved the day. They 
understand that America's 
salvation must now come from 
young men and women of 
revolutionary spirit and outlook 
who are through talking and 
voting and instead are working 
toward the day when they can 
seize the true enemies of our 
people by the hair of their 
heads and slit their throats. 

(Issue No. 4, 1971) 




"DonU you understand? This is life, this is. what is happening. 
We can't switch to another channel" 

[Issue No. 8, 1971) 



"Is life so dear or peace so 
sweet as to be purchased at the 
price of chains and slavery? 
Forbid it, Almighty God! I 
know not what course others 
may take, but as for me, give me 
liberty or give me death!" 

Patrick Henry's impassioned 
words, nearly two centuries old 
now, are perhaps the best known 
and most cherished ever uttered 
In America. No true American — 
that is, no American of Henry's 
race — can read those words 
today without being stirred by 
them. 

Love of Liberty in Our Blood 

It matters not how "liberal" 
an education we have had, nor 
how much of the propaganda of 
surrender and weakness and 
defeat has been crammed into 
our skulls, The appeal of Henry's 
words finds its response in our 
blood — in our genes, where it 
has lain these past twenty 
thousand years and more. 

The freeborn farmer- warrior, 
who typified what is best in our 
race throughout long ages past, 
may have little place in today's 
slick, conniving world, but as 
long as his blood still flows, 
relatively unpolluted, in our 
veins, even the most 
democratically acclimatized 
urbanite among us must feel the 
gooseflesh rise along the nape of 
his neck when the call to take up 
arms against a tyrant rings out. 

Perversion of Liberty 

But what has that to do with 
what today masquerades as 
"liberty"? What connection has 
the sentiment so eloquently 
expressed In 1775 by Patrick 
Henry with the puling, smirking 
insistence on freedom to "do his 
thing" by every Imaginable 
brand of degenerate and pervert 
today? What has it to do with 
the raucous demand for 
"Freedom now!" voiced by 
Blacks who want a bigger slice of 
the welfare state — or else? 

The Latin root from which 
the word "liberty" has sprung is 
prolific; it has also yielded 
"liberal," "libertarian," and 
"libertine." All these words 
share a general implication of 
"lack of restraint." The range of 
meaning given to them is 
enormous, however. 

For what a gulf stretches 
between the "liberty" of Patrick 
Henry — meaning freedom from 
political and economic 
domination by a foreign tyrant 
— and the "liberty" of our 
present-day libertarians — 
meaning the freedom of the 
individual from every restraint 
imposed by society. In the one 
case it is one of Western man's 
most cherished and valuable 
possessions; in the other, simply 
a manifestation of the sickness 
called liberalism which is 
carrying Western man swiftly 
toward his extinction. 

Liberty Not An Absolute 
As liberty has no absolute 
meaning, it has no absolute 
value. To be free from an alien 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

On Liberty 



tyranny, so that we can give 
expression to our own cultural 
and social forms rather than 
those not ours — that is good. 
To carry the quest for "freedom 
of expression" to the point 
where we /eject every social 
norm and every cultural 
tradition in favor of a formless, 
normless chaos - that is not 
good. 

Freedom to inquire, to 
explore, to experiment, to 
invent — that is both good and 
necessary if our race is to 
advance and fulfill its destiny. 
Freedom to ignore every 
authority, to escape every 
obligation, to indulge every 
whim - that is neither good nor 
progressive. 

Libertarian View Simplistic 

The great over-simpiification 
of the libertarian is the 
assumption that freedom is an 
absolute - that man is either 
free or he is not free — that if we 
want freedom of inquiry, for 
example, then we must also 
accept as a necessary 
concomitant total freedom for 
self-indulgence. 

Thus, the familiar spectacle of 
Senators, editors and educators 
calling for the military defeat of 
our nation; of Black criminals 
calling for the murder of our 
race; of anarchists of every hue 
calling for the destruction of our 
culture while we smile 
tolerantly, if a bit nervously, for 
we have been taught that to 
silence a traitor is to strangle 
liberty. Even to punch a 
McGovern or a Kennedy — or a 
Nixon - in the mouth and 
denounce him for what he is 
makes us suspect as enemies of 
free speech. 

Semantic Trick 

What nonsense! The argument 
that if we approve of free speech 
we must tolerate subversion is a 
semantic trick. 

A variation of the same trick 
goes like this: Racial loyalty, 
racial pride, racial idealism are a 
form of "collectivism," in that 
emphasis is shifted from the 
individual to a larger entity — 
the race — of which the 
individual is only a component 
part. To insist on individual 
sacrifice or individual restraint in 
the interest of the racial 
community is to restrict the 
scope of individual prerogative — 
i.e., to limit individual freedom, 
Hence, if we are for freedom, we 
must be against racial idealism. 

Atomization of Society 

The logic is flawless. And the 
same argument can be applied to 
patriotism or any other form of 
idealism which requires the 
individual to subordinate his 
own interests to those of a larger 
social, national, or racial whole. 
Li b ertarianism thus leads 
naturally to an atomization, of 
society. 

To the libertarian the race, 
the nation are merely 
assemblages of individuals, 
nothing more. 

From this viewpoint, any 
social structure - a government, 



say - is justified only insofar as 
it provides a convenient 
framework within which a 
multitude of human atoms can 
expeditiously gratify their 
individual desires and ambitions 
with a minimum of friction with 
one another. 

"Freedom" Under the System 

Liberty, pursued to such 
lengths, is elusive, and the 
pursuer deceives himself. Our 
masters, the men who run the 
System, are not such fools. They 
better understand the nature of 
"freedom." They know that in 
order to compel us to do their 
bidding it is seldom necessary 
these days to resort to the whip 
and the chain. 

So they let us run about 
freely, say what we want, vote 
for whom we choose. The 
United States is a "free" 
country. All the System cares 
about is that the net aggregate of 
our opinions, the result of our 
elections, shall be what they 
have predetermined they should 
be. 



actions — as are the walls of any 
man : made prison. 

Division of Labor 

Thinking of freedom in these 
terms, it is easy to see that a sole 
inhabitant may be considerably 
less free than a member of a 
social group. Although 
membership in a group 
inevitably carries with it certain 
restrictions, it may, for a 
property constituted group, 
result in a far greater scope of 
action than is possible for the 
unaffiliated individual. 

As an example, a sole 
inhabitant may wish to devote 
his life to music or to the study 
of mathematics. But the daily 
necessities of providing himself 
with food, clothing and shelter 
would certainly leave him little 
time for indulging such whims. 
And it is quite clear that these 
natural restrictions just as truly 
limit his freedom of choice as, 
say, "repressive" parents or a 
government, 
division of labor 
made possible by social 



"totalitarian" 
Only the 



It is no more possible to put a organization, with its 
truly anti-System man into the accompanying channeling of 
Presidency by the democratic individual energies into rather 
process in this country than it is restricted areas, can open up for 
to talk the System into cutting anyone the choice of a career in 
its own throat. But the System 
men don't mind if we fool 
ourselves into thinking it is 
possible. In fact, they prefer it 
that way. 



Donkeys and Men 

One can get a donkey from 
point "A" to point "B" by tying 
a rope around his neck and 
pulling hard enough. Or one can 
accomplish the same thing by 
placing the donkey's oats and 
water out in plain sight at point 
"B," taking care that no other 
source of provender is readily 
accessible. 

Is the donkey really any 
"freer" in the second case than 
in the first? It is idle to argue 
that in the second case the 
donkey could have decided not 
to go to the oats. The fact is that 
one is able to predetermine the 
donkey's behavior, almost with 
certainty, by a simple 
manipulation of external stimuli. 

When dealing with people 
instead of donkeys one must be 
more subtle, but the principle 
remains the same. 

Compulsion of Necessity 

We like to think that we make 
our own decisions, form our 
own opinions, but in most cases 
we don't. Even outside the realm 
of politics and the 
public-opinion manipulators 
man's supposedly 
is subject to 
determinants 
control. 

Even a sole inhabitant of the 
earth, free of every social 
constraint and inhibition, would 
remain a slave to the weather 
and all the other limitations on 
his will imposed by Nature. Such 
limitations are just as effective in 
reducing man's freedom - in 
restricting the scope of his 



"free" choice 
a thousand 
beyond his 



music or mathematics. 

A Dangerous Illusion 

Thus the libertarian ideal of 
man as a free spirit, making 
rational choices independently 
of conditions around him, is 
sheer illusion. 

Perhaps all this should be 
self-evident, but apparently it is 
not. There are alarming numbers 
of young people today, 
nominally on the right as well as 
on the left, who talk and act as 
if liberty were an absolute thing 
that would be within their grasp 
were it not for various 
"collectivist" or "repressive" 
tendencies in the government 
and in our present society. 

The prevalence of this 
libertarian derangement may 
only be a reflection of the 
too-permissive child-rearing 
methods of the last couple of 
decades, but whatever it is it 
must be overcome. 

Whole More than Sum of Parts 

The doctrine that a society is 
no more than the sum of the 
individuals comprising it must 
lead first to the atomization of 
that society and then to its 
complete destruction. The 
Western world is now rushing 
headlong into this last phase, 
where, ironically, an obsessive 
mania for ever more liberty 
promises a final end to all 
liberty. 

The great social genius of 
Western man has been his skill at 
so ordering his society that it has 
provided close to the maximum 
possible yield of true liberty - 
that is, the maximum possible 
scope for human endeavor, By 
and targe he has avoided both 
the extreme of social 
disorganization which we call 
anarchy and the extreme of 
social over-organization which 



results in the ant-heap societies 
characteristic of the Orient. 

Neither Atoms Nor Ants 

He has understood, during the 
great periods of his history, that 
maximum freedom - maximum 
social potential — is achieved 
when a careful compromise is 
made between anarchy and the 
ant heap. 

To go too far in the direction 
of totally unrestrained 
individualism - .that is, to 
approach an atomistic society - 
is to sacrifice the scope of action 
which exists only when the will 
of a whofe people can be unified 
and concentrated on a common 
goal. 

To totally ignore the qualities 

of the individual - that is, to 

approach a society based on 

Marxist equalitarianism, where 

individuals are completely 

interchangable economic units — 

is to sacrifice the great potential 

for innovation, for creation, for 

leadership which exists not in 

the mass but only in exceptional 

individuals. 

We cannot make either of 

these sacrifices and still hope to 
emerge victorious from the 
struggle for existence which now 
rages, and will rage, between the 
various races of man on this 
planet until one is supreme and 
the others have yielded. 

A Lousy Compromise 

Today we suffer from the 
worst of both extremes. We live 
in an oppressively overcrowded 
environment with 
ever-diminishing privacy, 
solitude, peace and quiet. We 
feel totally impotent and 
insignificant in the face of the 
impersonal bureaucratic 
monstrosity with which Big 
Brother rules our lives. 

But at the same tune we are 
totally lacking in solidarity - 
racial, national, or otherwise. We 
have no common purpose, no 
unity of will as a compensation 
for the loss of our privacy. 
Instead of selfless idealism, 
egoism and materialism reign. 

America today is an atomized 
ant heap. 

The cure for this unfortunate 
state of affairs is to be found 
neither among the libertarian 
egoists nor the Marxist 
collectivists. Peculiarly enough, 
however, both these factions 
have draped themselves in the 
banner of "liberty"! 

Race and Personality 

If we seek true liberty, what 

we must do first is establish 

among ourselves, the men of the 

West, or among some carefully 

selected portion of ourselves, a 

common purpose based on true 

idealism. Then we must smash 

the present System, which 

thwarts that purpose, and build 

a new society in which the 

individual achieves 

seLf- fulfillment through service 

to the whole, and the whole 

advances by giving the widest 

possible scope for such service to 

each individual. 

{Issue No. 5, J 971) 



8 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



The Black Man's Gift To Portugal 



by Ray Smith 

We have heard racial 
integration defended and 
advocated on the grounds that 
we have deprived our country of 
the benefit of the talents and 
abilities of the Negroes - that 
the Negroes have a positive 
contribution to make and we 
have failed to take advantage of 
it Because of our irrational 
prejudice against Negroes we 
have excluded them from full 
participation in American 
society, and, we are told, this is 
America's loss. 

The Lesson of History 

In view of the fact that we are 
now being forced to integrate 
with the Negroes and grant them 
equal participation, it might be 
instructive to look, at other 
countries which have integrated 
with Negroes in the past to see 
what the Negroes gave them. 
What is the historical evidence? 

There is a wealth of material 
here for study in such places as 
Haiti, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Brazil, 
etc., but the nearest parallel to 
the situation in the United 
States today is Portugal in the 
16th century. 

It may come as a surprise to 
hear of the Negroes' role in the 
history of Portugal, for in spite 
of all the emphasis on "Black 
Studies" in our schools no one 
seems to want to talk about the 
Blacks' contribution to Portugal 
- neither the Portuguese, the 
Blacks, nor our modern 
historians who are rewriting our 
history books to make the 
Negroes look good. It takes 
considerable digging in books 
written before our modern era 
of forced integration to uncover 
the story of Portugal, 

Poets and Explorers 

By the mjddle of the 16th 

century Portugal had risen to a 

position analogous to that of the 

United States today. Portugal 

was tne wealthiest, most 

powerful country in the world, 

with a large empire and colonies EuTopeT the equivalent of "a ^ little 
Asia, Africa, and America. m 0re than $2 a day. 

Portugal is a forgotten land - 
bypassed by tourists and 
shunned by scholars. It is a sad 
country, known mainly for its 
plaintive, mournful fado music 
- nostalgic music that looks to 
the past and sees no future. 



miscegenation, so that today 
there are no Negroes,, as such, in 
Portugal. The present-day 
population of Portugal is 
described by the New York 
Times Encyclopedic Almanac, 
1971, as follows: "Ethnic 
Composition: The people are a 
mixture of various ethnic strains, 
including Celtic, Arab, Berber, 
Phoenician, Carthaginian, 
Lusitanian, and other racial 
influences. The present 
population is one of the most 
homogeneous in Europe, with no 
national minorities." (Note that 
the Negro strain is not listed by 
the New York Times). 

What you can see in Portugal 
today is the product of a 
uniform, non-selective mixing of 
10 per cent Negroes and 90 per 
cent Whites into one 
homogeneous whole. In effect it 
is a new race — a race that has 
stagnated in apathy and 
produced virtually nothing in 
the last 400 years. 

TheEncyclopaedia Britannica, 
I 1th cd., 191 1, in its article on 
Portugal, states, ''The 
Portuguese intermarried freely 
with their slaves, and this 
infusion of alien blood 
profundly modified the 
character and physique of the 
nation. It may be said without 
exaggeration that the Portuguese 
of the 'age of discoveries' and 
the Portuguese of the 17th and 
later centuries were two 
different races." 

People Without a Future 

The contribution of this new 
race to civilization in terms of 
literature, art, music, 
philosophy, 3cience, etc. has 
been practically zero. Portugal 
today is the most backward 
country in Europe. The illiteracy 
rate Is 38 per cent (in the U.S., 
2.2%; Soviet Union, 1.5%; 
Japan, 1.0%). The infant 
mortality rate in Portugal is 59.2 
per 1,000 births (in Sweden, 
12.9; U.S., 20.7; France, 20.4; 
Soviet Union, 28). The workers' 
wages are the lowest in Western 



in 

The Portuguese people were, like 
the Elizabethans in England, 
poets and explorers - a race of 
highly civilized, imaginative, 
intelligent, and daring men. 
They showed great potential and 
had already made important 
contributions to the 
Renaissance. But, unlike 
England and other European 
countries, Portugal had a large 
and rapidly growing Negro 
population, and at the same time 
its White population was 
declining. 

Portugal began the Negro integration with Negroes will be 
slave trade after encountering exactly the same. The historical 
Negroes in its explorations and evidence, however, is that any 
forays into Africa. Portugal country, society, or group which 
brought the first Black slaves to has integrated to any appreciable 
Lisbon in 1441, and they extent with Negroes has suffered 



Portugal and America 

In spite of the close similarity 
between the situation of 
Portugal in 1550 and the United 
States today, we cannot predict 
that the outcome of our racial 



11 



drastically in its ability to 
maintain a civilized standard of 
living, and in its ability to 
compete with others. There is no 
evidence that any country ever 
gained anything from integration 
with Negroes. 

It should be pointed out that 
the Negro-White ratio, 1:9, in 
relations with Negroes, and the Portugal in 1550 does not 
Negro blood soon became represent the final percentage of 
assimilated into the general Negro genes, for the Negro 
population through element was rapidly increasing 



continued to be imported in 
such numbers that by 1550 the 
population of Portugal was 10 
per cent Negro (the U.S. is 
per cent Negro today). 

Defilement of the Blood 

taboo 



There was no 



or 



injunction against sexual 



while the White element was 
declining. The male Whites were 
leaving Portugal in large numbers 
— sailing, settling in the colonies, 
and marrying the native women 
(the government encouraged 
this). Most of the Negro slaves 
brought into Portugal were adult 
males. The population was thus 
unbalanced - an excess of White 
women and Negro males, and a 
shortage of White men. 
Chronicles of the era relate that 
Portugese women kept Negro 
slaves as "pets." They also 
married them. 

The situation in the U.S. 
today is not too different. The 
radical-chic Whites even have 
their Black Panther pets. 

Our 11 per cent Negro 
element today does not 
represent the final amalgam. The 
Negro birth rate is almost twice 
as high as that of the Whites. 
There is no White population 
explosion in America, or 
anywhere else in the world. It is 
all colored. The White woman 
takes a pill or has an abortion; 
the colored woman has the 
children. 

What the final amalgam in 
America will be, we cannot say, 
but if present trends continue 
the Negro element will be much 
more than 1 1 per cent. 

Why Did Portugal Integrate? 

The British, French, Dutch, 
Spanish, and Portuguese all 
engaged in the Negro slave trade, 
but only Portugal brought them 
into her own country. The 
question arises — why did 
Portugal so willingly accept 
racial integration with Negroes 
while other European countries 
kept the Negroes out and 
maintained their racial integrity? 
What was the climate of opinion, 
the current ideology, teaching, 
or propaganda that led the 
Portuguese to depart so from the 
behavior of other countries? 
What was different about 
Portugal? 

You will not find any answer 
to these questions in our 
universities or in our modern 
history books and recently 
published encyclopedias, for the 
whole subject of the decline and 
fall of Portugal has become 
taboo. You will have to dig into 
older sources and discover your 
own answers. 

You might also ask yourself 
why America is accepting racial 
integration while most of the 
rest of the world is "racist," 
Why are we different? 

The Role of the Jew 

One significant difference in 
Portugal before its fall in the 
16th century was that it had 
become a haven for Jews. For 
several centuries the Jews had 
had more wealth, influence, and 
power in Portugal than in any 
other European country. In 
1497, at Spain's request, the 
Jews were asked to leave 
Portugal or be converted. Most 
of them became nominal 
Christians and remained. 

However, by 1550 many of 
the Jews were voluntarily 
leaving. They saw the writing on 
the wall. The Encyclopaedia 
Britannica (edition of 1885) 
notes that, "... even observers 
like the Dutchman Cleynaerts 



saw that, in spite of all its wealth 
and seeming prosperity, the 
kingdom of Portugal was rotten 
at the core and could not last." 

America has also served as a 
haven for the Jews. The Jews in 
America today have risen to a 
greater position of power, 
wealth, and influence than they 
have ever had in any other 
country. They dominate the 
newspapers, book publishing, 
TV and radio, movies, 
universities - all of the 
educational media, as well as the 
commercial Life of the country. 

The Jews have always 
proselytized for racial 
integration — in Portugal, 
America, or in whatever country 
they have been, for without such 
a climate of tolerance of alien 
races they themselves would not 
be accepted. It has, therefore, 
been in the Jews' interest to 
suppress evidence which would 
lead people to reject alien races. 

History Rewritten 

Our encyclopedias and history 
books have been purged and 
rewritten. If you look up 
Portugal in the 1970 edition of 
Encyclopaedia Britannica you 
will not find anything about the 
role of Negroes and Jews in the 
history of Portugal, or anything 
about the decline and fall of 
Portugal. 

The Jews are brie fly 
mentioned among others who 
"exerted various influences over 
the territory which in the 13th 
century acquired the frontiers of 
modern Portugal." There is no 
elaboration of what this 
influence was. 

The Negroes have been 
eliminated entirely. They are not 
listed with the other ethnic 
groups in the ancestry of the 
Portuguese people. In the entire 
15-page article there is no clue 
that Negroes were ever present 
in Portugal or that they had any 
role or influence in Portuguese 
history. 

The 1970 edition of 
Encyclopedia Americana also 
makes no mention of the 
presence of Negroes in Portugal. 

In all these sources you find 
"facts," i.e., names and dates, 
but with no meaning and no 
indication of what actually 
happened or why. However, if 
you can manage to find some 
older sources you can learn a 
great deal about the history of 
Portugal. 

The article on Portugal in the 
1911 edition of Encyclopaedia 
Britannica contains more real 
information than you can get in 
reading a hundred history books 
of more recent vintage. From 
our modern point of view this 
article would probably be called 
"racist," but the point is that 
the presence and activities of the 
Negroes and Jews are recorded. 
The information is there, and 
you can draw your own 
conclusions. The article is 
actually pro-Jewish. There is also 
a -scholarly analysis of the, 
factors in the decline and fall of 
Portugal, with the author 
tending to blame the Inquisition, 
the Jesuits, and anti-Semitism. 
However, neither his conclusion 
nor his bias prevents him from 
including factors or information 



which might lead the reader to a 
different conclusion. 

Our modern scholars and 
authorities eliminate 
information which might lead 
the reader to the "wrong" 
conclusion. 

Suppressing the Evidence 

The 19 64 edition of 
Encyclopaedia Britannica still 
briefly lists Negroes and Jews, 
along with others, as Portuguese 
racial elements, but with no 
details or elaboration. By 1966 
the Negroes have vanished 
completely. 

Now what has happened 
between 1911 and 1966 that 
makes us purge and rewrite 
history in such a way? Have we 
decided that race no longer is, or 
ever was, a factor in history? 
This cannot be, since "Black 
Studies" are flourishing at our 
universities. Historians are 
supposedly trying hard to 
discover all they can about the 
rote of Negroes in history. 

In a trial a lawyer tries to 
suppress evidence that would be 
damaging to his client. He tries 
to prevent this evidence from 
reaching the jury. Our modem 
historians and scholars are trying 
to suppress evidence. The Negro 
is their client. We are the jury - 
and we must not reach the 
"wrong" verdict. 

This, of course, reveals what 
the liberal establishment really 
thinks of Negroes - that they 
are inferior and must be 
protected. The evidence must be 
suppressed. The New York 
Times, et al., is like a lawyer, 
well paid, who knows his client 
"did it," but tries to get him off. 
U.S. liberals become very 
seir-righteous and superior when 
the Soviet Union purges and 
rewrites its encyclopedias, 
eliminating from its history 
current undesirables and making 
them "unpersons." We ridicule 
their lack of objectivity and 
irrational scholarship. 

But we do exactly the same 
thing when we rewrite the 
history of Portugal and make 
"unpersons" of Negroes (and 
Jews). In terms of rewriting and 
deliberately falsifying history we 
are much closer to Orwell's 1984 
than the Soviet Union is. Big 
Brother protects us from 
dangerous knowledge. 

Quo Vadis, White Man? 

There is a great need for the 
American people to know what 
happened in Portugal in the 16th 
century, for we are repeating 
their experience. We are in the 
same predicament, at the same 
juncture, at the same cross-roads 
in history. There is an amazing 
similarity between our situation 
today and Portugal's in the 
1500's. Shall we take the same 
road? 

Travellers from other 
European countries were amazed 
to see so many Negroes in 
16th-century Lisbon, as are 
travellers today in Washington, 
D.C. Our own capital is 71 per 
cent Black, and, as was the case 
in Lisbon, the Negores do all the 
manual labor and service jobs. 
The 1911 Encyclopaedia 
Britannica comments, "While 
the country was being drained of 
its best citizens, hordes of slaves 



were imported to fill the 
vacancies, especially into the 
southern provinces. Manual 
labor was thus discredited; the 
peasants sold their farms and 
emigrated or flocked to the 
towns; and small holdings were 
merged into vast estates." 

Manual labor has been 
"discredited" for many White 
people these days, and Negroer. 
fill these jobs. We are too good 
for it. 

Americans Alienated 

The American people are also 
leaving the land and flocking to 
the cities or metropolitan areas, 



"If, by the instrument of 
governmental authority, a 
people is being driven to its 
destruction, then rebellion is not 
only the right but the duty of 
^very member of that people," 

DURING TIMES OF SOCIAL 
DECAY and turmoil, the more 
responsible members of a society 
will nearly always be found 
supporting the constituted 
authority against the hostile or 
rebellious actions of disruptive 
elements. For the truly 
responsible and prudent citizen 
takes the long view, and he sees 
(in the words of the Founding 
Fathers) that governments long 
established should not be 
changed for light and transient 
causes; that, however grievous 
may be the defects in any 
governmental policy or even in 
any system of government, it is 
nearly always preferable to 
tolerate those defects and to 
work for reform rather than to 
destroy the system. 

Order Before Justice 

Most injustices and evils on 
the part of a government are, 
after all, tolerable, but the 
absence of order is not. Not only 
is order an indispensable 
prerequisite for any form of 
society and for all human 
progress, but life itself cannot 
long continue in its absence. 

Western man has been guided 
in his upward struggle 
throughout the millennia by an 
inherent will-to-order. It is an 
essential aspect of our racial 
soul. To many, then, it seems 
natural that the best racial 
elements of our society should 
be the champions of law and 
order, while the worst elements 
should be the principal 
proponents of disorder, 
revolution, and chaos. 

Yet, as with most things, 
there are limits beyond which 
blind support of governmental 
authority ceases to be a virtue 
and becomes instead an evil. 

The great question of our day 
is: How much corruption must 
be tolerated for the sake of 
order? When have things gone so 
far that reform of the System is 
no longer feasible and revolution 
becomes the responsible 
alternative? Where should the 
line be drawn? 

Americans More Servile 
History does not help us 
much. The conditions which, 



and our small farms have been 
replaced by huge, mechanized 
farms. If we had any colonies 
many American men would 
gladly emigrate to them. Many 
are leaving anyway for Canada, 
Australia, and Europe. Those 
who remain feel rootless and 
displaced - from their jobs, 
their country, and even their 
families. It is difficult to feel any 
sense of belonging to what 
America has become today. 

Stout Hearts — and 
Pure Blood 

In analyzing the catastrophe 
which befell Portugal, the 

Why 

200 years ago, led our 
forefathers to decide that the 
line had been crossed are totally 
unlike those of today. 

We could easily justify the 
toleration of unfair taxes, of 
governmental meddling in our 
personal affairs and infringement 
of local prerogatives, if we could 
thereby maintain an orderly 
society in these vastly more 
dangerous times. 

Although we can admire the 
American colonists' fierce 
intolerance of tyranny, we, 
having become more servile and 
practical, would not rebel under 
similar circumstances. And if the 
issues troubling us were no more 
burdensome than those faced by 
them, the appellation 
"responsible conservative" 
would not be such an epithet of 
ridicule and contempt today. 

Government as a Utility 

In order to understand when 
the support of governmental 
authority stops being responsible 
and becomes merely obstinate 
we must examine the basic 
premises on which any 
government's right to exist is 
founded. 

The prevalent view of the 
government today, shared by 
both liberals and conservatives, 
is that it is an expensive but 
necessary public utility whose 
principal functions are to 
maintain law and order, mediate 
squabbles among the citizenry, 
and provide certain general 
services, such as national defense, 
mail delivery, and a bureau of 
weights and measures. 

There is a diversity of opinion, 
of course, on details. 
Laissez-faire conservatives take 
the attitude that the services 
provided by government - and, 
consequently, its operating 
expense - should be kept at a 
minimal level. Welfare-oriented 
liberals are more inclined to 
demand the maximum of 
services and not worry about the 
expense. 

Not A Dime's Worth 
of Difference 

In the most fundamental 
sense, however, right and left 
alike regard government from 
the same viewpoint: It is a 
dispenser of largesse, an oiler of 
the machinery of commerce, a 
source of favors and privileges, a 
traffic cop and an errand boy. 
Its role is to help keep society 
running smoothly so each citizen 



historian H. Morse Stephens (in 
his book Portugal, written in 
1891) concludes: 

"... they (the white 
Portuguese) were to produce 
great captains and writers, and 
were to become the wealthiest 
nation in Europe. But that same 
sixteenth century was to see the 
Portuguese power sink, and the 
independence, won by Affonso 
Henriques and maintained by 
John the Great, vanish away; it 
was to see Portugal, which had 
been the greatest nation of its 
time, decline in its fame, and 
become a mere province of 



Spain. Hand in hand with 
increased wealth came 
corruption and depopulation, 

and within a single century after 

the epoch-making voyage of 
Vasco da Gama, the Portuguese 
people, tamed by the 
Inquisition, were to show no 
sign of their former hardihood. 
This is the lesson that the Story 
of Portugal in the sixteenth 
century teaches, that the 
greatness of a nation depends 
not upon its wealth and 
commercial prosperity, but upon 
the thews and sinews and the 
stout hearts of its people." 



This is rather old-fashioned 
language, but what Stephens is 
saying is that by the end of the 
16th century the quality of the 
people was lacking. Other 
European nations suffered 
military defeat, but continued to 
grow and develop. Portugal 
stopped dead in its tracks. It had 
nothing to build on. Portugal 
could only look nostalgically to 
the past. 

The fado music says it all. 

(Issue No. 6 t 1971) 




can "do his own thing" with a 
minimum of friction from others 
who are doing their things. 

The consequence of this 
libertarian concept of 
government is the catastrophic 
state of affairs which exists in 
the Western world today. 

We plunder and poison our 
environment, both physical and 
spiritual, while the government 
sits on its hands. 

Perversion, drugs, organized 
crime, and political corruption 
flourish, and the state can do 
nothing. 

Massive treason occurs in our 
streets, just as in the highest 
councils of our land, and rioting 
aliens burn our citieSj while 
Washington looks on helplessly. 

System Is Sick 

But this breakdown in 
operational function is only the 
outward manifestation of a far 
graver inner sickness — a sickness 
stemming from errors of the 
most fundamental sort in the 
very premises on which today's 
government is based. 

It is clear that the men who 
sacrificed their lives at the 
Alamo had a deeper motivation 
than a desire to preserve the 
police power of the state. And 
those who died on Iwo Jima did 
not do so for the sake of the 
farm subsidy program or an 
independent judiciary. 

Patriotism, in fact, has very 
little to do with law and order, 
the protection of property 
rights, or the regulation of 
commerce. Contrary to 
libertarian claims, it has not 
much to do with freedom either. 
The preservation of freedom or 
of "the American way of life" 
may be convenient concepts 
around which to build 
war-propaganda slogans or 
election cliches, but the reason 
men are willing to die in battle 
has more fundamental roots. 

Feeling for Own Kind 

Though patriotic feelings may 
be developed and modified in 
citizens by education or 
indoctrination, the rudiments of 
patriotism are inborn. That 
inborn quality is simply the 
instinct for the preservation of 
one's own kind. 

The only government which 
can rightly demand of its 
citizens loyalty unto death is a 
government based on this funda- 
ment. A government properly 



constituted and a state properly 
conceived serve to express the 
collective will of a people - that 
is, of a group of human beings 
sufficiently homogeneous in 
their physical and psychical 
makeup that the fundamental 
concept of "kind" has real 
meaning for every member of 
that group. 

Thus, the state - and much 
less any government - is no end 
in itself, but only a means to an 
end. That end is the preservation 
and advancement of a people — 
of a racial community. 

The Organic State 

Only so far as a state is 
identified with the vital interests 
of a people is it entitled to the 
allegiance of that people. Such 
allegiance is then equivalent to 
loyalty to one's own kind, and 
such a state is organic in that its 
existence stems in a natural - 
one could even say biological — 
way from a natural community. 

Any racially self-conscious 
citizen finds himself subject to 
two allegiances: that binding 
him to his own kind and that 
obligating him to his 
government. Of the two, the 
first has precedence. Only in an 
organic state do the two 
coincide. 

Multiracialism Is Absurd 

A government which claims to 
represent the vital interests of a 
multiracial society is not only 
unnatural but absurd. To whom, 
for example, does the Bantu in 
South Africa or the Arab in 
occupied Palestine give his 
loyalty- to the government or 
to his own kind? 

Neither the Afrikaaners nor 
the Jews are so foolish as to 
imagine it will be to the 
government, despite the 
multi-racial baloney to which 
they feel obligated to give lip 
service. For this reason, both 
Jew and Afrikaaner take care to 
keep all the strings oj 
government in their own hands. 

We in America have not been 
so smart — but, then, no other 
nation has ever been subjected 
to such a program of liberal 
brainwashing and internal 
subversion as we have. 

A Corrupt Monstrosity 

The United States government 
has, through slow and (until the 
last 20 ye ars) nearly 
imperceptible change, been 
transformed from an organic 



institution embodying the will 
and aspirations of a free, White, 
and proud citizenry to a corrupt, 
unnatural, and degenerate 
monstrosity - irresponsibly 
catering to the dissolute tastes, 
desires, and whims of an 
increasingly debased, raceless 
conglomerate of materialistic 
serfs, products of the urban 
jungle arid the most tyrannical 
thought-control apparatus the 
world has ever known. 

As the government grinds 
massively onward, it behaves like 
a Frankenstein monster out of 
control. It has become 
completely alienated from the 
racial elements which originally 
created it and gave it life. 

This terrible truth manifests 
itself daily in a thousand ways. 

Terror in the Schools 

Every White student in the 
public school systems of 
America's cities, racially 
integrated by decree of the 
Justice Department, has 
experienced the terror which 
stalks his classrooms and 
recreation fields, hallways and 
restrooms. The daily 
shakedowns and beatings, in- 
dignities and intimidations bring 
a feeling of hopelessness and 
despair, because the government 
responsible for this classroom 
terror will not even admit that it 
exists. 

Every White policeman and 
every White serviceman 
belonging to a police or military 
unit racially integrated by decree 
of City Hall or the Pentagon 
feels the loss of spirit and 
efficiency which has come as a 
result. He is sickened and 
discouraged by the slackening 
standards in his once-proud 
profession, by the growing 
corruption and rising drug abuse 
on the part of those who wear 
his uniform. 



An Alien Tide 

Every working man whose 
union has been flooded with 
underskilled "minority" workers 
by Labor Department decree 
senses the loss entailed, not only 
to his craft or trade but to the 
nation^ If he has any pride of 
workmanship he must sorrow as 
the old, hard-earned traditions 
of skill and excellence yield, to 
the alien tide of "equality." 

Every responsible and racially 
conscious public-school teacher, 
who, year by year, sees more 
and more lies and distortions in 



10 

the textbooks he must use - 
textbooks which are being 
continually "revised" by decree 
of- the Department of Health, 
Education, and Welfare - knows 
the shame of aiding in the 
planting of these lies in the 
minds of his young charges. 

Schools Racially Destructive 

This is among the most deadly 
of all the System's racially 
destructive activities. Through 
its iron control over the 
e d u cational process it 
deliberately alienates an entire 
generation of young Americans 
from their cultural and racial 
antecedents. It applies the 
corrosive compound of 
half-truths and lies, calculated 
omissions and subtle 
psychological tricks to destroy 
all bonds between the individual 
and his racial community. 

Our schools do not truly 
educate; instead they produce 
young people who, at worst, are 
so filled with artificially instilled 
feelings of guilt and self-hatred , 
the consequence of never-ending 
propaganda about "White 
racism" and the oppression of 
minorities, that they actively 
and consciously collaborate with 
the avowed enemies of our 
people. At best, we get young 
men and women who, having 
been denied the knowledge of 
the greatness and uniqueness of 
their race and of their 
responsibility as the bearers of 
that greatness and uniqueness, 
are indifferent to any appeal to 
racial solidarity. They are all 
converts to the liberal religion of 
individuality - the view that the 
individual exists solely as an end 
in himself. 

Every year - every day - that 
this deadly process continues 
brings us closer to that point of 
no return when there will be so 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



11 



few un corrupted escapees from 
the public mind-molding 
institutions that no effective 
resistance to the System can any 
longer be built. 

Government Genocide 

The United States government 
does not carry on its genocidal 
activities blindly or accidentally 
or against its will. It does not act 
reluctantly because of pressure 
from the alien-controlled 
newspapers and broadcasting 
networks. 

The agencies of government 
are integral parts of the entire, 
corrupt System. They work 
hand in hand with the 
propaganda media to quench 
any spark of racial consciousness 
which might threaten their rule. 

Ultimately the System, in 
order to secure its own evil 
existence, seeks the destruction 
of every Last remnant of the only 
race which, having created it, is 
also capable of destroying it. 

Servants of the System 

The time has come when we 
must wake up and realize (trot 
the policeman on the 
streetcorner and the 
Congressman in Washington are 
no longer either our guardians or 
our servants. They arc the 
guardians and servants of the 
System - though not necessarily 
consciously or with malice 
aforethought. More often they 
are only time servers, 
more-or-lcss powerless cogs in 
the machine themselves. 

Nevertheless, willingly or 
unwillingly, it is the System they 
serve. 

The governmental structure 
which our forefathers built up to 
serve and protect us has been 
turned against us. Us strength is 
no longer our security but our 
peril. Its weaknesses are no 



longer our misfortune but our 
opportunity. 

The line has been crossed. 

Among racially conscious 
Americans there is widespread 
awareness of the destructive role 
of the System, but an equally 
widespread paralysis of the will 
where any remedy is concerned. 
Part of the fault lies in the fact 
that with Blacks and Jewish 
liberals and the spoiled, hairy 
brats of the Establishment 
shouting for a revolution, 
everyone else is inclined to 
regard revolution as a dirty 
word. To most mature and 
thoughtful patriots it is an 
abomination. 

A Trap for Conservatives 

This attitude arises from a 
failure to understand that the 
"revolutionary" tactics of those 
elements presently rioting in the 
streets are only a means of 
further emphasizing those things 
we already hate worst in the 
System. They only want to push 
us even faster along the road to 
racial ruin. 

Thus, our "responsible 
conservatives" (and others) fall 
into the trap of saying: "No, the 
System is going fast enough the 
way you want it. We will oppose 
your revolutionary demands by 
defending the System against 
you," 

And they 3till vainly seek 
solutions in the realm of reform 
rather than revolution: Write a 
letter to your Congressman. 
Send a dollar to help awaken 
your fellow citizens to the 
dangers of communism. Vote 
conservative. Join a tax protest. 
Pray that the earth will open and 
swallow the Supreme Court. 

Present Prosperity * Curse 

when the average White 
working man can own a color 
TV set, two new cars, and a 
house in the suburbs, it is very 



A New Western Prehistory 



Generations of American 
and European schoolchildren 
have been taught about the 
'"cradle of civilization" In 
the Middle East, from which 
cultural Innovations supposed- 
ly spread out to other lands, 
eventually illuminating even 
the darkest corners of bar- 
barian Europe. 

The Egyptian pyramids are 
cited as examples of the 
first spark of creative en- 
gineering applied to the erec- 
tion of massive stone archi- 
tecture — a spark which cast 
a dim light northward and 
westward, leading to later 
engineering achievements in 
Europe. 

Likewise, the ceramics and 
metallurgical skills of ancient 
Mesopotamia are held up as 
the models which were sup- 
posedly later copied by the 
benighted peoples of Europe. 

Now, recent scientific work 
has Invalidated the entire 
scheme of European pre- 
history based on the notion 
of 'ex oriente lux' — light 
from the east. The exciting 
new findings, which have 
revolutionized the fields of 
archaeology and prehistory 
within the last year, are dis- 
cussed in an article in the 
October 1S71 Issue of Scientific 
American. 



In essence, the new de- 
velopment has been a pain- 
staking recalibratlon of the 
time scale used for dating 
prehistoric sites. A careful 
comparison of dates estab- 
lished by tree-ring counts and 
the radioactive carbon-14 
method has revealed that 
carbon-14 dates for European 
prehistoric sites are late by as 
much as 1000 years. 

When sites have been redat- 
ed according to the new time 
scale, it has been discovered 
that a number of European 
cultural innovations which 
formerly were considered to 
have been derived from 
analogous developments in 
the eastern Mediterranean and 
the Middle East actually pre- 
date the earliest known ex- 
amples of such developments 
In the so-called "cradle of 
civilization." 

Thus, we now find that 
the Bronze Age In Europe — 
specifically in the Danube 
basin — came before the 
corresponding metallurgical 

skills were known in the east- 
ern Mediterranean. 

And, according to Scientific 
American: "Now it Is clear 
that megalithic chamber tombs 
were being built in Brittany 
earlier than 4000 B.C., a 
millennium before monu- 



mental funerary architecture 
first appears in the eastern 
Mediterranean and 1,500 years 
before the raising of the 
pyramids. The origins of 
these European burial cus- 
toms and monuments have to 
be sought not in the Near 
East but In Europe itself." 

The implications of all this 
are truly earthshaklng. Al- 
though the author in Scientific 
American is careful to deny 
any "racist" conclusions which 
might be drawn, he does ad- 
rait: "The central moral is 
inescapable. In the past we 
have completely undervalued 
the originality and the creativ- 
ity of the inhabitants of pre- 
historic Europe. It was a mis- 
take, as we now can see, 
always to seek in the Near 
East an explanation for the 
changes taking place in Eur- 
ope." 

One can go much further. 
Although Europeans, because 
of their completely different 
lifestyle and mental makeup, 
did not begin living in cities 
until long after other races 
to the east had urbanized 
themselves, the technological 
and cultural Innovations which 
were prerequisites for city 
life were nevertheless de- 
veloped by Europeans them- 
selves, and not imported from 



difficult to think revolution. 
We are comfort corrupted. No 
matter how bad the System is 4 
we are unwilling to sacrifice our 
material luxuries for the sake of 
securing the future of the race. 

We find too difficult to accept 
that it is better that we suffer 
the worst privations, the most 
grinding poverty, the most 
tyrannical oppressions than that, 
wallowing in comfort, we allow 
the race to die. 

And so we keep looking for 
easier ways. 

But there aren't any easy 
ways. Maybe there were 50 years 
ago, but not today. 

It is no longer possible to cure 
the System - to bring 
Frankenstein's monster to heel 
- by Constitutional methods. 

When the electoral process 
ceased being a person-to-person 
evaluation and choice of their 
representatives and leaders from 
3mong themselves by a properly 
qualified citizenry, the 
governmental forms handed 
down to us by a free 
Anglo-Saxon yeomanry lost 
their original meaning and 
relevance. 

Today's political shell game, 
in which the entire public herd is 
allowed a "choice" from an 
array of media-generated images, 
makes a cynical mockery of the 
very concept of representative 
democracy. 

As long as public opinion is 
not the spontaneous concensus 
of a racially and culturally 
homogenous populace but is the 
artificially created and 
manipulated concoction of a 
small clique of racially alien 
mind-molders, it is idle to 
contemplate bringing about, by 
System-approved means, any 
significant governmental change 
contrary to the wishes of those 
who coiitrol the System. 



extra - European sources — 
and, in many cases, they 
were developed by Europeans 
first, and then exported to 
the more "civilized" peoples. 
So we come closer to a 
recognition of the truth ex- 
pressed by a great student 
of mankind nearly 50 years 
ago. He wrote: "Everything 
we admire on this earth 
today — science and art, 
technology and inventions — 
is only the creative product 



Yet, millions of optimistic 
patriots perennially convince 
themselves that they have found 
an honest politician who, if only 
they can sneak him past the 
professionals and get him 
elected, will outwit the 
string-pullers and return the 
American government to the 
hands of its proper owners. They 
drastically underestimate the 
cunning of their masters. 

Other millions believe that 
public enlightenment is the 
answer. For example, they are 
under the impression that the 
catastrophic 1954 Supreme 
Court decision on racial 
integration of our schools was 
the consequence of the court 
being supplied with faulty 
information on racial 
differences. They seriously 
misjudge the motives of the 

A Stake Through The Heart 
We do not need to reason 
with the monster; we need to 
put a bullet into its brain and 
hammer a stake through its 
heart. If that means blood and 
chaos and battling the alien 
enemy from house to house in 
burning cities throughout our 
land - then, by God, it is better 
that we get on with it now than 
later. 

If "responsible" citizens have 
no stomach for it, then the task 
must fall to our radicalized 
youth. And it is the 
responsibility of the National 
Youth Alliance to take a leading 
position in coming revolutionary 
developments, so that young 
Americans can build a revolution 
for America and for our people, 
instead of serving as pawns in 
the alien-controlled, 
anti-American and anti-White 
revolution of the Marxists. 

{Issue No. 6, 1971) 



of a few peoples and, per- 
haps, originally of one race. 
On them depends the existence 
of this whole culture. If they 
perish, the beauty of this 
earth will sink into the grave 
with them." 



(Issue No. 7, 1971) 




Tragedy of Our Schools 



Lesson of the VD Statistics 



The forced bussing of school 
children to achieve racial 
balance has .been a sore point 
with the American people for 
several months. Even Mr. Nixon 
saw the wisdom, immediately 
following Wallace's March 14 
victory in the Florida 
Democratic primary election, in 
calling for a temporary 
moratorium on new bussing 
orders. 

Castrating Wallace 

Nixon's move, of course, was 
an unabashed erfort to castrate 
George Wallace by stealing the 
thunder from his anti -bussing 
campaign. It was also an implicit 
admission by the System that 
bussing had been pushed a little 
faster than even Boobus 



Americanus would accept 
without developing dangerous 
signs of restlessness. The System 
zealots had committed a slight 
tactical error which Nixon 
corrected. 

Venereal Disease 

All the furor about bussing has 
unfortunately obscured a much 
more profound illness in 
America's schools. One symptom 
of this illness is the soaring in- 
cidence of venereal disease 
among White teenagers. Like the 
other symptoms, it is directly 
related to the racial integration 
of the schools. 

Among Black Americans, VD 
has always been endemic. In the 
White community, however, until 
the massive school-integration 



(Issue No. 6, 1971) 



effort of the last decade, it has 
been quite rare. With effective 
treatments for both gonorrhea 
and syphillis, medical authorities 
considered neither disease a 
significant health problem for 
Whites anymore. 

As the racial integration of the 
schools progressed, the White VD 
rate rose steadily. In the past few 
years it has skyrocketed. 

Up Mi Times for Girls 

The sexual and racial dif- 
ferences in the rate of rise give 
the clues. According to figures 
tallied by statisticians at the 
federal Center for Communicable 
Disease in Atlanta, the number of 
new gonorrhea cases among 
young, White females in the 
Washington, D.C., metropolitan 
area (primarily living in the 
Virginia and Maryland suburbs) 
rose by 1,541 per cent in the six- 
year period ending last June 30. 
For young, White males the 
corresponding rise was 131 per 
cent. 

Among Blacks of both sexes the 
incidence of gonorrhea remained 
at approximately the same high 
level where it has been for many- 
years. 
Although Washington is a 
| particularly bad trouble spot, the 
| VD figures for other areas 
I around the country tell the same 
general story. 

Why the much higher rise for 
White girls than for White boys? 
Because Black boys date White 
girls, but White boys almost 
never date Black girls. 

Can't Face Truth 

This shocking but obvious 
conclusion has been shunned by 
both the pro-bussing crowd and 
their opponents. It does not bear 
thinking about by people who do 
not want to be considered 
"racists" or "bigots." 

The VD figures aren't all that 
doesn't bear thinking about. The 
use of drugs by young Whites has 
had a very similar history. Here 
we do not have the same un- 
mistakable clue provided by the 
sex-differential in VD statistics, 
but the story is plain enough. 

Before 1960 the use of heroin in 
America was confined almost 
entirely to Negroes. Its use by 
White high school or university 
students was practically 
nonexistent. Then, as massive 
school integration became a 
reality, so did the whole White 
"drug culture." 

Don't Blame War 

Nor can it be blamed on GIs 
bringing drugs back from 
Vietnam, otherwise we would 
have experienced a soaring drug- 
abuse rate among young Whites 
during and immediately after the 
Korean war. It didn't happen. It 
waited for the forced school 
mixing of the 1960s. 
Worse than any heroin or 
This b all too often th, uKimale consequenc. of school integration-: gc ,r»rrheasta^can tell^he 

regardless of the intention of the "*--£*« m ^ <* *™ Z e U TsehooMnle 2?.tT t 
responsible, however, this is the way they planned it. . b 




the schools where there is an 
uneasy racial coexistence, one 
facet — interracial sex and the 
adoption of Black folkways — is 
seen; another facet is seen in 
those schools where there is open 
racial hostility. 

Only a young person who has 
actually experienced it can fully 
understand the demoralizing 
effect of the constant fear, day 
after day, which accompanies 
him in one of the tougher in- 
tegrated schools, with its roving 
gangs of Blacks. 

Surviving in the 
Blackboard Jungle 

Learning to avoid the rest 
rooms — and, in many schools, 
the cafeterias too; learning to 
always be with a group of your 
friends on the school grounds or 
when walking home; learning 
that it's better to hand over your 
lunch money than to be beaten 
when accosted in the halls; worst 
of all,, learning that the school 
administrators and your teachers 
don't want to become involved, 
that there's no one who'll help 
you — no way out; that's what 
integrated learning is all about. 

There are those Americans 
who believe this is a necessary 
hardening experience: that only 
if our young men learn the 
horrifying facts of racial in- 
tegration at first hand can they 
steel themselves for doing what 
must be done one day soon. 

Understanding Terror 

Those who have planned what 
is happening in America's 
schools understand better the 
effect of terror, however. They 
know that it more often destroys 
than reinforces the will. 

If any good at all can be said to 
come from this terror, it is the 
alienation which is its byproduct. 

Both where there is terror and 
where there is coexistence, there 
is brainwashing. While the 9ense 
of racial guilt and self-hatred that 
results in young White girls 
becoming new VD statistics is 
being pumped into everyone's 
head, everything that ought to be 
taught America's youth is being 
scissored from the textbooks. 

Impartial System 



walls, and the shakedowns in the 

stairwells and corridors. 

"We're Not Bigots" 

And it is because of the utterly 
wrongheaded approach to the 
problem of those who should be 
doing something about it that it 
will remain with us a while yet. 
"We don't want our kids bussed 
to an inferior school," say the 
opponents of bussing, "but we 
have no objection to racially 
integrated neighborhood schools. 
We're not bigots." 

It's not bussing which causes 
VD or drug addiction. It's racial 
integration, whether in a "neigh- 
borhood school" or elsewhere. 

(Issue No. 11 J 972) 




■WNP 



soft 



"It is neither fair nor proper," 
says the sincere, liberal 
educator, "to over-emphasize the 
history of Western civilization 
(which is the history of one race) 
in a multiracial classroom," This 
logic has proceeded to the point 
that in some schools, where 
special "Black History" courses 
have .been introduced, we have 
the spectacle of a few bold White 
students requesting equal time 
for a "White Studies" program — 
and being rejected out of hand. 

Actually, it is because 
America's schools largely ceased 
performing any truly vital task 
years before Brown vs. Board of 
Education that today we find the 
feces in the drinking fountains, 
the graffiti on the classroom 



Leon Damas. a Black teacher at 

two District of Columbia 
colleges, wrote the poem "If 
Often." reproduced below as it 
appeared in a Washington Post 
article praising the "talented" 
Black poet. Actually, a Damas, 
with his openly bloodthirsty 
hatred of the White man, can do 
much less damage than most of 
the teachers the System inflicts 
on students. 

If Often 

if often my ieelin|;;0f race 
ittikes the same f ear 
as the nighttime howling of a dog 
at some approaching death 
I alwayrieel ■ 

|bout to foam with rage 
IgSiljfct w&at grounds tne 
against what prevents me 



from being 



a man 



And nothing 

nothing would so calm fay hate 
la arrest 



of btocpd 

made ' 

py those long sharp knives 

that strip th© ItfUs otcane 

for rum ^ 



: "■-*■ 



(Issue No. 11, 1972) 



12 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Man and Technology 



Technology has come 
somewhat, into bad odor among 
many of today's young people. 
Sensitive souls who find them- 
selves out of tune with the gaudy, 
gimmicky, and artificial world of 
20th-century America often place 
the blame for this dissonance on 
the technology which has made 
all the gimmicks possible. This 
attitude is revealed, for example, 
by the pejorative use of the term 
"plastic." 

DDT ami HigKrother 

Hostility toward technology 
also often finds expression 
among those genuinely and 
deeply concerned about wildlife 
and die beauties and virtues of 
our vanishing wilderness. DDT 
and mercury pollution, oil spills, 
smog, the mind-shattering racket 
of jet aircraft and diesel trucks, 
the chemical adulteration of 
foodstuffs, the unsettling thought 
that Big Brother may be elec- 
tronically eavesdropping on out- 
most intimate and personal af- 
fairs, the niagara of household 
detergent wastes which are 
killing our lakes and streams — 
all these things are blamed on 
modern technology to which they 
are, undeniably, related. 

And, because of blame so 
directed, solutions arc being 
proposed which arc no solutions 
al all. They are based on the 
reasoning that since technology 
is being used to destroy our en- 
vironment, our culture, our peace 
of mind, and our former 
relationship with Nature — all 
unarguably evil consequences — 
technology is itself a bad thing 
and we ought to try to get along 
without it. 

Hack to Nature 



Although a relatively small 
minority of the population has 
come to such a drastic con- 
clusion, the number is growing, 
as manifested by the increasing 
proliferation of "back-to-Nature" 
style communes. Such 

developments are, in fact, en- 
couraging, insofar as they in- 
dicate a healthy regard for the 
preservation of our natural en- 
vironment and o\ man's proper 
relationship to the rest of Nature. 
But they are also dangerous when 
they inspire a misevaluation or 
the root of today's technological 
problems and lead to the 
misbelief that these problems 
can be eliminated by eliminating 
the technology of which they are 
consequences. 

Paradisv Lost 

Adam, no doubt, wished that he 
and Eve could remain in Eden by 
unlearning the fatal knowledge 
imbibed with the forbidden ap- 
ples. And we have all ex- 
perienced the nostalgia for child- 
hood days — the desire to escape 
the responsibilities and worries 
of adulthood by returning, 
somehow, Lo the innocence of the 
past. 

But life and human history and 
the evolution of Nature are one- 
way streets. There is no turning 



back. With each nibble wc take nf 
the fruit of the Tree of 
Knowledge, wo lose a little more 
of our innocence. 

Whal wc must understand is 
thai that loss is utterly and ab- 
solutely irrevocable and that we 
must, therefore, stop longing for 
the simplicity of childhood and 
instead learn how to make the 
best of our adulthood, 

Fating tlio Facts 

The essence of adulthood is 
responsibility. As adults we 
cannot solve our problems by 
wishful or romantic thinking or 
by embracing impossible 
solutions. 

We find unacceptable (he 
pollution of the environment 
which is a consequence of our 
technological civilization. Very 
well. But wc certainly cannot 
eliminate the pollution by 
abolishing t echnological 
civilization. 

A few of us, of course, can turn 
our backs on everyone else and 
run orf into the woods. But the 
rest of society cannot do that, and 
the few escapees will find their 
personal solution transitory. 

One in f.ft(H) 

Consider: If we, as a people, 
eschewed all technology — even 
that inherent in agriculture, 
which is one of the most 
ecologically catastrophic of 
man's technologies — our land 
might eventually support an 
equilibrium population of one in 
every thousand now living. 

If we compromised by accept- 
ing the level of technology we had 
200 years ago, sustaining our- 
selves with horsedrawn plows 
forged by the village blacksmith, 
North America, might, at the 
limit, support a population one- 
quarter its present size. 



the bucolic life but because, 
without those smoke-belching 
steel plants and those smelly oil 
refineries producing the steel for 
tractors and combines and the 
fuel lo run them, when the farmer 
had finished feeding his own 
family he had very little of his 
crop left ft) sell to the non-farmer. 

Pitchforks vs. Tanks 

It we. nevertheless, decided to 
dispense with most, of the tech- 
nology which the last 200 years 
have brought and, having 
reduced our population by one 
means or another to a suitable 
level, take up an IBth-century- 
sfyle rural existence (which, 
despite ils shortcomings, has 
many a I tractive features) we 
would immediately find our plans 
foiled by an army of invasion 
from some country which had not 
renounced the evils of technology 
and could, therefore, quite 
successfully overcome our sling- 
shots and pitchforks with their 
more modern weaponry. 

Nixon's Kelly 

in the same way, regardless 
how horrendous we find modern, 
technological warfare, we simply 
do not have the option of return- 
ing lo slings and arrows. Even so 
tentative a step as the unilateral 
destruction of chemical and 
biological warfare materials and 
the renunciation of further study 
in such areas is enormously 
foolhardy. The hard truth is that 
we are living in a highly com- 
petitive world, and any single 
participant in the game of life 
who deliberately imposes a 
competitive handicap on himself 
is toying with self-destruction. 

Dilemma or the 
Sorcerer's Apprentice 



Precarious Existence 

That would give us a much 
more desirable population 
density than we presently have, 
but without the chemical fer- 
tilizers, pesticides, and other 
mixed blessings of modern tech- 
nology even a population of sixty 
million would face a very 
precarious existence, subject to 
decimation or worse whenever a 
potato blight or the like came 
along. 

There is an inescapable 
relationship between tech- 
nological level and maximum 
possible population density. 
Without those thundering diesel 
trucks clogging the roads and 
polluting the air — and hauling 
countless tons of refrigerated 
foodstuffs daily — the populaces 
of all our jampacked cities would 
quickly starve to death. 

Everyone Grew His Own 

There is a similar dependence 
of man's freedom of choice on the 
level of his technology. Two 
centuries ago nearly everyone 
farmed, not because of the joys of 



Not only is it not reasonable, 
once a new invention has been 
introduced, to withdraw that 
invention and expect the world to 
return to its prior state, but it is 
not feasible to artificially halt the 
more-or-lcss continuous process 
of technological innovation. 
Human nature being what it is, 
technological development is the 
inevitable companion of the 
progress of human knowledge. 

Shall we expect that all men, 
everywhere, once the knowledge 
of how to make an electric light 
bulb — or an antibiotic or a 
machine gun — has been dis- 
seminated, should refrain from 
applying that knowledge? 

Theocratic Solution 

Or shall we, in order to retain 
what shreds of innocence we may 
have left, seek to prevent the 
further progress of human 
knowledge? there have been 
times in our history when that 
approach was actually taken. It is 
perhaps the only reasonable 
approach if one wants to main- 
tain a theocratic form of society. 
But that is not an acceptable 
solution for Western man. 

And yet we are not really faced 
with a' dilemma. Technology is 



inevitable. The present, unhappy 
consequences of technology are 

not. 

Hansel and Gretol 

We can never again have a non- 
technological, Hansel-and-Gretel 
sort of world, in which young men 
ride forth into forest and field to 
slay dragons and seek their 
fortunes. That, in a way, is very 
sad. BuL neither must we 
stoically accept the polluted, 
unnatural hideousness which 
technology and urbanization 
have brought about. 

Lei us rebel! But let us first 
understand why we are rebelling 
and what it is against which we 
are rebelling. 

Culture Distortion 

It is not technology — or human 
knowledge - which lies at the 
root of our unhappiness, but 
particular manifestations of 
technology: the particular forms 
in which our scientific knowledge 
has been actualized. Those ob- 
jectionable forms are Lhemselves 
the consequence of alien attitudes 
toward technology which have 
governed the course of 
development it has taken in 
recent years. 

Materialistic America 

People today — educated as 
well as ignorant, wealthy 
"limousine liberals" as well as 
the hourly paid factory worker — 
think of technology, just as they 
think of life, in typically 
materialistic terms. 

The importance of technology 
lo them is that it has increased 
Lheir standard of living. It has 
made their work easier. It has 
allowed them more leisure and 
amusements, from fibre-glass 
cabin cruisers and self-propelled 
garden tractors to 8-track car- 
tridge players and color 
television. 



other it means new opportunities 
to master the profane and 
comprehend the sublime. 

To the one it offers the chance 
to extort more wealth from an 
already pillaged Nature; a new 
way of converting a virgin forest 
into plastic hair curlers or 
padded dashboards — at a profit. 
To the other it offers new tools — 
new muscles, new hands, new 
legs, new eyes — which enable 
him to accomplish feats other- 
wise impossible: to explore 
regions of his universe otherwise 
inaccessible, to consider options 
otherwise unavailable, to know 
the otherwise unknowable; it 
gives him new power, not to 
exploit or subdue or contravene 
Nature, but to fulfil Nature's 
innermost purpose; her upward 
striving. 

Struggle: Essence of Life 

The real importance of tech- 
nology to Western man is not that 
ii removes struggle from his life 
but that it provides him with new 
means, hopefully better means, 
for carrying on a never-ending 
struggle. 

To the Levantine mind, 
struggle is something to be 
avoided, and the rewards of life 
are the bodily pleasures which 
technology makes possible and 
wealth can procure. 

To the truly Western mind 
struggle is the essence of man's 
life. Western man has a mission, 
and he must struggle all the 
years of his life — all the 
generations of his race - to 
further that mission. The billion 
years' struggle up from the 
primeval slime was as inevitable 
and necessary for him as the end- 
less struggle toward godhood 
which still lies ahead. 



The Jewish Outlook 

It has made their lives longer 
and removed much of the pain 
and struggle of living. And that's 
all they think about it — pain vs. 
pleasure, inconvenience vs. 
convenience, struggle vs. leisure, 
period. 

This unrelieved materialism is 
not inherent in Western man's 
world view. It is imposed. It is 
alien, oriental. It is Jewish. 

Levantine man's outlook 
comprises only the moment — he 
is the inventor of the "now 
generation." Western man's soul 
encompasses the infinite — the 
endless past and the endless 

future. 

A new technological advance 
means to the oriental the 
possibility of increasing the GNP 
or, perhaps, shortening the work 
week. To the man of Western 
blood it offers the possibility of 
climbing to a new and higher 
plane of existence. 

More Plastic 

Technology in the hands of the 
one means more plastic, neon, 
and chrome. In the hands of the 



Purge Needed 

We have lost our innocence and 
we have not yet gained wisdom, 
yet, still, we can see what we 
must do. That is not to renounce 
struggle, or the technological 
means of struggle we have 
developed — which would be to 
renounce life itself — but to purge 
the Western world of the alien 
ideology and the alien values 
which have perverted the ends to 
which our scientific knowledge 
has been applied. 

Then we can redirect our 
energies, reshape our tech- 
nology, and use it to help us climb 
ou'l of the present pigsty of 
degeneracy and materialism and 
pollution and find our way once 
again to the upward path. 

Harmony with Nature 

And, with care, we can con- 
tinue to develop and refine our 
technology as we remain on that 
upward path. At the same time, 
we can live in harmony with our 
inner selves our Western race- 
soul - and with the rest of 
Nature 

The way upward is not difficult 
lo see. It is within our reach Wc 
need only develop a unified will to 
move in the right direction. 



The first step will be to remove 
from our midst, those whose 
natural inclination is to convert 
forests inlo hair curlers. 

The second step will be to 
accept the necessity of a con- 
tinent-wide coordination and 
regulation of all matters affect- 
ing the modification of our 
natural environment. 

It must become no longer 
possible for a cartel of real estate 
developers, whatever their 
motives, to make the independent 
decision to call out the bulldozers 
and transform a thousand acres 
of meadowland into supermarket 
parking lots. Or for a power 
company to arbitrarily dam 
mountain streams in order to sell 
more electricity to local in- 
dustries. Or for the citizens of any 



community to continue pouring 
their, filth into the nearest river in 
order to avoid the taxes 
necessary for total sewage 
purification. 
That will be a big step. 

Improving Man 

The biggest step, however, will 

be the retransvaluation of our 
values, through an educational 
process extending over 
generations, if necessary. 

We must learn to value quality 
above quantity in all things, 
beginning with man himself. 

We must learn to relegate 
economic considerations to their 
proper place, instead of allowing 
them to be the determining factor 
in all decisions. We can, in fact, 
change the coefficients in the 



economic equation so that the 
economic criterion comes much 
more nearly into accord with 
more fundamental criteria. 



Planned Obsolescence 

The argument that a pollution- 
free industrial process is "too 
expensive" will no longer be a 
justification for pollution, just as 
the argument that "consumer 
demand" requires a myriad of 
models of everything made, all 
with incompatible components, 
will have much less weight. 
Planned obsolescence arid 
subsidized waste will become 
intolerable. 

We must reorient our thinking 
so that coirvenience may not play 
so large a role in our judgments 



of things as now. We must un- 
derstand that a hardy and robust 
people is a greater good than a 
comfortable people. 

Thinking Organically 

Most difficult of all, we must 
learn to think organically: that 
is, to view each minor or major 
aspect of our lives in relation to 
the whole life of the individual, of 
the community, and of the race — 
not only as it affects the present 
but as it is linked to the past and 
as it bears on the future. 

When we have learned to 
think this way we will be able to 
appreciate the very necessary 
role — not just the desirable or 
expedient or utilitarian role — 
which technology can fill in the 
furtherance of Nature's purpose. 



13 



Coming of the Lightning 

Without technological means 
the great bulk of mankind must 
remain, in essence, beasts of 
burden, drones in the human ant- 
heap. That condition of existence, 
requiring a certain type of man, 
imposes inevitable bounds on 
man's evolutionary development. 

But technology, properly 
harnessed, can remove the 
condition of general servitude 
and, thereby, liberate our race 
for the possibility of a continuous 
higher breeding. 

(Issue No. 12, 1972) 



REVOLUTIONARY NOTES 




These Notes are intended solely 
to arm the patriot with detailed 
information on urban guerrilla 
warfare technique and materiel, 
thus overcoming the monopoly 
which Marxist activists presently 
enjoy in this area. 

NYA assumes no responsibility 
for medical or legal difficulties 
which may ensue for the in- 
dividual who engages in the 
construction or use of any of the 
devices, materials, or techniques 
described herein. 

Firearms 

Previous Notes dealing with 
explosive and incendiary devices 
have emphasized improvisation. 
A few years hence it may be 
important for the urban guerrilla 
to be able to improvise his 
firearms also, but in the im- 
mediate future he almost cer- 
tainly will have a ready supply of 
commercially manufactured 
firearms. 

His principal need at this time, 
then, is to be able to evaluate the 
various types of available 
firearms and ammunition in 
terms of the tasks he will call 
upon them to perform and the 
conditions under which he must 
expect to use them. 

In this and successive Notes we 
will briefly consider the following 
firearms tasks or functions: 
street fighting, sniping and 
terrorism, assassination. 

Street Fighting 

Here the guerrilla comes 
closest to being engaged in 
conventional military action, and 
the weapons he will find most 
suitable will be similar to those 
used by conventional military 
forces. 

Rifles and Carbines 

The most basic such weapon is 
a rifle of military caliber, There 
is such a wide range of 
possibilities in making a choice 
here that it is difficult to do more 
than offer a few general 
suggestions and guidelines: 

% Availability of ammunition 
should be a primary con- 
sideration. Rifles handling a 
universally available cartridge, 
such as the ,30-06, are greatly 
preferable to those requiring, 
say, 6.5 mm Jap or 7.65 mm 



Argentine Mauser cartridges. 
Particularly to be guarded 
against is the temptation to 
choose one of the super-power 

cartridges, such as the .358 or .375 
magnum. The ballistics may be 
impressive, but any advantage 
will be far outweighed by the 
virtual impossibility of finding 
the right ammunition under 
combat conditions. 

# The advantage of being 
able to scavenge ammunition 
from government forces is 



adequate for most urban use. 
Furthermore, the convenience 
and maneuverability of these 
carbines, together with their very 
high firepower capabilities, 



autoloading shotgun can be just 
about as portable as a sub- 
machine gun and is generally to 
be preferred as a guerilla 
weapon. 




Autoloading, c 
recommend them strongly 
Caliber .30 U.S. carbine am 
munition is still widely available 




.30 Ml Carbine 

substantial. The .30-06 is widely • Any guerrilla unit will be 

used by National Guard and other well advised to keep the number 

military units in the U.S., who are of different kinds of rifles on 

still equipped to a large extent which it is dependent to a 

with the Ml Garand. As the minimum. This is particularly 

changeover to other military important from the standpoint of 

calibers progresses, however, the commonality of ammunition, but 



guerrilla should keep an eye on 
the situation. Within a few years 
the caliber .223 M16 may be in 
more common use than the 

Garand by police and National 



it is also advantageous for a 
guerrilla to be completely 
familiar with the characteristics 
of the rifle he is using. He can 
only do this if he can count on 



ombat shotgun 

A few rules for guerrilla 
shotgunners are: 

# Don't choose a weapon of 
other than 12-gauge bore. 

# Don't use cartridges loaded 
with smaller pellets than No. 4 
buckshot. 

# Always have a few rifled 
slugs handy, for use against 
vehicles and barricades. 

Sidearms 

Similar considerations to those 
for rifles apply to sidearms. If a 
revolver is chosen, it should be 
chambered for caliber .38 special 
(or .357 magnum, which will also 
accept the shorter .38 special 
cartridge). Avoid oddities, such 
as the .44 magnum. 



Guard units. One other military always having access to the same 
rifle commonly encountered is type of rifle. 



the caliber .308 (7.62 mm NATO) 
M14. 

• Urban firefights nearly 
always involve ranges less than 



Shotguns 

In many cases the urban 
200 yards and usually less than guerrilla will find the shotgun a 




100 yards. Thus, except for 
sniping, a flat trajectory and 
long-range killing ability are not 
critical requirements for a 
guerrilla weapon 



satisfactory substitute for a rifle. 
Shotguns are more widely 
available in stores, homes, and 
police armories than any other 
kind of firearm. With buckshot or 



Because guerrilla units will rifled-slug loads they have 
usually be outnumbered by their adequate kill-capability at most 
government opponents, urban firefight ranges 



firepower — the rate at which 
aimed fire can be delivered — is 
particularly important. Thus, a 
semiautomatic weapon is 
preferable to a bolt-, lever-, or 
pump-action rifle. For the same 
reason, a weapon with a 



One feature of the autoloading 
shotgun that is often overlooked 
is its enormous firepower 

capability. Typically, five shots 
can be gotten off in less than 
three seconds. If No. 4 buckshot 
loads are used, that means a hail 



.38 Special 



If an autoloading pistol is 
preferred, stick to one using 
either .45 ACP or 9 mm 
parabellum cartridges — unless 
concealability is important. 
Probably the best military 
sidearms available are Walther's 
9 mm P-38 and Smith & Wesson's 
9 mm Model 39, both of which 
have the very valuable double- 
action feature. 



detachable box magazine which of 135 caliber .25 pellets in those 



can be rapidly replaced with a 

fully loaded spare offers an 
advantage. 

Both the above con- 
siderations suggest the 
suitability of the caliber .30 Ml 
and M2 carbines. They have 
ballistic characteristics sub- 
stantially less impressive than a 
.30-06 rifle, but still quite 



three seconds, lethal out to 50 
yards. That is a performance 
superior to any submachine gun 
made. With a shortened stock and 
a barrel cut down to 18 inches, an 




Model 39, 9 mm 




.30-06 semiautomatic (FN) 



(Issue No. 12, 1972) 



The Song of 
the Fifth River 

Rudyard Kipling {1865 ■ 1936) 

When first by Eden Tree, 
The Four Great Rivers rait, 
To each was appointed a man 
Her Prince and Ruler to be. 
But after this was ordained, 
(The ancient legends tell) 
There came dark Israel, 
For whom no river remained. 

Then He that is Wholly Just 

Said to him, "Fling on the ground 

A handful of yellow dust, 

And a Fifth Great River shall run, 

Mightier than these Four, 

In secret the Earth around; 

And her secret evermore, 

Shall be shown to thee and thy Race." 

So it was said and done, 
And deep in the veins of Earth, 
And fed by a thousand springs 
That comfort the market place 
Or sap the power of Kings, 
The Fifth Great River had birth, 
Even as it was foretold - 
The Secret River of Gold. 

And Israel laid down 
His sceptre and his crown, 
To brood on the river bank, 
Where the waters Hashed and sank, 
And burrowed in earth and fell, 
And bided a season below; 
For reasons that none might know, 
Save only, only Israel. 

He is Lord of the Last, 

The Fifth, most wonderful Flood. 

He hears her thunder past 

And her Song is in his blood. 

He can foresay: "She will fall," 

For he knows which fountain dries 

Behind which desert belt 

A thousand leagues to the South. 

He can foresay: "She will rise," 
He knows what far snows melt, 
Along that mountain wall 
A thousand leagues to the North. 
He snuffs the coming drouth 
As he snuffs the coming rain. 

He knows what each will bring forth 

And turns it to his gain. 

A Prince without a Sword, 

A Ruler without a Throne; 

Israel follows his quest 

In every land a guest. 

01 many lands the Lord, 

In no land King is he, 

But the Fifth Great River keeps 

The secret of her deeps 

For Israel alone, 

As it was ordered to be, 

(Issue No. 22, 1973) 



14 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



The Future of Capitalism 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



The West is the bastion of 
capitalism in a world in which 
capitalism has become a dirty 
word. 

That private capital should 
continue to find a sanctuary in 
the West is only fitting, for 
capitalists have had a vital role 
in the history of the West, par- 
ticularly in the last two cen- 
turies. They have often been 
responsible for beneficial 
developments that could not, 
under the prevailing conditions, 
have taken place without them. 

Providing the Means 

Far more than government, 
capitalists — big businessmen, 
entrepreneurs with investment 
capital — provided the means 
and the incentive for the great 
voyages of exploration and trade 
which, in the I5th-18th centuries, 
placed the resources of the 
whole world at the disposal of 
the West. 

To an even larger extent 
private capital must be given the 
credit for translating the great 
scientific discoveries of Western 
genius into the technological 
applications which have 
magnified Western man's might 
and wealth a billionfold. The 
steam engine, the internal- 
combustion engine, the dynamo, 
the telegraph and telephone, 
textile and agricultural 
machinery — all these and 
countless other inventions owe to 
private capitalists their 
development beyond the 
laboratory or workshop stage 
and their wide-scale application. 

Big Projects 
Need Big Resources 

No craftsman or small 
tradesman, no scholar or soldier 
or priest could have marshalled 
the vast resources needed. Big 
businessmen and far-sighted 
capitalists, with an eye on the 
future profits, could and did. 
Today even the initial in- 
vestment required to get a new 
electronic device or a new 
chemical process operating in 
the laboratory is beyond the 
means of all but the largest 
corporations — or the govern- 
ment. 

Remaining Competitive 

As long as the West intends to 
remain competitive with the rest 
of the world — as long as we 
intend to be efficient — we are 
committed to doing many things 
on a large scale; we are tied to 
mass-production techniques, to 
methods requiring large 
amounts of initial capital. No 
tradesman or small 

businessman can build an oil 
refinery or an aircraft jet 
engine, because there is no ef- 
ficient way to do these things on 
a very small scale. 

A Worm in the Apple 

Capitalism has not been an 
unmitigated blessing for the 
West, however. In North 
America, from the days of the 
Wall Street "robber barons" to 
the present, there has been an 



overabundance of those ready to 
use the power of capital in an 
irresponsible and destructive 
manner. 

In recent years we have seen 
the development of a breed of 
super-capitalists who, because 
of their enormous economic 
power and their infinite con- 
tempt for the mere mortals 
whom they are able to 
manipulate like vast herds of 
economically bound serfs, raise 
the question as to whether large- 
scale private capitalism may 
have outlived its usefulness to 
the West. 

Growing Resentment 

This question is being asked by 
the serfs themselves, in larger 
and larger numbers. We are 
experiencing a resurgence of a 
brand of populist sentiment 
which glorifies the worker and 
the small businessman as the 
only productive and useful 
members of society and regards 
the big businessman and the 
capitalist as drones and 
parasites. 

It has never seemed quite 
right to Westerners that a man 
should be able to make money 
simply because he has money, 
without doing any useful work, 
without producing something. 
Coupled to this is a growing 
resentment of the power over 
our lives exercised by the money 
masters. 

Distortion of History 

This popular resentment will 
certainly be fanned and ex- 
ploited by those who arc op- 
ponents of free enterprise. Our 
whole view of the history of the 
economic development of Lhe 
West is being distorted for this 
purpose. 

Wide currency is being given to 
the notion that, although 
capitalist entrepreneurs and 
industrial tycoons did much to 
make the West rich and 
powerful, they did it for the 
wrong reasons; they were in- 
terested only in enriching 
themselves, and any benefits to 
society were purely coin- 
cidental. ("What is good for 
General Motors is good for 
America.") 

Example of Ford 

All that we know about some of 
the greatest of these men argues 
against such an attitude. They 
were builders, not just ex- 
ploiters. 

Henry Ford is an outstanding 
example. He was certainly driven 
by great personal am- 
bition, but he also governed his 
life and all his business ventures 
with a strong sense of respon- 
sibility. He opposed evil and 
destructive influences in the 
business, political, and cultural 
life of America with all the 
power at his disposal, and he 
was very nearly ruined by those 
influences as a result, 

Bad Seed 

It is unfortunate that his 
descendants did not inherit his 



strength of character, but in- 
stead have collaborated with the 
destructive forces that he so 
strongly opposed. It is also 
unfortunate that, as we survey 
the national and international 
scene today, there are very few 
among the top figures of finance 
and industry with Henry Ford's 
sense of responsibility. 

Filthy Rich Parasites 
Instead, American capitalism 
today is more nearly personified 
by the Rockefellers and the 
Kennedys, by the directors of the 
Xerox Corporation and the Ford 
Foundation, all men with 
characters the very antithesis of 
Ford's. 

There is, in fact, such vast 
economic power concentrated in 
such irresponsible hands that 
capitalism, instead of continuing 
to build the West, now offers us 
the frightening prospect of 
joining forces with communism 
in order to bury the West. 

Too Much Power 
Capital has become a power 
unto itself, with a realm of in- 
terests distinct from those of the 
people, of the nation, of the race. 
The first and last aim of 
capita) is to increase itself, and 
the quintessential capitalist 
interests himself in conditions — 
the state of the economy, the 
welfare and attitudes of the 
people, the supply of natural 
resources, the laws of the land, 
the personalities making up the 
government — ■ only insofar as 
these conditions affect the rate 
of return on his capital. 

Unrestrained Selfishness 

The butcher, the baker, and 
the candlestick-maker, of 



course, also have the all-too- 
human tendency of viewing the 
world in the light of their own 
parochial interests. The but- 
cher's feelings about what the 
price of pork chops ought to be 
are not half so likely to be based 
on what's good for the com- 
munity as they are on what's 
good for his own pocketbook. 

But the average butcher, 
fortunately, is not in a position to 
cause nations to go to war or to 
manipulate national economies 
or otherwise to adjust the 
welfare and destiny of millions 
of his fellows to suit himself. The 
biggest capitalists have been in 
such a position for some time. 

Socialist Solution 
Socialists have tackled the 
problem of capital by removing 
it from the hands of individuals 
and entrusting it instead to the 
government thereby 

establishing the collective 
ownership by the people of all 
the nation's capital assets 
(theoretically). In practice, this 
has seldom been an entirely 
satisfactory solution, for two 
principal reasons. 

In the first place, socialism 
has usually not worked the way 
its planners intended. Where the 
elimination of private 
capitalism has been pushed by 
zealots to include the 
socialization of even the 
smallest entrepreneurships, 
gross inefficienty, waste, and 
mismanagement have been the 
typical consequences. 

Best Carrot and Stick 

It is a rare bureaucrat or civil 
servant or employee of a state 
enterprise who will devote the 



same loving care and pain- 
staking effort to his task as will 
the private entrepreneur. There 
has been no better carrot 
discovered for insuring 
productivity, efficiency, and 
quality of work, whether as 
farmer, merchant, or mechanic, 
than the promise that one's own 
efforts on one's own enterprise 
will be translated directly into 
one's own private gain — and no 
better stick to guard against 
failure than the sure knowledge 
that hunger and deprivation, not 
simply a reprimand from the 
boss, are likely to follow rapidly 
on the heels of any slacking or 
carelessness. 

Even where the state has 
restricted its takeover to large 
enterprises, including heavy 
industry, communications, 
transportation, mining, and the 
like, and left smaller farms, 
workshops, stores, and other 
businesses in private hands, the 
result has usually been less than 
Utopian. 

Why Anticommunism 

A far more serious short- 
coming of most socialist 
regimes, entirely aside from 
their failures or successes in 
production, lies in their Marxist 
philosophy — i.e., in their 
equalitarianism and in their 
purely economic view of man 
and history. It is for this reason 
alone, and not for any threat that 
it poses to private property or 
free enterprise, that com- 
munism is a deadly menace 
which must be thoroughly 
purged from the Western world, 
no matter what the cost of this 
task. 



m**r.- 








Jospttafe and Omnftorfs at ScatfHs ^£> wi0 want to sett 3011 U$ 
Rofcben Ravfcner and Murderer, ▼ German Goods, 

ARE OME AND THE S AWE FERS^ 

Men and Women of Britain Have Nothing to do wfthG^a^ j 

the Crimes Coimnlftedby f hem gainst f Mnanito nave mm ea#i$!ed^ 
Help to ^ayc^OeriiKWis andiiemnaiiGoods fin Joining the i% 
British Empire Unton, 34G Strand, London, 

: " ...-.^.-.-.-i ..:-- COPIES 'OF THIS PlvZf.Ffl.ii0X MQ*-@ii* (Bft-sh. - ,i *3**fcs* 

Greed of British capitalists was so great that they welcomed World Wars I and II as a means of 

eliminating German competitors. This British poster of 1918, portraying Germans looting, burning 
churches, and bayoneting babies, was published by the British equivalent of our National Association 
of Manufacturers. It was a preview of the atrocity propaganda on which British capitalists 
collaborated with Zionists 20 years later in order to justify the British declaration of war against 
Germany, launching World World II. 



Menace of Marxism 

The Marxist, believing in the 
equal value and equal potential 
of afl races and of every in- 
dividual member of a given 
race, believing in the perfect 
malleability of human nature 
and individual character, seeing 
only economic forces and 
economic motives as the 
determinants of both collective 
and individual human behavior, 
and denying the role of the 
outstanding personality — the 
exceptional or gifted individual 
leader, thinker, or innovator — 
in all human progress, 
jeopardizes the only true basis 
for man's existence in this 
universe. 

Game of Monopoly 

Ironically, this same 
economic-equalitarian world 
view is shared by many of the 
proponents of capitalism, who 
are mistakenly held to be 
ideological opponents of the 
Marxists. 

To them the world is 
somewhat like a Monopoly 
board, albeit much more 
complex, Every move is made in 
terms of dollars and cents. 
Every square in the game — 
every aspect of their world — 
has an economic label: Cost of 
Labor, Expansionary Money 
Policy, Floating Exchange Rate, 
Price-Earnings Ratio, and so on. 

Living by Economics Alone 

Race, nation, culture have no 
intrinsic value to them, but only 
as these things are recognized to 
have a bearing on economic 
matters: 

Is it cheaper to bring in 
braceros from Mexico, or to pay 
skilled White workers to do the 
job with machinery? 

Should we put our money 
behind the Republican can- 
didate, who has promised us 
larger depletion allowances, or 
behind the Democrat, whose 
bigger welfare program will 
mean a more profitable market 
for our products in the ghettos? 

If we support the proposed 
treaty with Peking, will the 
Chinese pay us more for our 
grain than we are getting from 
India now? 



15 

Should we oppose the 
legalization of marijuana, which 
would cut into our tobacco sales, 
or can we make more money by 
modifying our present tobacco- 
processing machinery to handle 
marijuana too? 

If we sponsor a series of TV 
programs promoting racial 
integration, will we gain more 
Black customers than we lose 
Whites? 

Destiny in Wrong Hands 

God forbid that such men 
should have the power to plot the 
destiny of our people, but they 
do. 

Capital has the uncanny 
property of growing on itself 
without limit, and the power of 
the men who control it has also 
grown without limit for far too 
many years now. It will be the 
urgent task of a truly national 
government to Curb this power 
and to insure that it does not 
have a chance to begin growing 
again. 

Saving Free Enterprise 

This will inevitably mean that 
many of the present 
prerogatives of big business and 
private finance will be assumed 
by government, while free en- 
terprise itself, in the form of 
private entrepreneurships and 
businesses which have not 
grown so large and impersom 
that they threaten the ver 
foundations of our civilization 
can continue to bestow iti 
blessings on our people. 

National Socialism 

In a sense, this necessarj 
curbing of the power of super- 
capitalism may be called 
socialism, but we should not let 
labels frighten us. What is im- 
portant is that, whether we call 
it socialism or not, it be national 
in its essence and that it be 
based upon the fundamental 
values of race and personality 
rather than on any purely 
economic theory, Marxist oi 
otherwise. 

(Issue No. 13, 1972) 



Portnoy 3 s Complaint: 
A GoyischeView 



RODMAN C. ROCKEFELLER, standing in the doorway, is a chip off the old block. He is inspecting 
one of the new. brick houses near Smithfieid, Va., which the International Basic Economy Corp.. 
headed by Rodman and founded by his father Nelson, has just finished building as; part of a huge, new 
project for resettling destitute, rural Negro families into White, suburban areas. Misguided 
philanthropy? Hardly. Although the new homes will be turned over to the Negro families with no 
down payments, the Rockefellers will collect, full payment (including a healthy profit) from the 
federal government, i.e.. from you and me. 



ATTACK! certainly does not 
want to establish a reputation as 
a pander for the skin-flick trade, 
but we are going out on a limb 
just once and recommending that 
all our readers see the movie 
Portnoy's Complaint. 

Actually there's very little skin 
to be seen in this flick, although it 
is decidedly pornographic. The 
peg on which the film is hung is a 
young Jew's problem with 
masturbation. 

Fixation on Genitalia 

If the viewer can stomach the 
peculiarly Jewish fixation on 
genitalia and human excretory 
functions which pervades the 
film, there is a reward for him; 
namely, a fleeting glimpse at the 
traditional Jewish attitude 



toward Gentiles — or the goyim. 
as Portnoy and his family would 
say. 

The nationally syndicated film 
reviewer. Rex Reed, reacted to 
Portnoy 's Complaint with the 
indiscreet statement: "This film 
will make many people think 
Hitler was rightabout the Jews." 

Tatmudic Prejudice 
For example, there are 
disparaging remarks which 
Portnoy's parents repeatedly 
utter about Gentiles: "goyische 
crooks" and the like. The viewer, 
of course, is supposed to believe 
that is only because they are old- 
fashioned, religious Jews, who 
have been brought up on the 
Talmud and can't help them- 
selves. Young Portnoy. in con- 
trast, is a "liberated" Jew, who 



has no truck with the anti- 
Gentilism of his parents — 
almost. 

The careful observer will see 
the true attitude of the 
"liberated" Jew more subtly — 
and, presumably, unconsciously 
— expressed by the Jews who 
created this sickening film and 
the book on which it is based, 
in their diverse portrayals of 
two of its characters: the empty- 
headed, degraded Gentile girl, or 
"shiksa," Mary Jane, and the 
upright, self-confident Jewish 
girl, Naomi. 

Joys of Yiddish 

This word "shiksa," used 
several times during the film, tells 
a story of its own. It is one of 
those Yiddish words, like 



"schlemiel" or "schmuck," 
formerly used only by Jews out of 
earshot of the nearest Gentile, 
which today are openly Flaunted 
in mixed company — and have 
even become part of the 
vocabulary of "avant-garde" 
Gentiles. 

Some Yiddish words stem from 
Hebrew; most, like "schmuck, " 
have German roots. A par- 
ticularly interesting feature of 
Yiddish words is that a great 
many of them have double 
meanings. "Schmuck." for 
example, means "ornament" or 
"decoration" to a German; to a 
Jew it means "penis." 

A Piece of Meat 

"Shiksa" has a Hebrew root 
which means "abomination." 

something unclean" — 
specifically, a piece of "unclean" 
(non-kosher) meat, like a pork 
chop or a slice of ham. 

The use of the same word -to 
designate a Gentile girl and a 



piece of "unclean" meat may 
seem to many onjy a harmless, 
private Jewish joke. It's no joke, 
though. 



Consider the more commonly 
used Yiddish word, goy (plural: 
goyim), meaning "Gentile." It 
comes directly from the Hebrew, 
where it has two meanings: (non- 
Jewish) "people" or (non- 
Jewish) "nation" — and "cat- 
tle." 

It is interesting to browse 
through the Old Testament, 
substituting "goyim" for 
"nation" wherever that word 
appears. For instance, "The 
goyim who refuse to serve you 
(Israel) shall perish; yea, those 
goyim shall be utterly wasted" 
(Isaiah 60:12). It brings home a 
little more clearly the burning 
hatred, the bottomless contempt 
of Jew for Gentile — a hatred and 
contempt which stretch from the 
time of Isaiah to the present. 



16 

Not for Goyiseht- Kvcs 

Usually Jews have kept these 
feelings carefully concealed, 
although one would think the Old 
Testament Sufficiently explicit to 
give the game away. The Talmud 
is much more explicit — so much 
so thai it is scrupulously -guarded 
from prying Gentile eyes. Thick- 
witted, good-natured brutes 
though they be, even Gentiles 
might take offense at the blatant 
expression of hatred in the 
Talmud. 

It is all the more curious, then, 
ilia i in the past few years the 
Jewish Establishment has so 
recklessly let its guard down. 
Win a picture like l'ortm>\\s 
CfHnjilaiiit when there are so 
many oi her sick (and sale topics 
i hey eould have used for a porno- 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



htm 



Ritual Murder 

And why have they let the book 
Gelilen: Germany's Master Spy 

go on sale as a paperback ai 
newsstands all over America, 
when that book reveals (on page 
133) that the Jewess, Hilde 
Benjamin, chief justice of the 
postwar Soviet regime in East 
Germany, delivered all her 
thousands of death sentences 
according to the Jewish tradition 
for ritual murder of a Gentile, 
with Talmud, candle, and all? 



We Don't Count 

Why the increasing tendency in 
i he mass media to rub our noses 
in the private little world of 
Jewish humor, Jewish per- 
version, and Jewish folkways - 
almost as if the media existed for 



their benefit alone, and we just 
didn't count? 

Has their contempt made them 
careless? 

Not really. During the next few 
months a million or so goyische 
'cattle 1 ' will pay their $3 apiece 
to see Portnoy's Complaint, and 
09 per cent of them will laugh at 
all the places they're supposed to 
laugh, think only what they're 
supposed to think, and walk out 
when its all over no more aware 
of what's going on in the world — 
and no more caring — than when 
they walked in. 

But Portnoy and his tribe had 
better watch out for that last one 
per cent. 




A documentary paper hack 
reveals Jewish hatred and 
\ eiigefulness against Germans 
impressed through Tatmudie 
ritual murder. Noiir of the 
hundreds of American (its who 
vv ilnessnl the scene in May 1!M5 
will ever forget tin* little park in 
Lhe Berlin suburb of Lichterfelde 
where the corpses of 30 German 
children between the ages of 
three mid nine were found 
hanging upside down from trees 
U\ coitls strung through their 
heel tendons. Their throats had 
heen slashed and Hebrew letters 
daubed on their naked bodies 
with blood. News of the horrible 
atrocity, which had been com- 
mitted by Soviet Jewish troops, 
was suppressed and Army news 
photographers' film confiscated, 
on orders from Eisenhower's HQ. 



(Issue No. 14, 1972) 



Why We Fight 



When they are desperate and 
haVe their backs against a wall, 
most men will fight, if they can 
see a chance thereby of relieving 
their plight. 

In America today, desperate 
men are scarce. 

We complain aboul taxes and 
about rising prices, but we arc 
not desperate about either, 
despite imaginative rhetoric to 
that effect heard occasionally. 

We denounce the treason in our 
government and the alien 
monopoly over our information 
media, but neither have made us 
desperate. 

Discontent, Yes: Desperation, No 

The busing of school children 
into integrated blackboard 
jungles makes us angry, but few 
have become really desperate as 
a result of even the most 
outrageous busing edicts. 

Those who felt a strong at- 
tachment to their church or to 
some other traditional institution 
of our people which has been 
debased -~ or has debased itself 

in recent years have responded 
with sadness or a sense of 
frustration rather than 
desperation. 

Because we are not hungry, we 
are not desperate. Because we 
are not in immediate peri! of our 
lives, we are not desperate. 
Because America, wallowing in 
the grossness of her decadence, 
in the stench of her corruption, in 
the vileness of her materialism 
and her liberalism, can yet 
provide bread and circuses 
aplenty we are not desperate: 

Where desperation is lacking, 
other incentives for fighting must 
be found, but there are few which 
serve so well. 

Alienated Are Bought Off 

Alienation can sometimes be 
pressed into service, in a 
negative way. But today even the 
alienated are so sated with 
material comforts that they fight 
only for a diversion, for ex- 
citement. Their destructive 
impulses toward a society and a 
civilization to which they feel no 
fundamental commitment are 
held in check by their continuing 



greed for the pleasures that 
civilization can supply them. 

Almighty Public Opinion 

The pressure of the herd can 
also make men fight. In the 
trenches of World War I, when 
the sergeant shouted, "Over the 
top!," men who only wanted to 
find a safe place to hide never- 
theless swarmed out to do battle. 
Fear of the opinions of their 
fellows was stronger even than 
the fear of death. 

The same thing can also be 
made lo work on a mass scale. 
The lighting energy of a whole 
people can be mobilized, if there 
first has been created lhe public 
sentiment I hat each and every 
citizen should join the effort 
against a national enemy real 
or imagined. 

Pressure lo Conform 

One needs not feel a sense of 

personal commitment or duty in 
order to be compelled lo fighl ; he 
merely needs to feel that that is 
whal is expected of him. 

Herd pressure works equally 
well to i>re\eiU people from 
lighting or opposing a thing, by 
holding oul lhe threat of public- 
disapproval of Ihose who do so, 
Kxaeily such pressure today 
serves as the firs) line of defense 
lor the System which is 
destroying America. 

Power of Materialism 

The lure of booty has always 
provided a powerful motive for 
men lo fight, whether that booty 
was in the form of the spoils of a 
medieval city or the high salary. 
status, and privileges which 
modern states provide for their 
elite secret policemen. 

Special agents of the FBI are 
generally recruited from the 
finest stock in the U.S.. but. 
because. I hey are paid hand- 
somely to do so, they en- 
thusiastically defend the System 
and wage relentless war against 
patriots who would throw off its 
shackles. 

Patriots face, in addition, the 
negative prospect of losing 
whatever material possessions 
they might otherwise hope to 



acquire by going along with 'the 
destroyers of their nation. 

In times when treason doth 
prosper, the opposition to treason 
seldom does. 

Why then, since we are neither 
desperate in the ordinary, 

physical sense of the word - nor 
alienated, nor urged by public 
opinion, nor lured by the promise 
ol riches, do we fight? 

Extraordinary Motivation 

In order to carry on a de- 
manding and unpopular acti- 
vity over a long period of time; an 
activity which requires long 
hours of hard work with little or 
no financial reward and presents 
the constant danger of physi- 
cal injury, imprisonment, or 
assassination; an activity which 
often alienates friends, neigh- 
bors, relatives, business asso- 
ciates, and employers and can 
result in loss of present employ- 
ment with blackballing for the 
future — one needs an extraordi- 
nary motivation. 

Since the ordinary physical 
rewards and threats which pro- 
vide the incentive for ordinary 
activity are ruled out, the moti- 
vation must be of an idealis- 
tic or spiritual nature. It must 
transform one's whole outlook 
on life, so that ordinary temp- 
tations cease to tempt, and 
ordinary deterrents cease to 
deter. 

Itavial Idealism 

Wc fight when others will not 
because we have recognized 
values and meanings that they 

have not. 

Our central value that which 
gives meaning lo all lhe rest, is 

race. 

We underslnnd and love the 
greatness which is in our race. 
We are determined that those 
who want to drag that greatness 
down and smother it under alien 
filth shall not succeed. 

The contributions of our great 
thinkers and creators, the beauty 
from our great poets and artists, 
the heroism and daring of our 
great warriors and leaders, the 
sacrifices of our martyrs — the 



sublime dreams of the millions of 
our outstanding men and women 
through the ages - must con- 
tinue to have meaning and to give 
inspiration. 

Their lives must not have been in 
vain. The heritage they have 
created for us must be guarded 
and passed on. 

Oenetie Treasure 

Even more important than this 
spiritual treasure is the 
biological basis without which it 
could never have been created. 
What God and Nature have 
wrought through millions of 
years of upward evolution is 
stored in the genes of our race. 
There is no treasure more 
precious, more profoundly 
significant, in the universe. 

The life of any individual — the 
lives of all men now living ■ are 
of insignificant value in com- 
parison. 

Sense of Identity 

In such an attitude will be 
recognized a sense of racial 
identity. We understand that our 
own lives have real meaning only 
because we arc parts of an in- 
finitely greater whole. 

II the race dies, then no man's 
life has meaningor value. So long 
as the race continues to live, 
however, every member or the 
race, even those who have been 
buried ten thousand years, 
continue to share the life of the 
race, 

In the race — and there alone — 
is immortality for those who will 
partake of it. 

If a thousand years from now. 
the race no longer survives, then 
the life of all those.now living will 
have been wasted, meaningless, 
in vain. 

Seiwing Na lure's Purpose 

01 what significance are all our 
bodily pleasures, all our 
satisfactions of ownership, of 
accomplishment, of status — a 
thousand cocktail parties or 
banquets, a hundred seductions, 
a dozen expensive automobiles. 



credit cards, bank accounts, 
luxurious houses ■■- what do all 
these things count when com- 
pared to the privelige of being a 
pari of the same immortal race 
as Arminius and Newton and 
Shakespeare; more so. of being a 
part of Nature's great upward 
striving tow-ard the Infinite 

That is the meaning of 
everything and the worth of 
everything, our lives included: 
being a part of the Grand 
Scheme. 

Of all things in the universe, 
only men are able to choose, in 
some degree, what that part shall 
be. What an awesome respon- 
sibility that is! 

Poisonous Doctrines 

The understanding of these 
fundamental truths may be badly 
obscured in our times, when the 
cancer of neo-liberalism has 
eaten out the soul of our people 
with its poisonous doctrines of 
egoism and equality. 

In earlier times they were 
widely understood. A thousand 
years ago our ancestors taught 
their sons a proper perspective 
loward life and death. Say the old 
sagas: 

"faille die. and kinsmen die. 

And so one dies oneself. 

One thing I know that never dies: 

The lame of a dead man's 
deeds.'" 

As late as 1945 this outlook 
persisted in Europe, where youth 
learned the same lesson, 
paraphrased in the motto: "Kwig 
isl rier Tolen Tatenruhm." 

The Pong View 

This is the long outlook, the 
impersonal outlook, without 
which the self-denial and self- 
sacrifice necessary for our 
ultimate victory cannot be 
maintained. 

If it seems too hard, we do not 
need to think in terms of eternity ; 
we only need to think ahead a few 
years, when each of us must face 
the end of his individual 
existence. 

What will the reeord show: a 
life of self-indulgence, without a 



contribution to the race, without 
any participation in history, a life 
without meaning or worth, just 
another human organism 
returning to the dust whence it 
sprang'? Or will it show a life oi 
striving for those things which , in 
the long run, are the only things 
which count — and, hence, a life 
which counts? 

Seizing Greatness 

How terrible that last moment 
must be for one who can see only 
emptiness behind — and ahead! 
How much easier for one who, 
through a life spent in striving for 
his race, can feel a sense of 
identity with that race and can, 
therefore, look ahead into a 
I'ulure filled wiLh a greatness and 
achievement of which he has 
become a part, even if only an 
infinitesimal Jy small part. 

Shared Feeling 

There are hundreds of 
thousands of our people in North 
America alone, who, in a sense, 
share the feeling of racial 
idealism we have described. 

If we include those who, even in 
this era of ironclad thought- 
control, have retained some 
feeling of Western racial identity 
who. despite the incessant 



admonitions of the brain- 
washers, feel a faint stirring of 
racial pride when a Neil Arm- 
strong walks on the moon or a 
slight flicker of racial indignation 
when a Henry Kissinger an- 
nounces a major foreign-policy 
decision — the number is in the 
millions, perhaps as many as a 
quarter of the White population of 
the continent. 

But this, for the vast majority, 
is racial idealism only in a 
very restricted sense, It does not 
dominate I heir lives. It is a 
largely passive, part-time sort of 
thing. 11 remains subordinated to 
self-interest, 

Idealism Must Dominate 

Racial idealism can only serve 
as the incentive for building our 
movement, for carrying on our 
struggle, when it has filled and 
transformed our lives, when it 
has excluded every other feeling 
and consideration and deter- 
mines our every thought and 
action. 

It must possess us; it must 
drive us; it must allow us no rest 
and no peace. 

Then, although we retain all 
our human imperfections and 
weaknesses of will and 
character, these things cannot 
keep us from the fight, however 



much they may still slow and 
hinder us in that fight. 

No Alternative 

A single, burning sense of our 
mission allows us no choice; it 
has robbed us of the privilege of 
deciding whether we shall fight 
or not; it has destroyed any 
possible alternative for us. We 
can no longer decide: I will quit, 
because this fight is too difficult; 
I will go back to enjoying life's 
material and sensual pleasures 
again, because I am too weak to 
resist their temptation; I will 
give up. because so few are 
willing to help me. 

We keep up the fight because 
wc must, because otherwise life 
loses its meaning and its value. 

American Tragedy 

If it were not so, how could we 
relain our resolution when we see 
tens of millions of people — and 
not just the credulous, the venal, 
the depraved, but also the per- 
ceptive, the idealistic, the upright 
— enthusiastically supporting as 
their '"leaders" scoundrels so 
base and corrupt that they would 
be summarily hanged in any 
healthy society: Roosevelt, 
Truman, and Eisenhower: the 



Kennedy gang, Johnson, Nixon, 
MeCovcrn, and the rest?. Even 
Hubert had among his followers a 
number of olherwise sound and 
decent young people! 

Or when, addressing an 
auditorium full of students, we 
see in the front row two or three 
interracial couples osten- 
tatiously fondling one another in 
order to '"rattle the racist," while 
smirking behind them and 
whispering instructions is some 
swarthy, alien creature with a 
nasal accent whom we learn the 
other students have freely chosen 
to be president of their student 
government? 

Garden orM an 

Idealism is hard to keep under 
such circumstances. If it were 
possible to give up — if there 
were any way out — we would 
run. 

Instead, we fall back on our 
long view, We remember that we 
are not fighting to. save a single 
generation, but ten thousand 
future generations; that in the 
sea of weeds around us there are 
a lew flowers, and that the 
garden consists of those flowers 
rather than the weeds. We see, in 
our rn in d's eye. that garden as it 
tan be some day. when the 
weeding is done: a beautiful and 



17 

healthy thing, a credit to its 
Creator. 

Doing What Is Necessary 

This, then, is the vision we keep 
before us : our people as they tan 
be; a people who, despite their 
present affliction, carry the seeds 
of unlimited greatness ; on whom, 
alone among all the creatures of 
earth, has been bestowed the 
divine fire. 

If we fail in our mission as 
keepers of the sacred fire, then 
the light of the universe will 
Hicker and die. 

Thus, regardless of the dif- 
ficulties, the discouragement, 
and the sacrifices we must face, 
we know that what we do is 
necessary. That is all we need 
know . 

The greatest man of the West 
expressed this outlook when he 
said: "We must not ask whether it 
is possible to attain our goal, but 
whether it is necessary. If it is 
impossible, then we shall try our 
best and perish in the attempt; but 
if it is necessary and proper, then 
we must believe that it is 
possible." 

(Issue No. 14, 1972) 



Subversion in South Africa 



The American press in recent 
months has carried a number of 
reports of protests by South 
African students against their 
government's policy of racial 
separation, or apartheid. "White 
Students Rebelling Against 
Government Discrimination," 
the Reuters reports shriek, 
followed by vivid accounts of 
truncheon-wielding policemen 
wading into crowds of peacefully 
protesting students and brutally 
cracking skulls left and right. 
One news story told of policemen 
chasing students from the 
University of Cape Town who 
sought refuge in St. George's 
Cathedral, battering them 
senseless, and dragging them 
out, leaving pools of Wood among 
the pews. 

Editorial comment ac- 
companying these reports 
creates the impression that the 
idealistic, fair-minded young 
people of South Africa abhor the 
racial policies of their backward 
and repressive government and 
are striving to bring about an end 
to apartheid and establish Black- 
White equality. 

As is often the case with press 
coverage of domestic issues, all 
in South Africa is not quite as the 
newspapers would lead us to 
believe. 

In order to understand the true 
state of affairs in South Africa it 
is first necessary to recognize 
that there are three distinct 
"White" communities in that 
country: Afrikaans-speakers 
(Boers), English-speaking 
Gentiles, and Jews (who also 
speak English). 

The Boers, as the country's 
largest White community, are 
politically dominant and are 
represented principally through 
the National Party. They were 
the original settlers of South 



Africa and have a strong sense of 
racial identity and racial pride. 
They have been able to prevent, 
to a substantial extent, the 
subversion of their institutions by 
alien elements. 

The English-speaking Gentiles 
are a mixed bag. The majority of 
them also have a sense of racial 
pride and support their govern- 
ment's policy of apartheid. But 
they have lost control of their 
institutions. Like their English- 
speaking kinsmen around the 
world, they have been infected 
with neo-liberalism. They are 
brainwashed by their news- 
papers and in their schools and 
churches. A minority have fallen 
into decadence and become 
enemies of their people. 

The Jews are the real worm in 
the South African apple. Flocking 
to South Africa after the 
discovery of gold and diamonds 
there, they concentrated in the 
largest cities and had soon staked 
their claim to a lion's share of the 
economic action. 

One enormously rich Jew, 
Harry Oppenheimer, has 
managed to acquire almost 
complete control over the South 
African diamond, gold, and 
uranium mining industries. 
Other Jews took over banks, 
English-language newspapers, 
and industries not already In 
billionaire Oppenheimer's 
pocket. 

Jews have grown to number 
more than 15 per cent of the 
population of Johannesburg, 
South Africa's largest city, and 
they completely dominate the 
financial and mercantile life 
there. Since the English 
population is much more ur- 
banized than the Afrikaaner 
population, many of whom 
remain farmers, it is principally 
the English who have been af- 



fected by the Jewish presence. 

A Jewess, Helen Suzman, 
heads South Africa's neo-liberal 
Progressive Party and is the only 
representative of that party in 
the parliament. There she 
regularly releases tirades 
against the entire structure of 
apartheid, including the laws 
against miscegenation, The 
Oppenheimer press gives ex- 
tensive coverage to her views. 

It is in the universities, 
however, that the Jewish spirit 
really manifests itself. As in 
America, all Jews of college age 
are students, so that they con- 
stitute a numerically strong and 
well-organized radical element at 



several of the major South 
African universities. The student 
protestors whose demonstrations 
have been recently reported in 
the American press were more 
than 50 per cent Jewish (although 
this interesting statistic was 
omitted from the press reports). 

Likewise, when police broke up 
a communist ring a few years ago 
which had been supplying arms 
to Black revolutionary groups 
and attempting to foment a 
rebellion against White rule in 
South Africa, all the ringleaders 
were found to be either Jewish 
students or Jewish professors. 

Thus, despite misleading in- 
dications to the contrary, the 



Whites of South Africa remain 
one of the most racially self- 
conscious and spiritually healthy 
White populations on the planet. 
Because they have failed to curb 
a viciously destructive group of 
aliens in their midst, however, 
they are in the beginning stages 
of dissolution and decadence. 
And, because of their minority 
status in a sea of hostile Blacks, 
decadence is a luxury which the 
Whites of South Africa cannot 
afford. 

{Issue No. 16, 1972) 




"these pit-]-* may uakk me mow, motheb, »ut the moh I tare the WOHSE I FEEL 

This cartoon from LIFE, October 5, 1911, gives a striking reminder of how the media have changed 
after falling under alien control. {Issue No. 9, 1972) 



18 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

On Goals 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



19 



It is worthwhile, every so often, 
to review in our mirths just where 
it is that we are headed and how 
we plan to get there. It may help 
to keep us from wandering off 
course — from forgetting, in the 
day-to-day bustle of events, what 
it's all about. 

Then, too, circumstances 
change, and if our work is to 
remain meaningful and to con- 
tinue carrying us forward we 
must constantly re-evaluate our 
strategy and our tactics in the 
light of new conditions. Other- 
wise, it is all too easy to slip into 
the lazy habit of saying and doing 
the same things we have learned 
to say and do in the past, while 
failing to continually keep in 
mind how these things relate to 
both our short-term and our long- 
term goals. 

Goals and Purpose 

What are our goals? This is a 
tricky question, in that it has no 
unique answer. Short-term goals 
blend into mid-range goals, 
which become long-term goals, in 
a step-by-step progression, and 
they are all different. 

Our purpose, our raison d'etre, 
is to promote the security and 
welfare of Western man and his 
civilization.. In a sense this is a 
dual purpose, one part biological 
and one part cultural, but they 
are closely interdependent. 

Racial Survival 

Biologically, our concern is to 
insure the physical survival of 
our people by reducing or 
eliminating both external and 
internal threats to such survival. 

The principaJ external threat is 
that of military agression, and it 
exists bepause of the growing 
military capabilities of various 
non-Western peoples and the 
growing failure of will in the 
West. 

The principal internal threat is 
miscegenation — an inevitable 
consequence of the multiracial 
policies now in effect in America, 
as well as in certain other 
Western nations. 

Beyond these immediate 
threats, our biological concerns 
extend to everything which af- 
fects the physical health and the 
racial quality of our people: such 
things as contamination of our 
natural environment and 
dysgenic breeding patterns. 

Race and Culture 

In addition to preserving a 
biologically healthy and pure 
race — or, rather, intimately 
bound together with this — is our 
concern for the preservation and 
the advancement of Western 
culture. 

Because a people's culture is a 
reflection of their racial 
character, it is obvious that no 
culture can be maintained unless 
its biological basis has first been 
secured. But it is equally true 
that when a people's culture 
succumbs to illness, then their 
racial constitution also loses its 
resistance to infection. The two 
things — racial health and 
cultural health — are inseparable 
in a multiracial world. 

Culture binds together the 
members of a racially 



homogeneous community by 
providing them with a common 
heritage and a common 
viewpoint: a common set of 
values and a common un- 
derstanding of the world. Today 
that heritage is being abandoned, 
those values perverted, that 
understanding clouded. 



Stepping Stones to the Future 

Our long-range goals are 
easiest to state, in a general way. 

They are the implementation of goals. People do not join a 
our purpose: the carrying out of revolutionary movement simply 
all measures aimed at promoting for the sake of helping it grow, 
the racial and cultural welfare of 



Instead, we concentrate our the demolition must be combined System cannot pre-empt. And 

energies on building our strength, with parades, picketing, and there are plenty of citizens who 

on organizing, on recruiting, on propaganda, so that the public are not just fat and happy slobs 

disseminating our ideas, on will not only be able to guess who who think only about their beer, 

did it, but understand why. their cars, their TVs, and their 

In the first case lighting a fuse sex lives. There are millions of 

simply means destroying — moderately worried, moderately 

temporarily — one ten- responsible, moderately 

thousandth of the System's idealistic young people who can 

capacity to corrupt and brain- be made to respond to gut issues 



breaking the chains whenever 
and wherever we can that bind 
our compatriots' minds, and 
showing them a new way of 
looking at the world. 

This' very work of sowing ideas 
and recruiting means, of course, 
that we "must constantly write 
about, talk about, and otherwise 
call attention to our ultimate 



our people, destroying our 
enemies, and securing our future. 
From this it is clear that our 
mid-range goal must be obtaining 
the means to reach our long-term 
goals. Our mid-range goal is 
power: political power, police 



Striking a Response 

This does not contradict what 
we said a few lines above. When 
we talk about mid-range and 
long-range goals such as 
smashing the System and 



power, military power, economic building a new order based on 



power — the power of the State. 
Our short-term goals are 
stepping-stones on the way to our 
mid-range goal: achieving new 
levels in recruiting,. new limits in 
activism, new records in, the 
quantity and effectiveness of our 
propaganda materials. 

An Incorrect Strategy 

This may seem obvious, but it 



racial idealism, we do it for the 
sake of attracting into our ranks 
persons in whom those things 
strike a responsive chord. That 
is, We always keep in mind that 
our immediate goals are all 
concerned with building our 
movement, and that until all 
these immediate goals have been 
reached we cannot realisticaHy 
contemplate the,, actual 
achievement of longer-range 
is not; there are quite different goals, 
ways of defining goals. 

For example, there are people Burn Anti-Western Films 

who believe that. the proper way 

to proceed is to make a list of all That this distinction is not mere 
the major changes they want to academic hair-splitting may be 
bring about in the world, assign shown by a hypothetical 
priorities, and then begin example. Imagine that two 
working full bore to bring about g r0U ps each have as a goal the 
their first priority, whether it be elimination of perverted and anti- 
the repeal of the federal income western motion pictures from 
tax or the resettlement of all America and that each group 
Negroes in Africa. takes the direct approach of 

The next goal will be the next blowing up or burning down 
item on their list, and so on — motion-picture houses which 
except, of course, that the whole snow such pictures, 
program is certain to remain if one of the groups regards the 
bogged down well short of item a f ore mentfoned goal as direct 



wash Americans via motion 
pictures. In the second case it 
means creating a graphic and 
dynamic demonstration for the 
public; it means generating ah 
issue and polarizing the com- 
munity; it means awakening 
hope for a better future ; it means 
winning over more brave and 
action-minded men 'and women to 
a movement working toward a 
permanent solution, not only to 
the motion-picture problem but 
also to the most fundamental 
causes of that problem. 

Apathy, Brainwashing 

So we let the people know about 
our long-term goals while we 
work toward our short-range 
goals. But that is not enough. 

What does it mean to the 
average citizen if we tell him our 
purpose is to promote the 
security and welfare of Western 
man? It has probably never even 
occurred to him that those things 
need promoting. 

Suppose we tell him one of our 
goals is to end Zionist control of 
America's foreign policy? The 
chances are he doesn't even know 
what a Zionist is, or believes it is 
someone being persecuted by the 
Soviet government for wanting to 
go to Israel 



of the sort the System prefers not 
to mention. 

Ramsey Clark and Portnoy 

These are the people to whom 
we primarily direct our 
message: people who have the 
vague, uneasy feeling that 
America is in serious trouble — 
that there must be something 
fundamentally wrong with a 
society in which Ramsey Clark 
can be the Attorney General and 
in which a major box-office at- 
traction ( Portnoy 's Complaint) 
can be based on a Jew's com- 
pulsive masturbation, 
photographed in living color. 

Few will have thought it out or 
analyzed their feeling, and one of 
the principal tasks of our 
propaganda is to formulate for 
them, in clear and simple terms, 
the specific criticisms for which 
they are still groping. 

Organizing Targets 

At the same time our 
organizing effort must con- 
tinually direct itself toward 
specific, immediate goals 
suitable for recruiting and 
mobilizing these people. It must 
be kept in mind, however, that 
these organizing goals are in a 
different class than our step-by- 



And if we say that we want to step objectives mentioned 



drive the alien brainwashers out 
of our mass media and our 
schools; the culture distorters out 
of our churches, our concert 
halls, and our art galleries; the 



earlier. Their purpose is to in- 
volve potential recruits in ac- 
tivism with a gut appeal, ac- 
tivism that does not require the 
capacity for organic thinking or 



number one. 

Total Approach Required 

Nevertheless, this approach 
has a strong appeal for many, 
who are able to convince 
themselves that theirs is a very 
clever strategy: by con- 
centrating all their energies on 
one problem at a time they think 
they have the best chance of 
accomplishing something. 

What has not dawned on them 
is that all the problems they 
intend to solve, one by one, are 
simply different aspects of one 
large problem. It can no more be 
solved in a piecemeal fashion 
than a man infected with a deadly 
virus can be cured by first curing 
his right leg, then his left leg, 
then an arm, and so on. 

The only way we can solve any 
of our problems — the only way 
we can bring about any of the 
changes we want — is by solving 
all of them. 

First Things First 



and immediate, while the other 
regards jt as a long-range goal 
which can be achieved only as 
one part of a comprehensive 



traitors out of our government — an understanding of our ultimate 

he will think we are crazy. goals. 

And that is the only purpose of 

Gut Issues such goals, or, to use a different 

term, organizing targets; i.e., 
He has not thought about these they are means rather man ends 

things, because they have never Neverth eless, they are vital, and 



been mentioned on his TV or in 



program requiring a great deal of his daily newspaper, and he does 



preparation beforehand, then the 
two groups will likely go about 
their activities very differently. 

One Down — - 10,000 to Go 

When the one group dynamites 
its first theater, it can count one 
down and 10,000 to go. It will 
probably want to keep its identity 
secret, in order to minimize legal 
difficulties as it proceeds with its 
campaign. 

The other group understands 
that the demolition of one theatre 
— or 100 theatres — can have 



not understand them. Worse, 
even if we could hold his attention 
long enough to explain 
everything to him, in most cases 
it would do little good. 
Men act on the things they feel 



they must be chosen wisely, so 
that those enlisted into their 
service can eventually come to 
understand fully our other goals. 

An excellent example of an 
organizing target is the Western 
Guard's current campaign 



in their bellies far more readily a 8 ainst th f e A large-scale im- 



than on ideas in their heads. Hate 
and hunger and fear will move 
them — but the need to preserve 
the race? That is too abstract, not 
immediate enough for most of 
them. It is too easy a thing to 
rationalize away. 

A revolutionary mass 
movement is worthless without 
its idealism, its long-range 

but 



issues. 



symbolic significance only, at a 

time when the group does not program, its spiritual goals 
have the strength to maintain its it also needs immediate, 
demolition operation to a suc- 
cessful conclusion — a conclusion 
which would inevitably require 
warring down the combined 
forces of the entire System. 



Not All Fat and Happy 



at 



Thus, we do not work directly 
this' time to reach ultimate 
goals: to regain control of our 
information media, to eliminate 
Zionist subversion, to prevent 
miscegenation. 



Getting Credit 

Since it recognizes the sym- 
bolic value of its activism, it must 
be willing to accept the 
responsibility for it — otherwise 
it is largely meaningless. Thus 



The System politicians pre 
empt as many gut issues as they 



migration of Asians into Canada. 
This is a target easily understood 
by a substantial portion of White 
Canadians, who thoroughly 
resent the Trudeau regime's plan 
to import thousands of the 
colored aliens now leaving 
Uganda. 

Even Canadians whose racial 
feeling does not go much beyond 
a concern for job security or 
gut neighborhood safety and who 
would regard with indifference 
an idealistic call to fight for our 
long-term goals are responding to 
the Western Guard's "White 
Canada" appeal in the face of the 
present threat. Once involved, 



can: crime in the streets, school they can gradually be taught a 

busing, inflation. They use these new outlook and come to fully 

issues to manipulate the elec- understand the meaning of 

torate by pretending to have Western solidarity, 
solutions. 

But there are other gut issues (issue No. 15, 1972) 

which, by their very nature, the 



The Jewish Problem 



For the last three decades 
there has been, in this land of free 
speech and a free press, an 

almost universally observed 
taboo on one topic of over- 
whelming importance: the 
Jewish question. Until about the 
last year or two, in fact, it was 
hardly permissible to even hint at 
the existence of such an issue, 
much less to discuss it openly. 

Now the subject has been 
broached, not by our own people 
— for whom it has the most 
crucial importance but, in- 
terestingly enough, by the Jews 
themselves, who successfully 
imposed the taboo on it in the first 
place. 

One cannot pick up a major 
newspaper today without reading 
about "the Jewish vote," in the 
recent Presidential election, or 
which candidate gol the most 
"Jewish money," or which 
senators are blocking further 
Russian trade agreements until 
the Russians make more con- 
cessions on "the Jewish issue," 
and so on. 

Growing Anti-Semitism 

The Jewish question is phrased 

in the sharpest terms by the most 
Jewish of the Jews; the 
professional Zionists. They talk 
compulsively, almost 
hysterically, of rising anti-Jewish 
feeling in America, of 
"genocide" in Russia, of growing 
anti-Semitism in Italy and 
elsewhere, of the need to protect 
Jewish interests everywhere. 
And, contrary to past practice, 
they talk about these things 
publicly, where everyone can 
hear : in newspapers and national 
magazines, in open campus 
lectures, with placards in street 
demonstrations. 

Books are in general cir- 
culation today, written either by 
Jews or philo-Semites, which 
come closer to a frank discussion 
of the Jewish question than would 
have been imaginable a few 
years ago. Even some motion 
pictures and television programs 
have ventured onto this formerly 
forbidden ground. 

Deliberate Deceit 

All this is not to say that the 

American people are being given 
an honest treatment of the Jewish 
question. There remains more 
deliberate deceit on this topic 
than perhaps any other except 
the Black-White racial issue. But 
what a revolutionary change 
from the time when the very 
existence of the issue itself was 
denied! 

Very recently it was not even 
permissible to speak publicly of 
Jews as a distinct rac ial -cultural - 
national group, a people with 
peculiar interests and charac- 
teristics distinguishing them 
from other peoples with different 
interests and characteristics. 
One could only speak of 
"Americans of the Jewish faith," 
"a person who happens to belong 
to the Jewish religion," and 
similar euphemisms. Americans 
were so thoroughly brainwashed 



that the mere use of the word 
"Jew" in public caused em- 
barrassment and discomfort. 



Pressures Building 

Now that is changing, and it is a 
good thing. It is not entirely clear 
why the taboo is being lifted, 
however. With a little effort the 
lid probably could have been kept 
on the subject for another 
decade, maybe longer, before 
internal pressures blew it wide 
open. 

One reason may have been that 
the Blacks simply wouldn't keep 
their mouths shut. Less 
disciplined than the White goyim, 
they kept spilling the beans. 

Negro civil-rights militants 
resented having to be told by 
their Jewish "advisers" and 
financiers what their every move 
was to be. Nor did they fail to 
gain the impression that they 
were being "used" by the Jews: 
that Jewish money and brains 
were not being poured into the 
civil-rights movement out of any 
love for Blacks but in order to 
disrupt White society for the 
Jews' own ends. 

"Jew Devils" 

And if Black slum -dwellers had 
not already noticed who it was 
who collected their rents every 
month and took what money they 
had left in exorbitant finance 
charges, there were plenty of 
Black-nationalist leaders ready 
to point it out to them. In the 
Black Muslim theology, "Jew 
devils" roast in a pit noticeably 
hotter than that reserved for 
ordinary "White devils." 

White liberals have been 
conditioned to dismiss as 
"racism" any criticism of Jews 
emanating from other Whites. 
Every four-letter word coming 
from the mouth of one of the 
pampered new breed of Negro 
''intellectuals," however, is 
pounced on like a pearl of 
wisdom. 



Conditioning Backfires 

Gutter-level hate-screeds dir- 
ected at Whiles — trash litera- 
ture such as Eldridge Cleaver's 
Soul on Ice, which has been 
made required reading for mil- 
lions of White high school and 
university students by neo-liberal 
teachers — are accepted as good, 
noble, and true by Gentile liberal 
and Jew alike. So, when the same 
breed of Blacks began expressing 
their feelings toward Jews, White 
liberals were obliged to take them 
seriously. One might say the 
Jews are hoist on their own 
petard. 

Jews as a Group 

It would be unfair to give Black 
militants all the credit for forcing 
the Jews to reopen the Jewish 
question, however. Ever since 
the Jews so thoroughly trounced 
the Arabs in the "Six Day War" 



of 1967 (using American 
weaponry), they seem to have 
thrown discretion to the winds. 
They are so proud of them- 
selves for that bloody bit of 
banditry that they can't stop 
boasting about it. It is a triumph 
which belongs to all Jews 
everywhere, they feel: to Jews as 
a group. And it is as a group that 
they have been talking of 
themselves ever since. 

"Just a Coincidence" 

This is a development of some 
importance, Before, if one 
violated the taboo by, say, 
grumbling about the Jewish 
monopoly control of America's 
information media, one would 
immediately be put down by the 
nearest liberal with a little lec- 
ture about all those Jews in 
television and the publishing 
industry being just a coin- 
cidence; about the fact that it 
might just as well have been 
Baptists controlling the media if 
they had worked as hard at it and 
were as good businessmen as the 
Jews; about the necessity of 
judging each Jewish TV mogul as 
an individual rather than as a 
Jew. 

And if one spoke of "organized 
Jewry*' or hinted of a "Jewish 
conspiracy," one was instantly 
consigned to the outer darkness, 
along with the little old ladies in 
tennis shoes who see a com- 
munist spy under every bed. 
Nowadays, Golda Meir can talk 
about "the organized Jewish 
world" and be quoted by UPI 
without anyone batting an 
eyelash. 

Something Other 
Than Americans 

So, however it has come about, 
we have the Jewish question with 
us today: the general acceptance 
(even if only implicit) of the fact 
that Jews are something other 
than Americans with a different 
religion; that they are Jews first 
and Americans (or Canadians, or 
what have you) only second or 
third; that they form a coherent 
group; that they have group 
interests, Jewish interests; and 
that those interests are quite 
often, if not always, at variance 
with the interests of just about 
everyone else. 

When we couple this fact with 
the fact that Jews have worked 
their way into positions where 
they control the vital nerve 
centers of the Western world: 
public information, education, 
finance, domestic politics, 
foreign policy .... the Jewish 
question becomes a very real 
Jewish Problem. 

Myths a bout the Problem 

The way in which the American 
people solve this problem will 
depend on their understanding of 
it. At present that understanding 
is badly clouded, and all the 
forces of the System are intent on 
keeping it that way, through the 
propagation of a set of myths. A 
few of these myths are: 



• The Jewish problem has its 
roots in Gentile bigotry. If it were 
not for anti-Semitism and the 
threat it poses to the Jewish 
people, there would be no Jewish 
problem. Jews would simply be 
another ethnic element of the 
population of any country where 
they live, just as the Penn- 
sylvania "Dutch" (Germans), 
Minnesota Swedes, or Boston 
Irish are ethnic elements of the 
U.S. population, each with its own 
peculiarities but without any 
particular "problem" (e.g., a 
"Swedish problem"). 

• Anti-Semitism is always a 
manifestation of either religious 
intolerance or economic envy. 
That is, Christian bigots hate 
Jews because their religion is 
different, and bigots in general 
hate Jews because they are 
successful. 

• Jews are a "persecuted" 
people with a tragic history. For 
thousands of years other peoples 
have bullied them, massacred 
them, selected them as 
"scapegoats" — all through no 
fault of their own. At present 
Arab terrorists are persecuting 
them in the Middle East and the 
Soviet government is persecuting 
them in Russia. The persecution 
they most like to talk about, 
however, is the one they recently 
underwent at the hands of the 
Germans: the "holocaust" of 
World War II. Because of the 
"holocaust" and other per- 
secutions, the Jews are 
especially deserving of our 
sympathy and consideration. 

• Jews are a "liberal" people: 
tolerant, pacifist, equaJitarian, 
open minded, champions of 
freedom and justice. Their 
"tragic history" and the suf- 
fering they have undergone have 
given them these liberal traits. 

• Jews are a specially gifted, 
artistic race. This is easily seen 
to be so by the way Jews 
dominate virtually all cultural 
fields in America today. There 
are more Jewish sculptors, 
painters, novelists, poets, 
composers, editors, and directors 
than those belonging to any other 
ethnic group, WASPs included. In 
line with this, Jews tend to be 
more sensitive and intellectual, 
on the average, than persons of 
European race. 

A Glimpse Behind the Facade 

Many and weighty volumes 
have already been written 
debunking or supporting these 
myths. Here we have no room to 
explore them all. We can only 
present the briefest of 
suggestions to the reader that 
perhaps there is another way of 
looking at them than the "of- 
ficial" way presented by the 
System. 

Consider the first myth: 
namely, that Gentile bigotry is 
the cause of the problem. It is 
particularly rewarding to explore 
this myth together with Myth No. 
3, that of a tragic history of 
thousands of years of per- 
secution. 



From the time of the ancient 
Pharaohs, nearly 4,000 years ago, 
to the present, everyone — ■ 
Egyptians, Assyrians, Persians, 
Medes, Romans, Spaniards, 
Anglo-Saxons, Cossacks, Poles, 
Russians, Germans, Arabs — has 
persecuted and massacred the 
poor Jews. That's quite an array 
of various breeds of bigoted 
goyim. 

Everybody Bigoted 
Except Jews? 

About the only conclusion the 
official myth allows us to draw 
from this is that bigotry is a 
universal characteristic of non- 
Jewish peoples! Furthermore, 
this bigotry has remained Jew- 
specific over an immense period 
of time and among peoples with 
widely varying cultures. 

From the time when the an- 
cient Egyptians booted Moses 
and his tribe out of Egypt, to the 
expulsion of the Jews from 
England in 1290, Germany in 
1298, France in 1306, Austria in 
1421, Spain in 1492, Portugal in 
1496, and so on, to the present 
day, no one seems to have been 
able to get along with the Jews 
for very long. "Persecution" has 
been the inevitable result. 

Is "Persecution" Myth a Racket? 

Of course, history is a con- 
tinuous record of different 
peoples not getting along with one 
another: French vs. English, 
English vs. Spanish, French vs. 
Germans, Irish vs. English, 
Poles vs. Russians, and so on. But 
the English do not consider 
themselves "persecuted." Nor do 
the French, the Germans, or any 
of the other peoples mentioned. 
Only with the Jews is it "per- 
secution." 

Yet, the universal antagonism 
between the Jews and their 
various neighbors down through 
the millennia Is undeniable. 
Could it be — is it remotely 
possible — that the reason for this 
lies with the Jews themselves 
rather than with all their an- 
tagonists? 

"His Blood Be on Us 
and on Our Children" 

Certainly the myth that the. 
trouble lies with Christian in- 
tolerance of "Christ killers" does 
not hold water. Moslems, 
atheists, and pagans have had as 
little use for Jews as the most 
retribution-minded Christians. 

Tacitus, the pagan historian, 
wrote of the Jews: "When the 
Assyrians, and after them the 
Medes and the Persians, were 
masters of the oriental world, the 
Jews were deemed the most 
contemptible of all the nations 
then held in subjection." And 
Tacitus' other references to the 
Jews reveal that he and his fellow 
Romans shared that contempt, 
thus giving us four peoples in this 
one example, with four different 
religions, unanimous in their 
verdict on the Jews. 

Venom of the Talmud 
If that is due to religious 
bigotry, perhaps the bigotry is 



20 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



21 



the Jews' rather than all the 
others'. This was the conclusion 
reached by the great Martin 
Luther, at any rate, who taught 
himself to read the Hebrew of the 
Talmud, the basic religious work 
of Judaism, and was horrified by 
the venomous outpouring of 
hatred against all non-Jewish 
peoples (goyim) he found there. 
That leaves the "envy" myth. 
It is best considered together 
with the notion that the Jews are 
especially gifted and talented, 
and that these special talents 
have led to their spectacular 
degree of success, relative to non- 
Jews. 

Masters of Degeneracy 

Let us immediately recognize 
that Jews, as a whole, do possess 
certain talents to a larger kegree 
than other peoples. No Gentile 
writer, for example, could have 
produced a novel quite like Philip 
Roth's The Breast or Portnoy's 
Complaint. No Gentile composer 
could have treated a sacred 
theme with quite the same 
grandiose vulgarity as Leonard 
Bernstein did his Mass. No 
Gentile producer could have 
churned out such an appalling 
box-office success as Joseph 
Papp's (Papirofsky) Hair. 

Kosher Culture 

Almost as notable as the 
proliferation of noisy, flashy 
Jewish cultural "successes" is 
the absence of first-rate non- 
Jewish achievement in the ar- 
tistic-literary-musical-theatrical 
field. Where are our late-20tb- 
century- American Shakespeares, 
Beethovens, Wagners, Miltons, 
or Brueghels? There are none in 
sight. 

There are a number of com- 
petent Gentile artistic and 
literary technicians still com- 
peting with the Jews, as well as a 
multitude of hacks, but the 
balance is shifting steadily 
toward a totally kosher cultural 
establishment. 

Stifled Soul 

Transcendent artistic genius 
flowers only under certain 
favorable conditions. These 
conditions are those which allow 
latent genius to freely give ex- 
pression to some aspect of the 
racial-cultural soul of a people. 
These conditions are notably 
lacking in America today. 

Without a lengthy elaboration 
of why they are lacking, a brief 
and homely excerpt from a 
recently published and very 
illuminating book on the Jewish 
question, Professor Ernest van 
den Haag's The Jewish Mystique, 
may serve to suggest that Jewish 
domination of the Gentile 
cultural establishment is one of 
the principal reasons. 

Different Outlook 

Van den Haag correctly ob- 
serves that "persons whose 
outlook and sensibility differ 
radically from what is current, or 
acceptable, within the establish- 
ment are unlikely to be un- 
derstood by establishment 
members. They are 

automatically relegated beyond 
the pale. For them to be heard, 
published, read, understood, or 
appreciated according to their 
merits becomes very difficult." 

Then he quotes for us the 
complaint of one Gentile writer: 

" 'When I was a screen-writer 
for one of the major studios,' says 



a former toiler in the vineyards 
dominated by another Jewish 
cultural establishment, 'we were 
talking one day about how a 
mother would react to finding out 
her son had cheated in school. 
When it came my turn to speak, I 
said what I had to say. The head 
of the studio looked at me and 
said, "Mr. O'Connor, no mother 
would react that way," I told him 
that I had cheated in school, and 
that was exactly how my mother 
had reacted. There was an em- 
barrassed silence for a moment, 
and then the studio head went on 
as if I hadn't spoken. My mother 
had slapped me around a little 
bit, and then sternly told me to go 
to , the priest to ask God's 
forgiveness. The response they 
expected was that the mother 
would weep a little and take the 
poor, wounded boy to her breast, 
That's how they wrote it, and for 
a moment there, they made me 
feel as if my mother wasn't a 
member of the human race.' " 

Alien Atmosphere 

In other creative fields — 
science, for example — 
kosherization has advanced far 
less than in script-writing, but it 
is, nevertheless, advancing. No 
doors are slammed in the faces of 
talented Gentiles yet,, but there is 
already an alien atmosphere 
which many sensitive Gentiles 
find uncongenial. 

Perhaps it is in the business- 
professional world that the 
pattern is clearest. In most areas 
— retail trade, banking, den- 
tistry, and law are examples — 
Gentiles are still in strong con- 
tention, although the Jewish 
element is gaining in influence 
and degree of domination. 

In these areas Gem tiles are 
highly conscious of their Jewish 
competitors, and whenever this 
consciousness manifests itself in 
an anti-Semitic manner the 
"envy" myth is immediately 
invoked to explain the anti- 
Semitism. 

Organized Take-over 

There are other areas, 
however, where Gentiles are no 
longer in contention. Whole in- 
dustries and professions have 
been literally taken over by the 
Jews. 

The garment industry; the 
wholesale news distribution 
industry, which supplies 
magazines and paperbacks to 
newsstands; the motion -picture 
industry; and a score of others 
are almost totally Jewish in 
ownership and management. 
Psychiatry is, for all practical 
purposes, a Jewish profession. 

A Gentile who attempts to 
trespass on one of these kosher 
preserves finds practically in- 
surmountable obstacles in his 
path. He is immediately made to 
feel that it is he, not the Jews, 
who is an alien. He does not speak 
the same language, he does not 
know the customs, he does not 
belong. 

Perhaps, then, we ought to 
consider that when a Gentile 
retail merchant, say, makes an 
unkind remark about his Jewish 
competitors he is motivated by 
something besides envy. Perhaps 
he has a faint, subliminal 
premonition of the situation the 
Gentile garment manufacturer of 
half a century ago found himself 
in as his Jewish colleagues slowly 
but surely forced him to the wall. 



And we might also ask our- 
selves: Is it "talent" which is 
solely responsible for this 
burgeoning Jewish success — or 
is it also something else? 

Jews and Liberalism 

Finally, let. us look at Jewish 
"liberalism." It is certainly true 
that Jews have been over- 
whelmingly prominent in vir- 
tually every "liberal" 
manifestation of the past 200 
years, from the great liberal 
bloodletting of the French 
Revolution through the 
bolshevizacion of the Russian 
people and the building of the 
Negro-rights movement in 
America. 

Jewish university students 
were more numerous among the 
"freedom riders" of a decade ago 
than any other ethnic group. 

Jewish students and Jewish 
lawyers, in the role of 
"pacifists," have been the back- 
bone of the home-front sabotage 
effort against the U.S. armed 
forces throughout the war in 
Vietnam. 

Jewesses have been in the van 
of the crusade for women's 
"liberation" since the inception 
of that rather unnatural 
movement. 

In general, any group, 
movement, or political 
organization in America today 
agitating for "peace," 
"equality," "freedom," or 
"justice" can be counted on to 
have a disproportionately large 
number of Jews among its 
adherents. 

But are Jews really "liberals" 
— or is "liberalism" merely a 
useful mask for them to wear in 
their dealings with other 
peoples? For an answer, look at 
the Jews where they feel no need 
for a mask: occupied Palestine. 

In America, Jews, through 
their control of the media of mass 
propaganda, have succeeded in 
making millions of White people 
feel guilty because our ancestors 
dispossessed the Indians and 
exploited Black slaves, Do the 
Jewish masters of Palestine, or 
their fellow Zionists in America, 
feel guilty because they have 
massacred, plundered, and 
dispossessed the Palestinians? 

In America, Jews have been 
among the shrillest critics of our 
prisons and the staunchest 
supporters of prison rioters, such 
as those at Attica. What, then, is 
their excuse for the ghastly 
torture chambers and con- 
centration camps they operate in 
Palestine in order to keep their 
restless Arab subjects in line? 

Goyim Not Equal 
In America, Jews preach 
"equality" for all peoples, 
religions, and races. Why, then, 
are Jews the only first-class 
citizens in Israel? 

In America, Jews have been 
predominantly "pacifist" and 
anti-militarist (except during 
World War II!). How do they 
reconcile this with their en- 
thusiastic support of military 
aggression in the Middle East? 
In America, Jews have been 
the most vehement denouncers of 
"McCarthyism" and other forms 
of "witch-hunting." People who 
made the "mistake" of joining 
the Communist Party 20 or 30 
years ago should not be penalized 
for that mistake today, they say. 
Why, then, do they maintain in 
Tel Aviv massive files of dossiers 
on former German National 
Socialists and direct a world-wide 



effort to harass them, hound 
them from their jobs, smear 
them in the press, even kidnap 
and murder them? That is, why 
do they preach to us forgiveness 
of our sworn enemies while they 
preach vengeance against 
theirs? 

There is no mistaking the 
reality of liberalism, or, more 
correctly, neo-liberalism . 
Millions of Americans are 
genuinely infected with it. It is a 
virus which is ravaging our 
people and destroying our nation. 

And there is no mistaking the 
fact that Jews are bearers of this 
virus. But a little observation and 
reflection suggest that the 
disease itself strikes only men of 
the West and that Jews have a 
natural immunity to it. 

Executing the Solution 

As already mentioned, the 
Jewish problem is one of great 
complexity and subtlety, and one 
can hardly hope to explore it, 
much less present any very 
confident solution, in a page or 
two. Nevertheless, it is a problem 
which must be faced and solved. 
The future of our race and our 
nation depend upon our finding — 
and executing — the correct 
solution to it in the very near 
future. 

The only way we can hope to 
find that correct solution is first 
to clear away the smokescreens 
and lies which have been 



propagated solely to hide it from 
us. 

The reader with the in- 
dependence of mind and strength 
of character to question Hie of- 
ficial myths must not stop here. 
He must take upon himself the 
responsibility of fully informing 
himself, so that he can in- 
telligently discharge his 
obligations as a patriot and a 
member of his Western racial 
community. 

Information on the Jewish 
problem is available from a 
number of sources. Some of them 
are Professor Parkinson's E»8t 
and West, William Walsh's 
Isabella the Crusader, and 
Dietrich Eckart's fascinating 
Bolshevism from Moses to Lenin ; 
on the relationship of the problesa 
to communism are Frank 
Britton's Behind Communism, 
Mr. Bacu's The Anti-Humans, 
James Burnham's Web of Sub- 
version, and Jjouis Marschalko's 
The World Conquerors; on its 
relationship to capitalism are 
Professor Sombart's The Jews 
and Modern Capitalism and A. K. 
Chesterton's The New Unhappy 
Lords; on the relevance of the 
problem to present-day America 
are Wilmot Robertson's excellent 
The Dispossessed Majority and 
Hank Messick's Lansky. And 
there are many others. 

Read them, and then act! 

(Issue No, 16, 197:) 



The Roots of Decadence 



Hitler Didn't Do It! 



Adolf Hitler has been the 
favorite whipping boy of Jewish 
and non-Jewish neo-liberal 
publicists alike for so long now 
that many persons have, in all 
innocence, attributed to him a 
number of sins of which he was 
actually blameless. 

One of these imaginary sins 
was the dispossession of the 
German civilian population of 
their firearms. American oppo- 
nents of gun-control legisla- 
tion are in the unfortunate 
habit of describing proposed 
firearms laws as "Hiilerian" and 
issuing grim warnings that "it 
happened in Germany, and it can 
happen here" — referring, of 
course, to their predictions that 
gun-control advocates are aiming 
at the total confiscation of 
firearms from U.S. citizens. 




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GERMAN MAGAZINES AND 
NEWSPAPERS commonly 
carried advertisements for 
civilian firearms during the 
Hitler era. This 1938 Mauser ad 
features "military, hunting, 
sporting, and personal protection 
weapons" along with other 
Manser products. 



Well, they are undoubtedly 
right about what the anti-gun 
people in Washington have in 
mind, but they are dead wrong 
about Hitler and Germany. 
Under Hitler, German citizens 
were completely free to own and 
bear firearms — both long guns 
and pistols. 

Hitler's government 
recognized the basic right of self- 
defense of German citizens and 
encouraged civilian 
marksmanship and sport 
shooting. Hitler himself wjim an 
expert pistol shot. 

There were no restrictions or 
licensing requirements at alt fin 
long guns and ammunition, and 
only minimal licensing require 
ments for handguns — until 
1945, that is, when the Ameri- 
cans and their Soviet allies took 
over. 

After that, German civilians in 
the eastern occupation zone were 
summarily shot if they were 
found in possession of so much as 
a single rifle cartridge. And good 
democrat Willy Brandt {Bastard 
Frahm) has introduced such stiff 
firearms restrictions in West 
Germany that it is virtually 
impossible for a German civilian 
to purchase any sort of firearm 
unless he belongs to a govern- 
ment-sanctioned club. The penal- 
ty for possession of an unregis- 
tered gun is five years' imprison- 
ment. 

A good general rule is this: 
Governments with a strong 
popular backing do not seek to 
disarm their citizens, and 
governments which do take guns 
away from the people, regardless 
of the pretext they use, are afraid 
of the armed opposition of their 
own citizens. 

Hitler's government was an 
extraordinarily popular one. 

(Issue No. 17. 1973) 



During the recent Apollo 17 
lunar expedition, publicists and 
politicians repeatedly 
emphasized that it was the "last" 
manned expedition to the moon. 
There would be no more lunar 
exploration, because the 
expeditions were too expensive 
and the money was needed 
instead to "improve the quality of 
life" for Americans. 

It was pointed out that huge 
expenditures for the space 
program could no longer be 
justified when millions of 
Americans were living in 
"poverty." One columnist 
estimated that the money spent 
by NASA just for the equipment 
left on the moon by the various 
Apollo expeditions ($500 million) 
could have bought a large-screen 
color TV set for each of one 
million "underprivileged" 
(Black) families. 

Troubling Questions 

The political decision to halt 
Western man's greatest venture 
of exploration and discovery — a 
decision seemingly concurred in 
by a substantial portion of the 
American electorate — and turn 
instead to more social welfare 
programs raises some deep and 
troubling questions for thoughtful 
Americans. 

What is progress? Was Neil 
Armstrong's first step onto the 
lunar surface progress, or is it a 
color TV set in every 
"underprivileged" home? 

Is it possible that the two things 
are incompatible in some 
fundamental way? 

Can a people aspire to both 
luxury and greatness? 

Affluent Decay 

Hasn't our pampered way of 
life in America softened us a 
great deal and sapped our will? If 
that is so, how do we reconcile 
continued material prosperity 
with continued toughness and 
fitness in a hostile and 
demanding world? 

This dilemma is something 
fairly new to Americans, and it is 
tied directly to our current life- 
style. 

In the not-so-distant past, when 
nearly all our people lived on 
farms or in villages, the dilemma 
did not exist. The principal 
concern then was not prosperity 
but survival, and this ever- 
present necessity provided the 
frame in which people's attitudes 
were formed and decisions made. 

A population for whom survival 
was a principal concern was not 
necessarily one living in 
wretched poverty, with famine 
and starvation imminent. In most 
times hard work, intelligently 
directed, kept famine at a safe 
distance. 

Close to Nature 

Nevertheless, men lived closer 
to Nature and were more mindful 
of her eternal laws. The cycle of 
birth, struggle, and death was 
something everyone recognized 
and accepted not only as 
inevitable but as right. 

A boy or girl growing up on a 
farm had daily tasks to perform 
— not make-work, but chores 



necessary to the overall 
operation of the farm — almost 
from the time he or she could 
walk. Likewise, the son of the 
village miller or smith, or the 
daughter of the butcher or 
candler, became from the 
earliest age an essential cog in 
the family economic machinery. 
The child did not work for an 
"allowance" to be spent on toys 
and entertainment, but as a 
member of the family team in its 
struggle for survival. 

Vigilance, Genius, and Toil 

Even though in his later years a 
boy might leave the farm to learn 
a trade or go to sea or join the 
army — or, perhaps, if he had the 
intellect and the inclination, 
study at a university — his 
outlook on life and his conduct 
were still determined to a 
significant extent by the 
experiences of childhood. 

These experiences were 
continually reinforced by those of 
manhood, which taught him that, 
even though Nature could be 
bountiful and the world filled with 
wonderful opportunities, the 
bounties and the opportunities 
had to be earned. They were not 
given to man as a gift from 
Providence but had to be wrested 
from adversity through man's 
vigilance and genius and toil. 

Reward of Inefficiency 

Each man and each woman, in 
order to get from today to 
tomorrow, remained aware of the 
responsibility that rested on his 
or her shoulders for the 
successful outcome of that 
passage. Lest anyone forget, 
there were always abundant 
examples, even in the best of 
times, of the lot which fell to 
those whose inefficiency or 
defects of character exceeded the 
norm by too great a margin : they 
perished. 

Thus, the life-style of a people 
largely rural and agricultural led 
naturally to certain elements of 
their outlook and character: 
parsimony in the expenditure of 
resources and wealth, self- 
reliance, an uncomplaining 
acceptance of the necessity of 
life-long hard work, the ability to 
face hardship with equanimity, 
the patience and perseverance, 
which were essential ingredients 
of that craftsmanship whose 
decline is often lamented today, 
and a realistic attitude toward 
some of the less pleasant aspects 
of the human condition — such as 
death. 

And a Will to Conquer 

Our ancestors seldom, despite 
the worst ravages of war and 
famine, fitted the poet Edwin 
Markham's pitiful image of the 
empty-faced man with the hoe, 
however. They toiled and 
sweated and suffered and died, 
but no one ever blew out the light 
within their brains. 

In Africa, in Asia, around the 
Mediterranean basin perhaps, a 
stolid and stunned peasantry 
may have been the rule through 
long periods of history, but our 
northern European ancestors 
were never brothers to the ox. 



The fire of adventure, of 
conquest, of upward striving 
always burned in them — not 
despite the hardships of their 
lives, but because of them. 

Spirit Burnished by Hardship 

They were the vikings, the 
Crusaders, the bold warriors who 
swept down from the north to 
build the great civilizations of 
Greece and Rome, and then 
again, when those civilizations 
had become senescent, swept 
them away and raised on their 
rubble the Western civilization 
which now, in its turn, topples 
toward ruin. 

The essence of their lives was 
struggle. The northern climate 
they endured was rigorous, and it 
continually and harshly tested 
their fitness. At the same time it 
caused their inner fires to burn 
more intensely than those of their 
southern neighbors. 

Western Cataclysm 

Then came that great 
cataclysm in the history of the 
West, the Industrial Revolution, 
which brought about a profound 



a 



efficiency in the production and 
distribution of food, clothing, 
tools, and other goods; a new 
realm of career activities, 
distinct from those of the farm- 
village economy; a partial 
independence of the cycles and 
quirks of Nature. 

One man could, with less effort , 
produce as much food in a day's 
time as ten of his predecessors. If 
he did not choose to be a food 
producer, he could be an airline 
pilot, a physicist, a bridge 
designer, a draftsman, or an 
astronaut (until the recent 
cancellation of the space 
program ) . 

He could turn darkness into 
daylight if it suited his purpose 
and moderate the heat of 
summer, the cold of winter, or 
the ravages of flood and drouth 
far more effectively than 
previously. 



New Horizons 

Western man did not conquer 
Nature, nor can he ever, but, by 
learning a little of how Nature 
works and applying that 
knowledge, he opened new 



Through eternal struggle has 
mankind achieved greatness; 
through eternal peace will 
mankind decay," 



change in the life-style of our 
people. In the brief period of 200 
years we became an urban- 
industrial race, giving up almost 
entirely the rural -agricultural 
life we had lived for millennia. 
In absolute numbers, we 
spurted ahead enormously; we 
left the land and concentrated 
ourselves in urban areas 
containing our facilities for 
industrial production; our 
productivity soared — and with it 
our per capita consumption. 

Privacy, Independence Lost 

As our social interdependence 
became more complex we lost 
certain aspects of our individual 
freedom, but our increased 
productivity and specialization 
greatly enlarged our freedom of 
choice in other areas. Gone were 
the freedom of the village 
common, most of the 
opportunities for privacy and 
solitude, the ready access to 
unfenced forest and meadow 
where a man could work things 
out between himself and Nature 
in the manner he chose. In their 
place came all the laws, rules, 
regulations, restrictions, 
ordinances, form -filling, record- 
keeping, and permit-applying 
with which an impersonal 
government bureaucracy hems 
and hedges the lives of modern 
men and women. 

Greater Efficiency 

But with the more complex 
form of social organization came 
other things: increased 



possibilities for his continued, 
upward progress. 

The great misfortune of our age 
is that that progress is not being 
realized. 

Instead, our values have been 
transformed by the new life-style 
which the Industrial Revolution 
brought. Comfort, convenience, 
and consumption became the 
ends to which we turned our new 
power. 



What Is a "Good Life"? 

The man whose personal 
wealth once would have consisted 
of the clothes on his back, a good 
musket, an axe, and perhaps a 
few other hand tools now owns 
two almost-new automobiles (air 
conditioned), two television sets 
(one color), a stereo, a fiberglass 
powerboat on a trailer in the 
driveway, a full freezer in the 
basement, an expensive set of 
golf clubs, an electric 
wristwatch, and a pocketful of 
credit cards. Furthermore, ne 
has 200 shares of AT&T and a big 
life insurance policy, because he 
wants his kids to have a "good 
life" too. 

Tire current American 
definition of the good life includes 
economic and physical security, 
freedom from worry, short 
working hours at a non-strenuous 
occupation (after four years of 
vacation at a comitry-cuib-called- 
university), plenty of leisure 
time, enough income to afford not 
only time-and-labor-saving 
conveniences and appliances but 
also an abundance of other 
consumer goods and hobby 



items. It is in terms of these 
things that we define our 
"standard of living" and 
compare ourselves with the other 
nations of the world. 

Avoiding Pain 

That this is so should be neither 
shocking nor surprising. What 
could be a more natural 
development than a people, 
having learned how to work more 
efficiently, so that their labor 
yields more than previously, 
rewarding themselves by 
increasing their level of 
consumption or exerting 
themselves less or both? 

It is in the nature of man to 
avoid pain and seek pleasure. 

Western Achievements 

Westerners — people of 
European^ or Aryan, race — are 
rightfully proud of the great 
achievements their genius and 
labor have brought about in 
science, technology, and social 
organization: the harnessing oi 
Nature's energy sources; the 
creation of a multitude of useful 
synthetic materials; the 
development of mass, high- 
speed, worldwide transportation 
systems ; the conquest or Control 
of many of the diseases and 
physical handicaps which once 
scourged mankind; the evolution 
of industrial mass-production 
techniques; the invention of 
nearly instantaneous methods of 
long-distance communication 
and their development into mass- 
communication networks. 

Worse than Pollution 

These achievements have their 
concomitant drawbacks, of 
course, which are widely 
recognized. But. there is also 
another drawback which is not 
generally recognized and which 
is far more serious in its long- 
range effects than the others — 
even than environmental 
pollution, which, being 
recognized, can be controlled. 

In one word it is decadence. 
Just as the struggle for survival 
leads, through Nature's process 
of biological selection and 
elimination, to fitness of a 
species, so also does the struggle 
of a people for their daily bread 
lead, on a time scale of decades 
instead of millions of years, to 
their social and moral fitness to 
survive in a world of eternal 
conflict and competition with 
other peoples. 

Meeting Challenges 

Struggle is the driving force, in 
the biological realm, for upward 
evolution; in the realm of human 
affairs it is the driving force for 
all true progress. 

When a people are freed from 
the burden of struggle they 
inevitably begin to lose their 
fitness, their toughness, their 
ability to meet and overcome 
difficult challenges which they 
may face at some later time. 

Dilemma of Progress and Decay 

Therein lies a real dilemma for 
us. Through struggle come 



22 

strength, material and moral 
progress, and greatness; but 
from material progress also 
comes relief from struggle, and 
from this relief come relaxation 
of vigilance and determination, 
softening of moral fiber, erosion 
of will, loss of the capacity for 
self-sacrifice and self-denial, 
loosening of social bonds, 
national decay, and eventual 
extinction. 

Every people who have made 
their mark on history have been 
trapped in this cycle. They have 
struggled; they have risen; they 
have attained greatness; they 
have decayed and passed away. 

Racial Corruption 

The customary explanation for 
the decay is a biological one: a 
people, having grown powerful 
and expanded beyond their 
ancestral boundaries, subject 
weaker races to servitude. 
Inevitably, racial mixing takes 
place, and the half-breed 
descendants of the masters and 
their slaves have neither the will 
nor the capacity to maintain the 
empire or the culture established 
by the dominant race. 

Thus passed Greece and Rome 
and many another great power, 
Sic transit gloria. 

Incomplete Explanation 

But this explanation is, in most 
cases, an incomplete one. 
Certainly, racial mixing 
eventually results in the physical 
disappearance of the empire- 
builders. 

This is not the cause of their 
decay (at least, not the initial 
cause), however, but only a 
consequence. Racial mixing 
hastens and makes irreversible 
the final dissolution, but that 
mixing does not take place until 
decay has already set in. 

While the master people still 
have their moral strength, they 
do not interbreed with their 
slaves — or, at least, the products 
of such limited interbreeding as 
there is themselves become 
slaves, and so the dominant race 
is not weakened by the absorption 
of mixed offspring. 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Two Sad Cases 

We have before us two perfect 
examples today: the British and 
the Americans. 

The British Empire has 
already crumbled to dust, yet the 
British people have only within 
the last few years entered into the 
final phase of their decay — 
large-scale racial integration 
with their former subject 
peoples. 

When they allowed their 
corrupt leaders to seal the fate of 
their empire more than three 
decades ago by leading them into 
a catastrophic world war 
contrary to their interests they 
had not even embarked on the 
racial insanity that now finds 
their industrial centers 
swarming with millions of 
Pakistanis and West Indian 
Negroes. 

A hundred years hence, if they 
remain on their present course, 
they will be a nation of mongrels 
with no hope of a return to 
greatness. But one cannot blame 
their fall on racial 
mongrelization. 

An analysis of the situation in 
America leads us to the same 
conclusions. We lost our national 
will to survive years before we 
unleashed upon ourselves the 
present racial horror which is 
devouring us. 

As long as we were tough and 
strong and proud, we could laugh 
in the faces of those sly ones who 
tried to tell us that our slaves, or 
former slaves, were our 
"equals. " 

But now, look what a century of 
soft living and conspicuous 
consumption has done to us! It 
relaxed us just enough so that the 
fungus of liberalism, that 
manifestation of Western man's 
death-wish, could take root in our 
souls. 

We have not yet plunged into 
the final abyss of mongrelization ; 
there is still a slim possibility of 
halting the decay. But, having 
halted it, what shall we do? 

Can an affluent people, 
accustomed to luxury and 
shielded from the rigors of 
existence which once stiffened 
the backbones of their ancestors, 




deliberately deny themselves 
that luxury and affluence in order 
to toughen themselves up again? 

We would not be wise to bet on 
it. Recognizing the dilemma of 
decadence and doing something 
about it are two different things. 

It would clearly be better for 
America if we maintained a more 
Spartan life-style than we do; it 
would also be better for the next 
generation of Americans if we did 
not try to provide so many 
"advantages" for our children. 

But we cannot simply 
dismantle our technological 
civilization and return to the land 
for the sake of our moral health, 
We clearly will not do that, nor 
should we, for obvious reasons. 

That is not the upward path we 
seek ; instead it would simply put 
us at the mercy of those races to 
whom we have taught the secrets 
of our Western technology. 

Where the Evil Lies 

And it is important for us to 
note here that, although the 
decadence of today is a 
consequence of the urban- 
industrial life-style introduced 
with the Industrial Revolution, it 
is not the technology resulting 
from the Industrial Revolution 
which is the root of the evil but 
the social changes accompanying 
that revolution and, more so, the 
new system of materialistic 
values which brought on those 
changes. 

In 1770 most of the great 
technological advances of the 
Industrial Revolution were yet to 
come, but the acquisitive- 
materialistic attitude of mind 
was already becoming dominant 
and with it came the great social 
upheavals which that attitude 
demanded. Thus, in that year 
Oliver Goldsmith penned the 
words of lament in his poem, The 
Deserted Village, which tell us 
how far the process of decay had 
already gone in England two 
centuries ago: 

HI fares the land, to hastening ills 
a prey, 



Somewhere 
between 



there . > . 



and 



. , . here 



Western 
civilization 
jumped 
the track. 



Where wealth accumulates and 

men decay: 
Princes and lords may flourish, 

or may fade; 
A breath can make them, as a 

breath has made; 
But a bold peasantry, their 

country's pride, 
When once destroyed can 

never be supplied. 

A time there was, ere England's 

griefs began, 
When every rood of ground 

maintained its man; 
For him light labour spread her 

wholesome store, 
Just gave what life required, but 

gave no more: 
His blest companions, innocence 

and health; 
And his best riches, ignorance of 

wealth. 

But times are altered; trade's 

unfeeling train 
Usurp the land and dispossess the 

swain ... 



"Trade's unfeeling train" — 
those whom Brooks Adams, in his 
Law of Civilization and Decay, 
has called "economic men," as 
opposed to those they 
dispossessed, the "spiritual 
men" — found the new life-style 
more congenial to them than the 
old. They worked to make that 
life-style universal, and they 
succeeded — although they 
cannot be justly accused of 
having foreseen or wanted the 
decadence which has been its 
yield. 

To the economic man progress 
is strictly a material thing. It 
means increasing the average 
standard of living of the world's 
population. 

The economic man dreams of 
the day when everyone can enjoy 
the life-style of a millionaire 
playboy or pi ay girl, with no 
worries, no work, every luxury at 
his fingertips, every whim 
capable of indulgence. When 
every Puerto Rican and 
Hottentot has reached this state 
there can be no more "progress," 
for we will have attained a state 
of perfection. 



A Different View of Progress 

To the spiritual man progress 
is upward movement on man's 
unending path from the 
subhuman to godhood. Austerity 
is more a way-condition on that 
path than opulence, pain than 
comfort, self-denial than self- 
indulgence. 

Above all, struggle rather than 
relaxation is the prerequisite for 
each upward step. 

There is in each of us 
something of economic man and 
something of spiritual man. The 
balance varies from one 
individual to another, just as it 
varies from people to people. 

Shifting the Balance 

In Western man that balance 
was on the spiritual side during 
our rise to greatness. Now it has 
shifted strongly to the economic 
side, and we must succeed in 
reshifting the balance if we are to 
survive. 

We are faced with a very 
complex and difficult problem — 
a problem which no people before 
us has solved successfully. 
Nevertheless, we remain 
convinced that Western man has 

the capacity to overcome even 
this obstacle and regain the 
upward path he trod for 
millennia. 

In order to do this we must 
have two revolutions: one of the 
flesh and one of the spirit. 
Without the second the first will 
lose its meaning and become 
transitory. 

Cleansing Fire 

With the cleansing fire of total 
revolution — spiritual and 
physical — we must wipe out the 
false set of values now guiding 
the course of our people. 

We must once again pin 
greatness ahead of prosperity, 
fitness ahead of comfort, duty 
ahead of indulgence, honor ahead 
of security. 

When we have done this, 
regardless of the cost in blood and 
gold, we can then do anything else 
to which we set our will. 

(Issue No. 17, 19 r >3) 




TheN 

Com 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



23 




of 




What is communism? 

There are many answers to this 
question. The dictionary 
(American College Dictionary) 
says that it is "a theory or system 
of social organization based on 
the holding of all property in 
common^ actual ownership being 
ascribed to the community as a 
whole or to the state." 

Economics Is Not 
The Essence 

To the conservative 

businessman this definition 
probably hits the nail on the head. 
Perhaps, though, he would wish 
to put even more emphasis on the 
supposed communist rejection of 
the concept of private property. 

He might reword it, using 
phrases such as "legalized 
robbery" or "confiscation of the 
property and earnings of the 
industrious in order to support 
the shiftless." Maybe he would 
even throw in something about 



"tyranny" or "the destruction of 
the free-enterprise system." 

The devout Christian, on the 
other hand, would probably insist 
on adding to the dictionary 
definition something about 
"atheistic materialism." 

The middle-class liberal would 
certainly want "social justice" 
and "the control of wealth by the 
producing class" to be 
mentioned. 

A Game for Fools 

And yet, no matter how we 
might modify what the dictionary 
says about communism, 
stressing one aspect of the 
doctrine over another, 
elaborating here or there, adding 
comments about tyranny or 
atheism, we would only be 
playing a meaningless game. As 
long as we think of communism 
as merely some sort of economic 
or social doctrine, as a political 
theory or system, we continue to 
miss the point. 



ism 



Likewise, all the discourses on 
communism in political -science 
textbooks serve only to delude the 
reader by failing to bring home to 
him the essence — the reality — 
of communism, as opposed to the 
empty screen of words 
surrounding it. 

Reality vs. Theory 

What is communism? 

It is the skeletons of thirty 
million "liquidated" Ukrainains 
and Russians. It is the mutilated 
corpses of a million Spaniards. It 
is a dozen huge, stinking, flesh- 
filled pits behind the central 
NKVD headquarters in Riga. 

What is communism, really? 

Its meaning lies in the 
smirking, Ashkenazic features of 
Lavrenti Beria — and the ten 
thousand Polish officers 
murdered in the Katyn Forest at 
his order. 



Soviet Propaganda 
Commissar Ehrenburg 

Its true nature is revealed in 
the depraved, Talmudic 
propaganda of Ilya Ehrenburg — 
and in the torn and terrified body 
of an eight-year-old German girl 
as she is savagely raped by the 
twentieth man in a block-long 
raping queue of Asiatic Soviet 
soldiers incited by that 
propaganda. 

Its essence is a grinning 
Angolan Negro, a member of one 
of the African communist 
"liberation" movements, 
gouging the eyes from the head of 
a dying White settler with his 
catana. 

Communism is Marxist traitor 
Willy Brandt making pious noises 
of protest while 18-year-old Peter 
Fechter bleeds to death beside 
the "death strip" separating 
West Berlin from the East. 

"Dried Blood 
20 Centimeters Deep" 

Communism is all these things, 
and worse. The mass graves, the 
blood-caked execution rooms, 
and the mutilated corpses cannot 
tell the whole story. 

Evil cannot be measured in 
terms of sheer numbers of people 
killed. There are many people 
who need killing, many people 
whose passing leaves the world 
no poorer. 

But the tens of millions of 
butchered human beings who are 
communism's victims are not 
these, nor were they struck down 
indiscriminately, as by flood or 
famine. They were, by and large, 
selectively murdered, and the 
criterion for their selection was 
excellence. 



Beheading of Nations 



The Poles shot in the Katyn 
Forest, the Latvian intelligentsia 
done to death in the NKVD 
cellars of Riga, the small 
landholders slaughtered and 
starved by the millions in the 
Ukraine and Russia, the 50,000 
officers in the defeated German 
army that Stalin and Roosevelt 
agreed at Yalta to liquidate (until 
Churchill chickened out of the 
deal) — all had one thing in 
common; they were the elite of 
their nations, the best their 
respective peoples had to offer. 

They were the natural leaders, 
the potential Patrick Henrys, the 
men of integrity, ability, and 
courage, rare in any population, 
who might serve as foci of 
resistance against the takeover 
of their countries by aliens. 
Because of this — because they 
were the best, and because they 
were a threat — they were killed. 

In America today, people don't 
worry much about communism. 
That went out, along with 
McCarthyism, witch-hunting, 
and other unpleasant things, 
back in the 1950*s. 

In the 1970' s Americans are 
more enlightened. Mr. Nixon and 
Mr. Kissinger have proved to 
them that communists are not 
such bad people and that it's 
better to make treaties and trade 
agreements and have cocktail 
parties with them than it is to 
hate them or fight them. 

Besides, the newspapers and 
the TV commentators tell us, 
communists are no real threat to 
America. The Communist Party 
hasn't amounted to much in the 
U.S. since World War II. 




FROM THE NKVD FLESH PITS. Whenever the German army seized a town which had been 
occupied by the Reds during World War II, they found the same horrible atrocities. According to one 
witness who advanced into Lwow, Poland, with the Germans in June 1941 : "Very soon, in advancing 
into the cellars (of the prison), we found a layer composed of a viscous mass into which the corpses 
had congealed. In the first-mentioned prison bodies were stacked four or five deep on the cellar floor. 
... In the second prison . . . the cellars had ceilings that were splashed with blood, and in a room 
which had apparently served for interrogations the floor was covered with a layer of dried blood that 
was 20 centimeters ( 8 inches) deep. The bolshevik hangmen had literally waded in blood." 



AFTER THEIR HANDS WERE TIED, more than 10,009 Polish 
officers were marched by Soviet executioners to a series of pits in 
the Katyn Forest in the spring of 1940 and killed with a pistol shot in 
the back of the head. This grisly operation took place under the 
Jewish commissar of the Soviet NKVD, Lavrenti Pavlovich Beria. 
Since Poland had just been at war, her officers' corps constituted a 
very large portion of the able-bodied Poles of her ruling classes — a 
majority of the actual and potential leaders of the Polish people. 



24 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Butcher of Belgrade 

Unfortunately, things are not 
what they seem. Mr. Nixon may 
have hugged Mr. Tito when he 
came visiting to Washington 
recently, and Mr. Tito may have 
smiled very nicely for the TV 
cameras and seemed a decent 
sort of chap. But it is still the 
same Tito who murdered 500,000 
of his own countrymen in 1945 in 
order to stifle all resistance to 
communist rule in Yugoslavia. 

And, regardless of how 
famously Mr. Kissinger gets 
along with them, all the rest are 
the same communists too, whose 
rule rests on the mountains of 
corpses of those slain in order to 
make their countrymen docile. 

As for communist activity in 
America, it is at an all-time high. 
There are several reasons, 
however, why the current level of 



communist activity is not 
generally recognized. First, it 
wears a couple of new disguises 
and uses a few new names these 
days. 

The publ ic thinks of communist 
activity in terms of an orator with 
a funny, Yiddish accent 
haranguing a crowd of workers 
about "expropriating the 
expropriators," from a podium 
draped with hammer and sickle. 

No More Accent 

Today the orator has lost his 
accent, almost certainly carries 
no Communist Party card, and 
his middle-class audience listen 
without protest as he promotes 
the latest civic action project for 
eliminating "rasicm" (or some 
other form of "discrimination") 
in their community. 

The so-called "New Left" is 
generally represented by the 
press as being a somewhat 




TIMS IS WIETHOLD KLUCK, a 34-year-old German farmer whose 
eyes were beaten out with a shovel by communists who accused 
him of being a "Nazi sympathizer." 




ONE OF THE KATYN FOREST VICTIMS, a Polish major. When 
Germans pushed the communists out of eastern Poland in 1941 and 
discovered the Katyn Forest graves they brought representatives 
of the Internationa! Red Cross and the world press to the site. The 
press, however, was controlled then, as now, by Jews and crypto- 
communists, who refused to blacken the reputation of their Soviet 
friends by publicizing the atrocity. To prevent independent 
American newspapers from carrying the story, Roosevelt 
threatened them with jail. 




Before 



After 




COMMUNISTS CONTROLLED LATVIA FOR A YEAR, until Germans drove them out in 1941. 
During that year the Reds attempted to exterminate the leader-class of the Latvian people. Military 
officers, policemen, professors, artists, writers, engineers, and businessmen were arrested by the 
NKVD and murdered, often after the most brutal tortures imaginable. The faces of these victims, 
recovered from the cellars and pits behind the NKVD headquarters in Riga, were distorted by 
beatings and torture. Compare their faces while still alive — Latvian faces — with the faces of their 
alien, communist persecutors in the photograph of the Latvian Communist Party meeting. 




A MEETING OF THE LATVIAN COMMUNIST PARTY in Riga, In 1940, during the Soviet occupation 
of Latvia. Look at their faces. They are not Latvians, but Jews! 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



25 







\ 

*■ 

™a E nfw A hfch IZf^ZZf^lZiVr t^T^T",. "T T" ^ ? 0t '" death by Re " S ta P ° ll " ld - The — «— « «■» right shows not only the fetus 
« as fo, ted prematurely from her womb as whe was be.ng beaten and but the woman's mutilated right hand from whieh eommunists removed rings. 




MBB 



. 



THOUSANDS OF MASS GRAVES like this one were used by 
communists in Poland, the Ukraine, and Russia to bury their 
butchered victims. The German army, advancing into communist 



territory during the first part of World War II, employed teams of 
specialists to locate these graves and photograph evidence of 



motley collection of action- 
oriented liberal idealists, 
champions of withdrawal from 
Vietnam, free abortions, 
legalized marijuana, and the like 
— but certainly not a 
conspiratorial gang of blood- 
thirsty bolsheviks! The fact is 
that the New Left is just the Old 
Left with a new set of tricks. 

No one can doubt this who has 
ever taken the trouble to become 
personally involved in any New 
Left activity, whether a ,4 peace" 
march or a ghetto organizing 
campaign. 

The leaders, the spark plugs, 
are the same swarthy, wiry- 
haired, alien creatures who have 
always been the instigators and 
the prime movers of communism 
from the days of Karl Marx. 

And the bulk of the troops are 
the same slack-jawed types, 
many of them raceless mongrels 
skimmed from the urban 
cesspools of miscegenation 
pocking the once-fair face of our 
land, who have always filled the 
ranks of any movement of sub- 
men organized for the overthrow 
of their natural superiors. 



communist crimes 




i. II' W..J>. ' '.'.WD *ta'1P 




THE CORPSE OF A PORTUGUESE SETTLER IN ANGOLA, hacked to death by a Negro 
communist during a guerrilla raid on a plantation. One of the survivors describes part of what he 
saw : "The White women were dragged out of their houses together with their children. In front of the 
mothers the terrorists then proceeded to cut off the legs and arms of the children and then started to 
play a grotesque game of football with the twitching bodies. The women and girls were then led away , 
stripped, raped, and cut up. Many of them were killed by stuffing large branches of trees into their 
vaginas. They tied one young girl to a tree, crucified her, and then, while she was still alive, they cut 
off her breasts and put one hi each of her outstretched hands." 



GERTRUDE ROHDE, an 18-year-old German farmer's daughter, 
was raped to death by Soviet troops. Afterward, they hacked off the 
middle finger of her right hand in order to "liberate" her ring. 
Bestial behavior of this sort was encouraged in communist troops 
by the Soviet Jewish Commissar for Propaganda during World War 
II, Ilya Ehrenburg. In one of his radio broadcasts to the troops, 
Ehrenburg exhorted them: "Kill! Kill! In the German race there is 
nothing but evil; not one among the living, not one among the yet 
unborn but is evil! Follow the precepts of Comrade Stalin. Stamp 
ont the fascist beast once and for all in its lair! Use force and break 
the racial pride of these Germanic women. Take them as your 
lawful booty. Kill! As you storm onward, kill, you gallant soldiers 
of the Red Army!" 



26 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



27 



White Renegade* 



It is a tragedy for us and at the 
same time a bonus of inestimable 
value to our enemies that there is 
also a sizable element of our own 
people willing to do the bidding of 
communism's leaders. These 
renegades serve their most 
useful purpose in disguising the 
racially alien nature of 
communism from the eye of the 
careless observer. 

Communism is and always has 
been impelled by the twin drives, 
on the one hand of its leaders, 
wishing to seize for themselves 
absolute power over an intended 
victim-nation, and on the other 
hand of its followers, craving 
revenge against a society which 
does not value them. Beside these 
primal urges, all the silly, liberal 
motivations of communism's 
deluded White fellow-travelers 
are puny indeed. 

When the Killing Comes 



Thus, when the time for the 
killing comes — and it will come 
in America as surely as it has 
come elsewhere — both the 
communist leaders and the 
communist followers are agreed 
on who the victims should be. 

Americans who are too 
concerned with their own 

immediate comfort and safety to 
risk taking action against the 
promoters of communism now, 
while there is still a chance of 
stopping them, may take comfort 
from the thought that by the time 
the mask is dropped America 
may have become such a docile, 
obedient, and well -conditioned 
nation that their new masters 
won't find it necessary to kill 
nearly so many as in Russia or 
China. 

(Issue No. 18, 1973) 




A RECENT DEMONSTRATION by members of a Black 
communist "liberation" movement in Zambia. These Black 



communists are trained by Israeli military advisers and supported 
by American foreign-aid payments. 






COUNTER-INAUGURAL "PEACE" DEMONSTRATION advances along Constitution Avenue in 
Washington, D.C., on January 20, 1973, with approximately 50,000 participants. The demonstration 
was organized by communists, led by communists, and addressed by a number of communists, 
including members of the U.S. Congress. A 30-foot Communist Party banner headed the procession, 
and the placards and banners of various state sections of the Communist Party could be seen above 
the heads of the marchers along the parade route. Nevertheless, all TV coverage and all photographs 
published by the controlled press scrupulously avoided showing the Communist Party banners. The 
American public is being deliberately deceived by the media masters, who want to conceal the 
communist control of the so-called "peace" movement. 




THE ONLY WAY TO DEAL WITH A COMMUNIST. Here South Vietnamese Police Chief General 
Nguyen Ngoc Loan gives justice to a captured communist terrorist. This Is the same justice which 
should be given to all communists and their collaborators, In Washington as well as Saigon. 



Role of the Church 



THESE POLISH CHILDREN HAVE BEEN STARVED In the Soviet forced-labor camp at Buzuluk, 
near the Caspian Sea. Their parents were liquidated after the Soviets "liberated" Poland from the 
Germans in 1945. Photos such as these have been retouched by Zionists to remove the crucifixes and 
then submitted as "evidence" of German atrocities against Jews, in order to support Israel's 
extortionate demands for more reparations payments from West Germany. 



The times, they are a- 
changing, and Western man's 
institutions are changing too. One 
of these institutions is organized 
Christianity: the Church. ("The 
Church" - with a capital "C" — 
hereinafter is used in a collective 
sense, encompassing all 
organizations which embody the 
established Christian sects, both 
Catholic and Protestant, except 
where the context indicates a 
specific denomination.) 

The Church has endured as a 
Western institution for about a 
thousand years — even longer in 
some parts of the West — but it is 
now feeling the hurricances of 
change and responding to them 
more strongly than many newer 
institutions. 

Spiritual Masochism 

Some recent news items 
concerning the Church will serve 
as illustrations of the changes 
which are taking place or have 
taken place: 

4) "The Church's chief source 
of income today is women's 
vaginas," the invited speaker 
explained to her audience at 
Notre Dame. The assembled 
Catholic students and faculty 
listened attentively as Women's 
Libber Ti-Grace Atkinson carried 
her theme back to the time when 
Mary "was knocked up" and then 
went on to predict that Catholic 
women would put an end to this 
exploitation by destroying the 
Church, because "the mother- 
fucker belongs to us." 

O There was a minor stir inside 
the United Presbyterian Church 
(a very minor stir, involving only 
two congregations) when it was 
disclosed at the denomination's 
J 971 general assembly that a 
$10,000 contribution from the 
church's treasury had been made 
lo aid the legal defense of Angela 
Davis. Church officials justified 
the grant as helping to assure a 
fair trial for the communist 
Negress, who wan charged with 
complicity in the murder of a 
judge and three other persons in 
a shootout staged by Black 
militants at a Marin County, 
California, courthouse 

The First Presbyterian Church 
of Tacoma, Washington, and the 
First Presbyterian Church of 
Anchorage, Alaska, however, 
expressed displeasure and in- 
dicated that they preferred the 
money their members put in the 
plate each Sunday not end up in 
the Communist Party's legal 
defense fund. 

41 Not to be outdone by the 
Presbyterians, the Episcopal 
Church revealed early this year 
that a $10,000 contribution from 
its treasury had gone to the 
militant Indian group which 
recently sacked the Bureau of 
Indian Affairs in Washington. 
The contribution was authorized 
by Black militant Episcopalian 
Leon Modeste, $23,500-a-year 
head of the Episcopal Church's 
'Minority Empowerment Of- 
fice." 

£ Unitarians sought last year 
to quash a grand jury subpoena 
requiring the production of the 
bank records of the Unitarian- 
Universalist Association. The 



subpoena was issued because 
Beacon Press, the Unitarians' 
publishing house, had published 
the top-secret "Pentagon 
papers" stolen by Daniel 
Ellsberg and his associates. 

The same Beacon Press ad- 
vertising leaflet which listed 4 
volumes of the Pentagon papers 
(hardback: $45; paperback: $20) 
also offered the following 
Unitarian books: Three 
Documents of the National 
Liberation Front ("Americans 
may now judge for themselves 
whether the NLF (Viet Cong) 
principles are consistent with 
equity and their own sense of 
justice..."); The Vanguard, by 
Ruth-Marion Baruch ("A 
photographic study of the Black 
Panthers — eloquently capturing 
their spirits as well as their faces, 
attitudes as well as activities, in a 
uniquely personal and intimate 
introduction to youth and 
revolution."); The Right of 
Revolution, by Truman Nelson 
("For those who cannot un- 
derstand the Black militants' 
willingness to burn political 
bridges, a gifted writer places the 
new revolutionaries within our 
oldest patriotic tradition."); 
Marriage in Black and White, by 
Joseph R. Washington, Jr. 
("...racial conflict cannot be 
eliminated until we are willing to 
confront prejudice on its most 
personal level — by acceptance 
of intermarriage."); and An 
Essay on Liberation, by Herbert 
Marcuse, the communist-Jewish 
senior theoretician. 

Beacon Press, as a church 
organization, is exempt from 
federal taxes and mails its flyers 
at the special postage rates 
allowed to non-profit 

organizations. 

The Massachusetts Bible 
Society has praised the efforts of a 
couple of modern Bible scholars, 
Walter A. Wolfram and Ralph 
A. Fasold, in its newsletter. 
Wolfram and Fasold have near- 
ly finished their translation 
of the Bible into "Black 
English." 

Here's the way the Gospel 
according to St. John reads in 
their translation: "God really did 
love everybody in the world. In 
fact, he loved every last one of 
those dudes so much that he done 
give up the onliest Son he had. 
Any man that believe in Him, he 
gonna have a life that ain't never 
gonna end. He ain't never gonna 
die." 

No Escape from Liberalism 

The instances of change cited 
above may seem atypically 
bizarre to some churchgoers who 
have thus far escaped the 
mainstream of change and still 
preserve a pre-World War II, 
Norman Rockwellian image of 
the Church. Even the smallest 
backwater congregations, if they 
are linked by denominational ties 
to a national organization, must 
inevitably fall under the in- 
fluence of national trends, 
however. 

The immediate effect of the 
liberalization of the Church has 
been a drastic decline in its in- 
fluence. During the 1960's overall 
church attendance in North 



America dropped by more than 

one-sixth. 

Young People Abandon Church 

More significantly, in the age 
bracket 21-29 years church at- 
tendance dropped by one-third in 
the 1960's and is falling even 
more rapidly in the 1970's. 

During the same decade Bible 
sales fell 30 per cent. 

All Christian sects are now 
experiencing a critical shortage of 
clergymen. More priests and 
ministers return to secular life 
every year, and fewer young men 
enter the seminaries. This sharp 
decline in the number of 
clergymen can be seen, for 
example, in the almost complete 
substitution of laymen for priests 
on the faculties of most cliurch- 
owned schools. 

Adapting to a TV Life-style 

The Church, in attempting to 
adapt to radical changes in its 

environment, has, like the 
dinosaur, failed. Unlike the 
dinosaur, however, the Church is 
not dying gracefully or with 
dignity. Its attempts to maintain 
its grip have led it to plumb the 
depths of degeneracy in a 
degenerate age. 

Traditional services and 
ceremonies of beauty and 
solemnity have been corrupted 
by the introduction of elements of 
"mod" culture. More and more 
they are laking on the aspects of 
"happenings," with rock combos 
replacing organists and choirs, 
beads and psychedelic lights 
taking the place of vestments and 
candles, "swinging" ditties and 
jive-dialect Bible translations 
edging out the old hymns and the 
King James version. 



Social Gospel 

Sermons have, in recent years, 
been giving fairly short shrift to 
spiritual matters and instead 
have tended to become social- 
action harangues. The pulpit has, 



to a very large extent, become a 
sounding board for neo- 
liberalism. 

In the more avant-garde 
denominations, the prestige 
attached to a minister is deter- 
mined not so much by his ability 
to interpret Holy Writ for his 
congregation as it is by the 
number of times he has been in 
jail for pouring blood on Selective 
Service records or supplying the 
teenagers in his flock with pot. 

Religious Thirst Unquenched 
by Modern Church 

And yet, becoming "mod" and 
"relevant" has not won for the 
Church the affection of the 
present generation; it has only 
lost the respect of a portion of the 
old generation. Pot and pacifism 
and "love" have served as poor 
substitutes for reverence and 
awe. 

But the Church is not dead yet. 
Left to its own devices, it would 
probably linger in the West for 
another hundred years or more 
before becoming a negligible 
factor in the overall scheme of 
things. 

Dying, but Still Dangerous 

Though the Church has lost its 
former position of absolute moral 
authority, tradition still lends a 
not inconsiderable weight to its 
influence. Many Christians who 
are no longer fervent in their 
adherence to the Church's doc- 
trines — even those who no longer 
attend church services — still 
allow their opinions and attitudes 
to be governed to a greater or 
lesser extent by the Church. 

Unfortunately, this influence is 
being sadly misused. The 
Church, in turning away from 
purely theological matters and 
concerning itself primarily with 
politics and social and racial 
policies instead, has — on vir- 
tually every major issue — taken 
a position diametrically opposed 
to Western interests. 

The Church once stood as a 
bitter and determined opponent 



?■ 






of the communist movement. 
Today it has — at best — settled 
on peaceful coexistence with this 
deadly enemy of mankind. At 
worst — and this is becoming 
more common every day — it has 
become an enthusiastic 
collaborator, not only with for- 
mally recognized Marxist 
groups, but with practically 
every ragtag band of sub-men big 
enough to organize a street 
demonstration in the United 
States or overthrow the ruling 
clique in some banana republic. 

Church Now Racially 
Destructive 

Most serious of all is the 
Church's racial attitude. It is not 
simply that "racism" has 
become the No. One Devil, the 
only unforgivable heresy, the 
ultimate sin in the eyes of the 
Church, but all the major sects, 
Catholic as well as Protestant, 
have perversely embraced a 
program calculated to physically 
destroy the racial basis of 
Western man's existence. 

This program has already 
advanced to the stage where a 
number of church organizations 
have issued statements sup- 
porting — even urging — 
miscegenation by Christians. 

Crimes Against God and Nature 

A report released a few months 
ago by the Presbyterian Church 
in the United States, a 
predominantly Southern 
denomination, said that 
Presbyterian officials "recognize 
with appreciation the con- 
tribution to better human 
relations in the world community 
that may come from Christian 
marriage across cultural, 
national, and racial lines." 
Another section of the report 
encouraged church members 
who are considering adoption to 
give serious thought to adopting 
Negro or Oriental orphans in- 
stead of White infants. 

And the Presbyterian Church 
in the United States is no worse 




MULATTO CATHOLICS IN RIO DE JANEIRO celebrate the rite of an African spirit cult on the 
beach. They are offering a sacrifice to lemanja, a sea witch. The Roman Catholic Church in- 
creasingly tolerates irregularities of this sort as the non-White membership of the Church grows. In 
some parts of Latin America Christian doctrine is so strongly modified by local paganism as to be 
barely recognizable. 



28 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



29 



than other major denominations 
in this regard. Everyone has 
heard the insidious spot ad- 
vertisements sponsored by 
various denominational groups 
which are intended to instill 
feelings of racial guilt in White 
listeners while undermining 
racial pride and solidarity. 

Backing Black Terror 

On the international level we 
have the sorry spectacle of such 
ecumenical groups as the 
National Council of Churches and 
the World Council of Churches 
lobbying viciously to isolate and 
undermine the independent 
White governments of Rhodesia 
and the Republic of South Africa. 

Last September the World 
Council of Churches allocated 
$200,000 to support Black 
terrorist "freedom fighters" in 
Africa. Much of that money has 
already been spent on weapons 
and has allowed a number of 
terrorist raids to be launched 
from Zambia against White 
settlers in Rhodesia this year. 

Likewise, in Australia the 
government's abandonment of its 
former "White Australia" im- 
migration policy was due as 
much to pressure from the 
powerful Australian Council of 
Churches as from Jewish and 
Marxist groups. 

Tragic Betrayal 

The present facia] policies of the 
Church are tragic and ironic, for 
it was Western man — and 
Western man alone — who built 
the Church. 

For several centuries the in- 
terests of the race and the in- 
terests of the Church were one. It 
was under the sign of the cross 



that the Teutonic Knights 
conquered and civilized the lands 
of eastern Europe, that the 
Crusaders extended the Western 
imperium into the Orient, that 
our European ancestors defended 
the West against invasions by 
Moors arid Mongol hordes. 

The Church was, for hundreds 
of years, the principal repository 
for Western science and learning, 
the most important stimulus for 
Western creative and artistic 
energies. All the great artists of 
the Middle Ages, all the ar- 
chitectural splendors of Gothic 
Europe, much of the most 
sublime music ever created drew 
their inspiration from the 
Church. 

Subversion by Aliens 

But the times have changed. 
Those who most bitterly resent 
the changes which have taken 
place in the Church place the 
blame in several areas. 

Some see the problem as a 
matter of infiltration and sub- 
version of the Church by alien 
elements. This is, indeed, not a 
new problem. It played a major 
role in bringing on the Spanish 
Inquisition in the 15th century, 
after Jewish converts, or 
marranos, began infiltrating the 
Catholic Church, 

The infiltration has certainly 
increased since the 15th century, 
and it has had profound effects. 
For one thing, there has been a 
radical revision of the Church's 
attitude toward Jews. 

Bulwark Against Culture 
Distortion 

Until recent times the Church 
was a major bulwark against 
Jewish influences in the life of the 
West. If the natural instincts of 



the people failed to keep the Jews 
at a distance, the Church was 
prepared to do so on purely 
religious grounds. 

Now every bit of Church 
doctrine and liturgy has been 
carefully scanned and, wherever 
necessary, "modernized" to 
bring it into line with the new 
Judeo-Christian way of looking at 
things. Even the beautiful and 
moving Passion Play at 
Oberammergau has recently 
been twisted into conformity with 
the new line by removing or 
recasting all those portions which 
portrayed Jews in a bad light. 

Putting Jews on a Pedestal 

Lutherans and Presbyterians 
have recently begun publishing 
new Sunday school materials 
which no longer place the blame 
for the Crucifixion on the Jews 
("We are all responsible") but 
instead describe them in the 
same terms the Jews use in 
referring to themselvesj "a 
special people," "God's chosen 
people," etc. 

The current trend toward 
ecumenic ism is also tending to 
stress a connection between 
Christianity and Judaism. 

Decadence is Major Factor 

Others see the problem as a 
simple matter of decadence 
rather than deliberate sub- 
version. In their view the really 
significant symptom is not the 
Red rabble-rouser — the Father 
Groppi — in the pulpit; it is the 
sincere Methodist minister, 
anxious to keep up the at- 
tendance — and the collections 
— at his Sunday services, who 
lies awake at night thinking of 
new Madison Avenue gimmicks 



to make his sermons "relevant." 
Regardless of the extent to 
which it is deliberate or in- 
voluntary, the fact is that the 
Church isr suffering from exactly 
the same disease which has in- 
fected all the other institutions of 
Western civilization: neo- 
liberalism. 

Mulatto Future 

The burning zeal, the in- 
tolerance of heresy, the 
unquestioning devotion to the 
Faith — all the things that once 
gave the Church its vitality — are 
gone. What is left is an empty, 
materialistic shell. 

The fervent men who once 
devoted their lives to the service 
of God have been replaced by Ivy 
League organization men who 
are eager to please, adapt, 
conform. They have held 
moistened forefingers to the 
winds of change and have let 
themselves be persuaded that 
those winds are blowing toward a 
mulatto future. And they want' to 
get there ahead of everyone else. 

A More Fatal 111 

Many Christians nurse the hope 
that the Church's faults can be 
cured by rooting out the sub- 
versives and reversing the neo- 
liberal policies. They see the 
Church as a fortress of goodness, 
sorely beset now by its enemies 
but worthy of being defended and 
set right again, for the ultimate 
good of our race. They fail to see 
a more fatal ill. 

That ill lies in the changing 
racial complexion of Christen- 
dom. The fact is that Christen- 
dom always has been, in theory, a 
community of faith rather than of 
blood. 



Just as with all cultural 
phenomena, the Church reflects 
the racial characteristics of the 
human masses who give it life. 
When the Holy Roman Empire 
was the secular arm of 
Christendom, those masses were 
substantially Aryan. Today they 
are not. 

Approximately half the 
Christians in the world today are 
non- White, and by the end of this 
millennium non-White Christians 
will outnumber White Christians 
by three to two, if the present 
shift of Christendom's center of 
gravity to the south continues. 
Regardless of the reasons for this 
shift, it is real and has proceeded 
far beyond any possibility of 
recall. 

Cast Corruption Aside 

Thus, the Church can no longer 
be regarded as a Western in- 
stitution, and those who serve it 
cannot also wholeheartedly serve 
our race. 

This poses a choice for every 
man and every woman of the 
West: a choice which will be 
difficult for some and easy for 
others, but a choice which must 
be made. 

The strongest and the best will 
make the right choice, for they 
will understand that their inner 
faith is the essence and the 
Church the superficiality. While 
the superficiality can be 
corrupted, the faith can never- 
theless be kept pure. 

They will cast aside the corrupt 
and cling to the pure, and in the 
trials which lie ahead it will stand 
them in good stead. 

(Issue No. 19, 1973) 





OUT OF THE NORTH came the Xanthol — the Golden Hatred One* — of the race of creators. They lapsed into liberalism and materialism; they bred with their slaves; and 

Hellen. Farmers, craftsmen, and warriors, they conquered the land, subjected the theythemselves became the subjects of alien Invaders. Today the inhabitants of the land 

aborigines, and built the first great civilization of the West. A creation of beauty and pay little heed to the crumbling remnants of a vanished greatness, of concern to them 

brilliance, It shone for a few brief centuries before decadence sapped the will of its almost solely because of their economic value as a tourist attraction. 




CHOIRBOYS sing hymns in St. Mark's Anglican church in London. 



FROM ACROSS THE OCEAN came the White men. Farmers, craftsmen, and warriors, of becoming the subjects of aliens. Their great metropolises are decaying, and they can 

they conquered the land and brought in slaves to work it. They built a mighty nation, no longer safely walk their own streets. Large areas of many of their cities have been 

which towered over all the others of the earth for a few brief years, until decadence reduced to ruins by their former slaves, who loot and burn with impunity as they cower in 

began to sap the will of Its creators. They lapsed Into liberalism and materialism; they the suburbs, concerned only with their own safety and their material wealth. 

began to breed with their former slaves; and they themselves are now in imminent peril n lin „^ 

{Issue No. 20, 1973) 



30 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

The 

Alienated Society 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



One thing which the Watergate 
affair clearly demonstrates is 
that the same alienation which 
has swept millions of dropped-ouL 
young Americans into the drug- 
ridden "counter culture" per- 
vades our entire society, even to 
the Oval Office in Washington 
and the board rooms of Wail 
Street. In fact, it is even more 
pervasive in the highest political 
and economic strata of our ruling 
gerontocracy than it is in our high 
schools and colleges. It began at 
the top and worked its way down. 

Leaders Have Sold Oat 

Alienation among America's 
so-called "leaders" during the 
last half-century or so — 
alienation which has taken the 
form of an inner attitude of it's- 
every-man-for-himself-andTm- 
looking-out-for-number-one — is, 
historically, the cause of the 
present alienation of America's 
youth from their racial and 
cultural community. 

There are many who will 
disagree with the foregoing, 
many who believe that the rich 
and powerful men who hold high 
public office in this country are 
more firmly attached to the 
"principles of Americanism," or 
some such, than the rest of us. 
These many fail to understand 
that alienation is a matter of 
inner attitude and not external 
life-style. They also cannot 
distinguish illusion from reality 
or falsehood from truth.. 

Ha If -a -pint for a Vote 

Now and then, however, the 
veil of lies with which the high 
and mighty shield themselves 
from the common gaze is lifted 
slightly by the breezes of chance, 
and we can catch a fleeting 
glimpse of reality. The 
Watergate affair has given rise to 
such a breeze. 

We are shocked by the 
revelations of Nixontan political 
sabotage and eavesdropping and 
burglary, all for the sake of 
garnering a few more votes, just 
as we have been shocked in the 
past by revelations of a 
Democratic political machine in 
Chicago counting voters' names 
on tombstones or a Kennedy gang 
buying votes in West Virginia for 
half-a-pint of whisky each. We 
are appalled when the cynicism, 
greed, and lack of scruple of 
those we have chosen to be our 
leaders are momentarily 
revealed to us. 

If Busing, Why Not Burgling? 

But, really, we should not be 
surprised. For had not Mr. Nixon 
already betrayed a hundred 
times over the trust placed in 
him, even before Watergate? 

How can a man who has 
unleashed on America a program 
of school busing for racial 



balance, or supported the Zionist 
program of conquest in the 
Middle East with American 
taxes, or made futile the sacrifice 
of 50,000 American lives in In- 
dochina have any further sur- 
prises for us? Or do we really 
consider a little burglary for the 
sake of a few votes a worse crime 
than selling the interests of the 
whole nation in return for the 
political support — or toleration 
— of the alien power clique which 
controls America's mass media? 

Is Bribery Worse than Treason? 

Is an illegal wiretap more a 
sign of cynicism than the callous 
subjection of America's 
schoolchildren to the terror and 
degradation which have ac- 
companied the massive school 
integration of recent years? 

Is the failure to report a 
campaign contribution more a 
sign of moral corruption than the 
failure to punish the traitors who 
have brazenly given aid and 
comfort to our enemies during 
the Vietnam war? 

Is the payment of a little hush 
money or an attempt to cover up 
involvement in a political scandal 
more reprehensible than stab- 
bing an ally in the back, thereby 
dishonoring the whole American 
people in the eyes of the world? 

Alienation in the Air 

One would think so, judging by 
the uproar the media have 
generated over the Watergate 
affair. But America's youth, even 
though they are also under the 
media's spell, were told by their 
instincts long ago that they had 
been betrayed. They knew it in 
their bones when those in whose 
hands the destiny of the nation 
had been placed ceased to care 
about anything but their own 
comfort and their own wealth and 
their own power. 

The alienation at the top was in 
the air even before FDR, with his 
sly grin and his long cigarette 
holder, smoothly lied America 
into the Western world's most 
catastrophic war. 

Young people smelled the 
corruption in America's soul 
while Harry Truman was 
sacrificing American principle to 
Zionist expediency. 

They unconsciously knew that 
Ike and JFK and LBJ were 
selling the country down the river 
in order to further their own 
careers. 

Sense of Abandonment 

When America's leaders had 
lost all sense of responsibility to 
race and nation; when duty and 
honor had become empty cat- 
chwords; when the heritage of 
our people had become mere 
booty to be plundered by all who 
could claw their way to the public 
feed trough — then not even the 
most skillfully woven curtain of 
Lies and pretense could keep a 



deep sense of abandonment from 
welling up in the hearts of 
America's youth. 

Confidence faded. The sense of 
community was lost, and with it 
any feeling of belonging and 
responsibility. Alienation had 
worked its way all the way down. 

No Conspiracy 

It would be wrong to attribute 
the decay of American social and 
cultural institutions which has 
progressed hand-in-hand with the 
alienationof the American people 
to any single, malevolent plan. 
A certain degree of alienation 
was the unplanned but inevitable 
consequence of the in- 
dustrialization and urbanization 
of America. The radical social 
changes accompanying this 
transformation of American life- 
styles affected all classes of the 
population. 

With the growing sense of 
anonymity and isolation among 
dwellers in the ever-more- 
densely populated urban centers 
went a decline in civic virtues at 
all levels. The gradual erosion of 
the individual's sense of racial 
and cultural ideotijy manifested 
itself in the gradual decline of a 
sense of civic responsibility, both 
on the part of the average citizen 
and those he chose to manage his 
public affairs. 

Irresponsibility Breeds 
Irresponsibility 

Once started, the process of 
alienation accelerated. A more 
and more irresponsible citizenry 
could only lead to more and more 
irresponsible leadership and, in 
turn, to laws reflecting that 
irresponsibility. 

One might have expected that 
exceptional leaders would have 
been Immune to this process and 
would have exerted a healing 
effect on the body politic. This 
has not been the case, at least, 
not in recent decades; instead, 
alienation became total among 
America's leaders while it still 
had a long way to go among the 
electorate. 

Media Masters 

The principal cause of this was 
the capture of America's opinion- 
forming media by a single, 
tightly organized, alien minority. 
From that point, a prerequisite 
for holding high public office in 
the United States was the seal of 
approval of the media masters. 

No man of Western blood with a 
sense of commitment to his own 
people could possibly obtain that 
approval. Only the completely 
alienated, the totally cynical, the 
utterly hypocritical, the 
thoroughly corrupt, the 
unreservedly selfish would dc 
men who could be counted on to 
go along in order to get along. 

From their positions in the 
Congress, the Federal courts, 
and the Federal agencies such 



men have overseen the ruinous 
policies which have done such 
grievous damage to America. 
They have supported and im- 
plemented these policies not 
primarily through malice or 
mistaken ideological conviction, 
but through callous indifference 
to their responsibility to their 
people. 

No Room for True Believers 

The average U. S. Senator who 
signs his name to Zionist petitions 
and votes for more American 
support of Israeli territorial 
expansion has no particular love 
for Jews. He would not be 
unhappy if the Arabs drowned 
them all in the sea and reclaimed 
their stolen land. 

Likewise, the average Federal 
judge who orders White 
schoolchildren bused into Black- 
dominated schools where they 
will be terrorized 'and brutalized 
is not motivated by any cockeyed 
equalitarian theory. He could 
hardly care less what the racial 
balance is in America's schools 
(except the school his children 
attend, of course.) 

There are plenty of neo-liberal 
zealots among America's 
masses, but not many among her 
leaders. Most of the men at the 
top are too smart for that ; among 
them self-interest has edged out 
true-believing — and everything 
else. 

They work for the ruin of 
America simply because they are 
in thrall to the media masters, 
who form their public images, 
wield power over their careers, 
and determine what the history 
books will say about them — and 
because they themselves have no 
inner commitment to their nation 
or to their race, but only to 
themselves. 

Stumbling Along 

With America governed by 
such men, it is not surprising that 
the land is despoiled, the natural 
resources plundered, the air and 
water polluted, the cities decayed 
and unlivable, the national 
defense undermined, the national 
heritage in hock, the culture 
defiled — and the people faced 
with a racial problem which 
becomes more overwhelming 
and more threatening each year. 

It is not surprising there is no 
plan, no order, no sense of 
direction in national life, and that 
the country merely stumbles 
along from one year to the next. 

And it is not surprising that 
tens of millions of young 
Americans are growing up with 
no sense of racial or national 
community, mere human ions in 
a formless, cosmopolitan chaos. 



Organic Relationship Lacking 

We are faced with a general 
lack of feeting of belonging to, 
and responsibility for, the 



Western racial -social -cultural 
community. 

The natural, organic 
relationship between the in- 
dividual and the community has 
been broken. It cannot be 
restored so long as the present 
System endures. 

That relationship, absolutely 
essential to a healthy society, is a 
fragile thing which requires 
constant and careful nurture for 
its maintenance. It requires a 
training in youth which has as its 
principal goal the development 
and strengthening of that 
relationship, an educational 
process which prepares boys and 
girls to become the cultural and 
spiritual — as well as material 
heirs of Western civilization and 
the Western imperium. 

Sense of Racial Identity 
Is Essential 

The first task of an American 
educational system should be to 
burn the racial sense and the 
racial feeling into the instinct and 
the intellect, the heart and brain 
of the youth entrusted to it. No 
boy and no girl should leave 
school without having been led to 
an ultimate realization of the 
necessity and essence of blood 
purity. 

Thus, the groundwork would be 
created for preserving the racial 
foundations of the nation and 
through them in turn securing the 
basis for its future cultural 
development. For all education 
would in the last analysis remain 
worthless if it did not benefit 
beings ready and determined on 
principle to preserve themselves 
and their special nature. 

Atomistic View of Society 

Current educational philosophy 
in America is individual- 
centered, and the educational 
system is geared to produce well- 
adjusted cogs in the modern 
industrial-economic machine. 
This is in line with the atomistic 
or ant-heap view of society which 
follows from neo-liberal doctrine 

Indeed, how could education be 
otherwise in a multi-racial 
society? 

How shall a racially integrated 
school system teach young people 
the greatness of their race'* 
Which race? 

How shall students learn to 
treasure the history and 
traditions of their people? Whose 
traditions? Which people? 

How can any sense of com- 
munity or belonging be developed 
in them? Belonging to whom? 

Well-rounded Zeroes 

So, what we have is an 
educational program designed to 
teach economically valuable 
skills with a few courses thrown 
in to guarantee "well-rounded" 
graduates, endowed with an 
acceptable veneer of "culture," 
who can reasonably be expected 



to support themselves, achieve 
"fulfillment," and be more or 
less happy — or, at least, con- 
tented. These are the neo-liberal 
educational goals, to be achieved 
with sufficient goodwill, Federal 
aid, and, of course, a judicially 
determined ratio of black, brown, 
yellow, red, and white faces in 
each classroom. 

The expected result is an ever- 
growing stream of "educated" 
world-citizens, raceless in- 
dividuals prepared to plunge 
enthusiastically into the 
cosmopolitan consumer economy 
and earn enough money to "do 
their thing," whatever that may 
happen to be. The millenium is 
surely just around the corner! 

Things, of course, are not 
working out quite so rosily as the 
neo-liberal ideologues had hoped, 
primarily because their con- 
ception of the nature of human 
beings suffers from several 
severe departures from reality. 

The most notorious of these 
departures is the idea that a 
single educational system can 
serve the needs of beings so 
racially diverse that their 
evolutionary paths diverged 
some two million years ago. 



At least as damaging is the 
notion that a human society is 
simply an aggregate of human 
beings, each an island entire of 
itself. There is no understanding 
of the fact that a man without 
roots — organic, natural roots — 
in some racial community, is an 
incomplete man, a spiritual 
cripple, a man as deficient as a 
plant torn loose from its nur- 
turing soil. 

A society consisting of such 
rootless men, alienated men, is a 
sick and unnatural society and 
will not long endure. 

Away with the System ! 

America today is not yet totally 
alienated, but her sickness is 
getting worse rapidly. It can be 
cured — the process of alienation 
can be reversed — but only 
through social surgery of a 
radical nature, consisting of 
several major steps. 

The first step must be to sweep 
away the entire System now 
ruling America. All the greedy, 
cynical little men now wielding 
power must go: "liberal," 
"moderate," and "con- 
servative"; McGovernite and 



Nixonite; Eisenhower 
Republican and Kennedy 
Democrat ; Jew and shabbas goy. 
No "reforms" or half-measures, 
no compromises or political deals 
with traitors to race and nation, 
can be tolerated in this step; only 
a total purge will suffice. 

Only after the alienation at the 
top has been cured can the rest of 
the task be tackled. 

Education in the Racial State 

Second, the entire educational 
system must be overhauled and 
reoriented, from kindergarten 
through the university level. 
Instead of preparing raceless, 
rootless individuals for the 
economic rat race, the new 
education must train boys and 
girls to be a valuable link in the 
chain of generations. 

It must make young men and 
women fee) that they are a bridge 
which leads from a great past 
into the most distant future. It 
must, by imparting a thorough 
knowledge of the history and 
traditions of the Western peoples, 
instill in young Americans an 
understanding of the greatness of 
their race. 



An intimate coupling of 
national feeling and a sense of 
social justice must be implanted 
in the young heart. Then a people 
of citizens will someday arise, 
bound to one another and forged 
together by a common love and a 
common, pride, unshakable and 
invincible forever. 

A New Order 

The third step must be the 
building of a new order in 
American life. The country has 
drifted without real guidance for 
so many years that it has picked 
up some bad habits which must 
be cured, some problems which 
must be solved. 

The racial problem is foremost 
among these, and it must be 
solved, through resettlement or 
other means, regardless of the 
expense and sacrifices involved. 

The mass media, in new hands, 
must finally begin serving the 
people instead of manipulating 
them. 

Something radical must be 
done about the urban mon- 
strosities in which a natural and 
healthy life-style has become 
virtually impossible. The urban 



31 

problem will be much less intense 
after complete racial separation 
has been effected, but there will 
still be much which must be 
cured, even if it means a massive 
demolition-and-bulldozing pro- 
gram, followed by refor- 
estation over the rubble. 

An Unlimited Future 

The problems of industrial 
progress, economic stability, 
overpopulation, resource con- 
servation, and the gradual 
restoration of a natural and 
unpolluted environment can also 
be solved once we have citizens 
and leaders whose primary goal 
is the long-term welfare of the 
race, rather than the immediate 
advancement of their own 
careers and the race be damned. 

When alienation and drifting 
have been replaced by proper 
commitment and firm guidance, 
we will find that many problems 
which seem insoluble in this 
unfortunate era can indeed be 
solved and that we can achieve 
goals of which we hardly dare 
dream now, 

(Issue No. 21, 1973) 



New Paperback Reveals Astounding Zionist Mentality 

The Ideological Roots of Zionism 



An interesting and important 
paperback hit the newsstands a 
couple of months ago. It is the 
New American Library (Signet) 
edition of Max Dimont's 1971 
book, The Indestructible Jews. 

A quick skim of the book will 
convince the average reader that 
it is 482 pages of stark, raving 
madness. And it is 482 pages of 
stark, raving madness! But it is a 
revealing sort of madness that is 
well worth a careful, sober 
scrutiny by every American 
patriot (by patriots of all lands) 
concerned about the menace of 
Zionism. 

'Thou Shalt Suck the Milk 
of the Gentiles" 

Max Dimont is no closet 
Zionist. In his book he lets it all 
hang out. He boldly announces to 
the world what all Zionists 
believe but most are too discreet 
to admit, namely, that the Jews 
are a master race, a people 
chosen by their tribal deity Jah- 
weh to have dominion over the 
earth and all the people therein. 

The Indestructible Jews 
contains so much bombast and 
chest-beating, braggadocio so 
extreme and ludicrous, that it 
simply takes one's breath away 
— especially, if one is not 
familiar with the Zionist men- 
tality. To Dimont the Jews are 
the creators of all culture, the 
upholders of all human decency 
and morality, the innovators of 
all concepts of justice, the doers 
of all great feats, the thinkers of 
all profound thoughts, the 
bearers of all human nobility, 

Leonidas, 
the Friendly Pawnbroker? 

As an example, in a chapter 
dealing with Greek civilization 
Din ont scoffs at the notion held 
by historians and archeologists 
that the Hellenes were a tall, fair, 



blue-eyed people from the North. 
Instead, he claims, they were 
squat, swarthy, wiry-haired 
Orientals, and Greek civilization 
had a Semitic rather than a 
Western basis: "Greek history 
did not begin with Aryans but 
with Semites..." 

A few chapters further on, 
Dimont similarly snatches the 
Renaissance away from the West 
and hands it to the Jews : "Jewish 
intellectual activity preceded the 
Renaissance by 700 years 
precisely in those areas where it 
was to take root and flower. 
During those centuries the Jews 
were an intellectual elite ... 
Would the Renaissance have 
flowered where it did, as it did, 
when it did, if the intellectual soil 
had not previously been seeded 
by the Jews?" 

Why They're Not Popular 

After bragging interminably 
about Jewish tolerance and fair- 
mindedness, Dimont displays 
views on other religions which 
are surprisingly uncharitable. He 
describes the old Teutonic gods, 
whose vitures were their honor, 
valor, and fidelity, as "a motley 
crew of illiterate, mead-swilling, 
lecherous murderers, whose 
chief pastimes were cheating, 
raping, and killing. " 

Zeus "spent most of his time 
spawning a succession of 
bastards with other men's wives" 
(here Dimont must have 
forgotten his claim that Zeus was 
really a Jew). 

Dimont's opinion of medieval 
Christianity can be summed up 
by his observation that "no 
decent woman dared set her foot 
in the Vatican for fear of being 
seduced." 

Mongrelizers of Nations 

Next to bragging, gloating over 
their enemies" misfortunes 



seems to be the favorite Zionist 
pastime. Dimont recounts the 
persecutions the Jews faced in 
Gothic Spain during the 7th 
century. The Jewish response 
was to betray the Goths to the 
Moors by serving as spies and 
treacherously opening the city 
gates to the invading armies. 

Dimont obviously relishes the 
Jewish revenge: "The Arab 
conquest of Spain in 711 had put 
an end to the forcible conversion 
of Jews to Christianity .... For 
some inexplicable reason the 
Moorish aristocrats of Spain had 
a penchant for blond Christian 
women .... as blond Christian 
maidens fetched fancy prices in 
the slave markets, raids in 
Christian lands by Muslim 
private entrepreneurs became 
big business. Female captives 
were pedigreed like dogs ...." 

Hatred for Germans 

Dimont's gloating turns to 
foaming hatred when he comes to 
the modern Germans. No 
distortion of history is too gross 
or obscene for him to use in his 
condemnation of Germany for 
opposing the Jews. 

Hitler, he claims, "seized the 
rule of Germany in a coup 
d'etat." National Socialism he 
dismisses as "secondary 
elaborations of racist por- 
nography scribbled on the walls 
of Europe's pissoirs ...." Hitler 
"gave medals to (those) ... who 
..v masturbated excitedly while 
watching through peepholes the 
agonizing deaths of children 
being asphyxiated with 
potassium cyanide fumes." 
"Germans murdered Jews out of 
fear of their intellectual 
superiority." 

Jewish Subjectivity 

Then Dimont reveals the 
totally subjective nature of the 



Jewish hatred for Germany: 
"The supreme irony is that, but 
for his anti-Semitism, Hitler 
might have won the war. The 
very people whom he expelled or 
murdered could have brought 
him victory, for among those who 
fled Europe because they were 
Jews were Albert Einstein, Lise 
Meitner, Nils Bohr, and Edward 
Teller, the fathers of the atomic 
and hydrogen bombs." 

Thus, all Dimont's anti- 
German vituperations, all his 
hatred, are based solely on the 
German rejection of the Jew, on 
the Germans' insistence on 
finding their own destiny without 
Jewish "guidance." Were it not 
for this rejection, Dimont hints, 
the Jews would have gladly 
helped Germany enslave the 
world and achieve all the other 
atrocious ambitions with which 
an overheated Jewish 
imagination has credited her. 

Only Jewish Interests Count 

This attitude, that Jewish in- 
terests alone must be the 
determinants of Jewish policy, is 
basic to Zionism. It has been 
expressed in many forms by 
other Zionist writers. 

Rabbi Meir Kahane, for 
example, who heads the Jewish 
Defense League, stated in the 
April 20, 1973, issue of The Jewish 
Press: "Jewish interests are the 
only standards for Jews, and 
these call for support of almost 
any politician who supports us." 
Kahane then went on to say that 
no Jew, whether residing in the 
United States or the Soviet Union, 
must let any consideration other 
than Jewish interests influence 
his political decisions; that the 
Jew owes no loyalty to anyone but 
his fellow Jews; that everyone 
hates Jews and wants to kill 
them; that Jews must con- 
sequently work to keep their 



enemies (in this case, Russians 
and Americans) from ganging up 
on them; etc. 

Megalomaniacal Ranting 

Now, one could always read as 
much megalomaniacal, paranoid 
ranting of this sort as one could 
stomach simply by turning to the 
semi-secret underworld of the 
Zionist press, i.e., those books 
and periodicals written by Jews 
strictly for Jewish consumption. 
A good example is the influential 
New York Zionist weekly tabloid 
just cited: The Jewish Press. 

Although anyone with a dime 
can buy The Jewish Press — if he 
knows where to look for it — 
virtually no Gentiles do. If one 
accidentally runs across a 
discarded copy on a New York 
subway train, he will pass it off as 
being the journal of some nutty 
little Jewish religious sect. 

Kissinger and Ellsberg 

Certainly it can have no 
relevance to the sophisticated 
and worldly Jews one reads about 
in the newspapers intended for 
Gentile consumption: 
Presidential-adviser Jews like 
Henry Kissinger and Leonard 
Garment; pacifist Jews like 
Daniel Ellsberg and Benjamin 
Spock; U.S. Senator Jews like 
Abraham Ribicoff and Jacob 
Javits; filthy -rich Jews like Max 
Palevsky and Bernie Cornfeld. 

The Indestructible Jews is the 

condensation of all the vainglory 
and venom in a hundred issues of 
The Jewish Press — right out on 
the magazine rack at every 
airport newsstand, along with 
other paperbacks intended for 
mass consumption. It has even 
been given plugs in a number of 
mass-circulation newspapers. A 
blurb inside the cover, which 
describes the subject of the book 












32 

as "the Jew in his proud and 
proper role as the bearer of 
culture and morality," is from 
Joseph Pulitzer's St. Louis Post- 
Dispatch. 

One and the Same 

The interesting thing about 

Dimont's book — or, rather, 

about its being published as a 

mass-circulation paperback — is 

that it pulls two previously 

separate Jewish worlds together : 

the exotic world of the nutty, 

hate-filled, Talmudic Jews like 

Rabbi Kahane, who read and 

write The Jewish Press, and the 

everyday world of the smooth, 

sophisticated Jews like Henry 

Kissinger, who wheel and deal 

and conduct our affairs of state 

for us. It pulls them together and 

makes us realize that they are 

one and the same world: the 

Jewish world. 

Cows and Cowboys 

No book before The In- 
destructible Jews has made 
available to Gentiles such a clear 
picture of the dual nature of this 
Jewish world. Dimont's semi- 
frank exposition of the unique 
Jewish national existence, partly 
in Zion and partly in the 
Diaspora, is fascinating. 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Basically, he sees the world as 
a big cattle ranch, in which the 
Jews are the cowboys and 
everyone else — the goyim — are 
the cows (goyim has a double 
meaning in Hebrew: Gentiles — 
and cattle, or livestock). The 
cowboys out among the herds, 
keeping the cattle out of mischief 
and seeing that they get enough 
grass and water, are the 
Diaspora Jews, while those back 
at the ranchhouse, tending to the 
tackle, making plans for the 
autumn cattle drive, banking the 
proceeds from last year's drive, 
and taking care of other 
headquarters matters, are the 
Zionists. 



Kissinger and Kahane 
Both Essential 

Some cowboys prefer the Life 
out on the open range, and others 
would rather spend their time in 
the ranchhouse, but the two 
groups of cowboys cooperate in 
the business of running the ranch. 
If all the cowboys were to leave 
the herd and hang around the 
ranchhouse all the time, the 
whole ranching enterprise would 
quickly go down the drain. 
Likewise, if there were no one 
back at the ranchhouse to hold 
down the fort. 



Thus, both the Diaspora and 
Zion are essential elements in the 
Zionist scheme of things. 

A Progressive Ranch 

The way Dimont describes it, 
the cowboys really have the 
cows' best interest at heart and 
serve a vital function in operating 
a progressive ranch and keeping 
the herd healthy and contented. 
He really doesn't believe the 
cows could survive without the 
cowboys. 

Later, however, when he talks 
about the theory of history and 
the future prospects for the Jews, 
a better analogy than the cattle 
ranch is a dog infested by a 
colony of fleas. 

Dimont's theory of history is 
eclectic. From Spengler he 
adopts the notion of the cyclic 
nature of civilizations, but he also 
accepts Toyn bee's view that each 
new civilization which arises can 
achieve greater heights by 
utilizing the accomplishments of 
past civilizations. 

The Jews Dimont regards as a 
unique element in the historical 
process, a continuous thread 
leading ever upward through the 
ages as other civilizations rise 
and fall. 



Parasites 

Then, amazingly, he lapses into 
the nomenclature of parasitology 
in bringing out the Zionist view of 
"the Jewish manifest destiny/' 
He speaks of "host civilizations" 
and how the Jews have guided 
and steered each one during its 
rise, reaped the benefits of Its 
accomplishments, and then 
moved on to a new host when the 
old one began faltering, much 
like a colony of intelligent fleas 
jumping to a new dog after they 
have sucked the old one dry. 

The dogs come and go, but the 
flea coLony always survives, 
growing fatter and wiser with 
each new dog it infests. 

Looking for a New Host 

Western civilization is an old, 
dying dog, and the Jews are once 
again looking for a healthy 
puppy, 

Dimont considers India and 
various other "developing" 
nations in Africa and South 
America, but China looks like the 
best prospect to him: 
"Ideologically, China could be a 
fertile civilization for a Diaspora 
center because the Chinese of 
today are even more Judaized 
than were the Puritans of 
Colonial America, ... China's 



religion is the economic doctrine 
of a Jew, Karl Marx. Her science 
is the theoretical physics of a 
Jew, Albert Einstein. Her 
psychology of man is that of a 
Jew, Sigmund Freud." 

A Judaized World 

Dimont does not see this dog- 
hopping process continuing in- 
definitely, however. He believes 
the Jews are now about ready to 
usher in a new act of the human 
drama. 

He believes the flea colony has 
finally imbibed enough blood 
from their long succession of 
host-dogs that they can now bring 
about a final change in the 
scheme of things — a "final 
solution" of the Gentile problem, 
He sees a completely and, 
moreover, an openly — rather 
than covertly — Judaized world, 
in which universal Jewish 
dominance and leadership will be 
freely recognized: "This 
Judaization of the world that has 
imperceptibly coursed below the 
surface of history... is destined to 
surface..." 

Patriots, take heed! 

(Issue No. 21, 1973) 



America and the Third World 



On what considerations should 
a proper American foreign policy 
be based? That seems a sensible 
enough question, yet it is one 
which has been shunned by at 
least two generations of Federal 
"experts" and their media 
mouthpieces. 

The basic reason is a reluc- 
tance to -bring into the open 
certain fundamental 
discrepancies between 
America's national interests and 
the guiding philosophy behind the 
foreign policy pursued by neo- 
liberal planners in Washington. 

The shambles which this policy 
has made of the world in the last 
60 years, however, should be 
adequate proof of the un- 
suitability of its ideological basis 
and of the need for a new one. 

White World Community 

The fundamental rule of a new 
and proper American foreign 
policy must be the rule which 
should also be fundamental to 
domestic policy: Race is 
everything. The destiny of 
America is inextricably linked by 
ties of blood and culture to those 
of the other White nations of the 
world, whether in Africa, the 
Pacific, or Europe. 

The one great goal toward 
which American foreign policy 
should strive is the development 
of a worldwide community, 
transcending the geographical 
nationalism of the present, in 
which all men and women of 
Western blood will be members. 
The replacement of a parochial 
outlook with White world 
solidarity and the final 
elimination of fratricidal war 
would be among the enormous 
benefits of such a development. 

Absurdity of [Multi-racialism 

By the same rule, however, the 
travesty of a world community to 



which America's spiritually 
handicapped leaders presently 
pay lip service — the United 
Nations Organization — is an 
absurdity. With no common 
racial and cultural basis, there 
can come no rational or con- 
sistent policy, no uniformity of 
purpose, from any multi-racial 
group, be it a single nation or an 
assembly of nations. 

Despite the equalitarian 
mythology espoused by all U.N. 
delegates, those from the non- 
White nations, at least, are 
sufficiently race conscious that 
they form a coherent block 
which, even if it can agree on 
nothing else, is united in its 
hostility to all Westerners. It is 
difficult to imagine anything 
more tragically fatuous than 
America and the other White 
nations of the world competing 
with one another for the U.N. vote 
of Swaziland or Upper Vol la. 

Racial Suicide 

To suggest placing the destiny 
of the White race in such hands, 
to seriously consider submitting 
America in any way to the 
decisions of a body in which the 
vote of a Fiji Islander or a Bot- 
swanan counts as much as that of 
a Canadian or a German, is 
criminal lunacy. Yet that is 
exactly what America's so-called 
leaders have already done, to a 
limited extent. Mr. Kissinger's 
recent assurance that the Nixon 
administration will fully support 
the U.N. effort to starve White- 
ruled Rhodesia into submission 
by banning all trade between 
Rhodesia and the United States is 
only one example of this. 

No More Meddling 

The policy of the West — and, in 
particular, of America — toward 
the so-called "third world' 5 



should be one of total non- 
involvement. 

If Nigeria wants to in- 
dustrialize herself, fine, let her 
try to do it — with neither 
American interference nor aid. 

If the Tutsis decide to barbecue 
and eat all the Hutus in Burundi, 
that is their business. 

And if the Arabs object to the 
Jews stealing their land, they can 
fight it out among themselves, 
without American troops, 
weapons, or referees. 

End Neo-Colonialism 

The argument that if America 
doesn't build a new dam or ball- 
bearing factory in Zambia the 
Russians will — and will thereby 
gain some unspecified advantage 
over us — is largely specious. 

If the Russians want to try their 
hand at neo-colonialism — and 
that is the proper name for it — 
let them; there are very few 
instances where it can disad- 
vantage us. In most cases the 
Russians, after carefully 
thinking over the pros and cons — 
and if there were no worry about 
the Americans rushing in and 
beating them out of something — 
would find it the better part of 
wisdom to forget about building a 
ball-bearing plant in Zambia and 
would leave the Zambians 
happily squatting in their own 
filth. 

Race Before Profit 

Indeed, there still exist many 
places in the third world, perhaps 
even in Zambia, where Western 
know-how can turn a buck. And 
capitalists (of both the private 
and state, or communist, 
varieties) would scream bloody 
murder if they were no longer 
allowed to develop a market for 
their electric golf carts there — 
and import cheap labor 



therefrom in order to 
manufacture them. 

Placing racial Interests above 
economic interests, however, 
requires us to firmly rule out both 
these international capitalist 
activities in the long run — the 
latter immediately. There was a 
time when the capitalist 
argument for importing laborers 
of alien race, either free or slave, 
may have carried some weight, 
but that time is long past. 



Ship Them Back 

The current practice in nor- 
thern Europe — especially 
Germany — of allowing local 
capitalists to import hordes of 
alien workers to do the hard and 
dirty work that Western workers 
find beneath their dignity will 
prove the ruin of northern Europe 
if it is not halted. 

Likewise, South Africans would 
be well advised to keep the gates 
of their Bantustans closed by day 
as well as by night and learn to do 
themselves whatever work is 
necessary to their economy. 

And the same lesson applies 
with particular urgency to 
America and her former slaves. 

No More Beads and Whisky 

Trade and "development'* are 
not the same thing, but they are 
inextricably linked. If America 
imports coconuts and 

rhinocerous hides from some 
"undeveloped" nation with an 
agricultural economy, that 
nation will usually expect 
American machinery — and 
American technologists to keep it 
running — in return. There was a 
time when glass beads and 
whisky would have been suf- 
ficient, but not any more. 

The export of Western 
technology to the non-White 
world is probably the stupidest 



thing that we, as a race, have 
ever done. The original idea in 
the minds of our naive do-gooders 
was that we would 
simultaneously raise the non- 
Whites' standard of living and 
save their souls — i.e., make 
dark-skinned Westerners of 
them. Instead we greatly in- 
creased the number and ef- 
ficiency of our natural enemies 
while instilling in them an im- 
placable hatred for us. 

Destroyed Souls 

We also managed to destroy 
their souls, by uprooting them 
from their soil, obliterating their 
culture, making their native 
handicrafts obsolete, and 
catastrophically changing their 
lifestyle. 

Is India a better or happier 
place for having been 
"Westernized"? No one who has 
visited Bombay or Calcutta can 
think so. Western technology has 
simply made it possible for vastly 
more Indians per square mile to 
starve than was previously 
possible. 

Back to the Jungle 

Much of the industrialization of 
the third world which has already 
taken place is reversible. With 
their supply of Western 
technicians and spare parts cut 
off, all Black African — and 
many other — nations would 
simply revert to their former 
jungle lifestyle within a few- 
years. 

Those few non-White nations 
where industrialization is not 
self-reversible will be a growing 
worry and danger for the West in 
the future. China is the out- 
standing example. 

Trade with the third" world 
must continue for the present, but 
the long-range goal of the West 



should be complete economic 
autonomy. There is no raw 
material which we cannot obtain 
from another White nation or 
eventually learn to do without. 
Oil is the most immediately 
relevant example. If America 
manages to get through the 
current fuel crisis without 



irreparable damage, it may 
serve as a stimulus to achieve 
national autonomy in fuel. If so, 
the crisis will have been a good 
thing. 

Western Destiny 

So let us look forward to a new 
American policy toward the third 



world, a policy which abjures all 
neo-colonialism and its attendant 
hypocrisies. 

Let us look forward to the day 
when we no longer are tempted to 
resort to gunboat diplomacy to 
protect markets or sources of 
raw materials. 

Let us pursue our own Western 



destiny without masses of aliens 
in our midst — and let us allow 
the peoples of the third world to 
do the same, in their own way and 
in their own time. 

We may then find that many of 
the jealousies and sources of 
friction which have kept the 
White peoples of the world — 



33 

including even the Russians — 
divided against one another will 
have disappeared. 

(Issue No. 24, 1973) 



Richest Man Sucks Americans' Blood 






Who do you think is the richest 
American? If you guess ex- 
patriate oil -billionaire Jean Paul 
Getty or eccentric recluse- 
billionaire Howard Hughes or 
even neo-liberal politician- 
billionaire Nelson Rockefeller, 
you're wrong. 

The chances are at least 10,000 
U> one you've never heard the 
name of the man who could buy 
out all three of the above-named 
men and still have more money 
left than anyone else. He is 
Michel Frlbourg, president, 
chairman of the board of 
directors, and owner of Con- 
tinental Grain Company, 
America's largest privately- 
owned business enterprise. 

Owns More Than 100 Companies 

Continental Grain, with annual 
sales of about $3-billion, is only 
the largest of the more than 100 
companies owned, wholly or in 
part, by Fribourg. Among his 
holdings are a maritime shipping 
company in Israel, a com- 
modities-brokerage business 
headquartered in New York, a 
pet-food packinghouse in 
Nebraska, two vacation resorts 
in Spain, a nail manufacturing 
plant in California, 250,000 acres 
of cattle ranches in Argentina, an 
animal-feed company in Illinois, 
a flour mill in Ecuador, and vast 
tracts of real estate in France, 
Morocco, Switzerland, and the 
United States. 

Wants to Control Food Supply 

Through his vast mercantile 
empire flows a traffic in leather 
goods, hardware, tung oil, wool, 
and a thousand other com- 
modities, all yielding a profit. 
Fribourg has fastened his 
acquisitive grasp most tightly on 
the commerce in America's food, 
however. Poultry, eggs, beef, 
bread, processed frozen foods, 
wheat, com, rye, oats, barley, 
rice, soybeans — the vital 
lifeblood of the nation, the basic 
foodstuffs which provide 
sustenance for its people — those 
are the things whose production, 
distribution, and sale he has 
striven hardest to bring under his 
control, exacting his tribute from 
each. 

Responsible for 
Soviet Wheat Swindle 

Fribourg's Continental Grain, 
for example, handler more than a 
quarter of America's exports of 
wheat and other grains and 
completely dominates the trade 
in foodstuffs between America 
and the Soviet Union. It was 
Fribourg who was principally 
responsible for the gigantic 
Soviet wheat swindle of 1972, 
whkh netted him hundreds of 
millions of dollars but has cost 



the American people billions in 
drastically increased food prices. 

Long Line of Speculators 

Michel Fribourg was born in 
Antwerp in 1913, the descendant 
of a long line of Jewish com- 
modities speculators. A century 
earlier, in 1813, when there was a 
great deal of money to be made 
supplying Napoleon's armies 
with bread, Michel's great-great- 
grandfather Simon founded, at 
Arlon, Belgium, the grain- 
trading business that eventually 
became Continental Grain Co, 
The Fribourg family, in fact, 
became to international grain 



speculation in American grain. 
When his father died in 1944, the 
31-year-old Jewish immigrant 
Michel Fribourg succeeded to the 
head of the family business and 
has remained there ever since, 
with his headquarters at 2 
Broadway St., New York City. 

A Real "Luftmensch" 

It takes a special kind of talent 
to spin billions of dollars out of 
thin air — to make money, not by 
doing any useful work, but by 
interposing oneself between the 
producer and the consumer of 
goods in such a way that money 
rubs off on one's hands as they 




MICHEL FRIBOURG. A capitalistic Zionist makes communism 

pay- 



trading what the Rothschilds are 
to international banking. 



Chased out of Europe by Hitler 

In 1940, as the German army 
swept over Belgium, the 
Fribourg family hastily packed 
their bags and departed for New 
York, taking their immense 
fortune with them. The quantity 
of gold and valuables they took 
was so great that a Fribourg- 
owned freighter had to be pressed 
into service just to carry the 
family and their luggage from 
Lisbon to New York. 

The Fribourgs had already 
opened a U.S. office in 1922, and 
by World War n the bulk of their 
profit was coming from 



are dipped into the flowing 
stream of commerce. 

Michel Fribourg shares this 
talent with bis predecessors, but 
he evidently has something more. 
He was the man who began to 
turn a profit, for the first time 
since the Cold War, from the 
Soviet Union's need for 
America's agricultural products. 

Capitalizing on Communism 

In 1963 he made the 
breakthrough, by arranging the 
sale of 800,000 tons of U.S. wheat 
to the U.S.S.R. Following this 
initial coup, Fribourg cemented 
his relations with Soviet of- 
ficialdom in frequent trips t/) 
Moscow. Whenever Russian 
trade delegations visited the 



United States, Fribourg would 
treat them to yacht cruises, 
sumptious banquets, and other 
lavish entertainment. 

In November 1971 he scored 
again, negotiating the sale of 2.9 
million tons of corn, barley, and 
oats to the Soviet Union for $137- 
million. 

Secret Deal with 
Administration Connivance 

It was in July of last year that 
Fribourg made his real killing. 
Learning that the Russians were 
facing a severe shortage of wheat 
because of poor harvests, he 
obtained a promise from the 
Nixon administration that he 
would receive a government 
subsidy on any wheat sale to the 
Soviet Union which he could 
arrange. He then began secret 
negotiations with the Russians 
that soon resulted in the sale, at 
bargain-basement prices^ of 
more than one-fourth of the entire 
U.S. wheat crop and millions of 
tons of soybeans, corn, oats, and 
other grains. 

The transaction, which caused 
severe domestic grain shortages, 
had a total value of $1.1 billion. 
Fribourg *s share was one-half. 

Americans Pay 
for Fribourg's Profits 

The consequence of Mr. 
Fribourg's very profitable 
speculation — in addition to the 
drain on the U.S. Treasury 
caused by the hundreds of 
millions of dollars in export 
subsidies paid to him and his 
fellow speculators — was a 
skyrocketing increase in the cost 
of living for ordinary Americans. 

Wheat which Fribourg sold to 
the Russians for $1.68 per bushel 
in July 1972 rose to $5.24 per 
bushel this summer; corn rose 
from $1.15 to $3.40; and the price 
of soybeans quadrupled. Since 80 
per cent of the price of poultry, 
pork, and beef goes to pay for the 
grain fed to the chickens, hogs, 
and cattle, the grain shortage 
caused meat and poultry prices 
to rise most sharply. As more and 
more Americans could no longer 
afford to buy meat, the demand 
for fish and other foods rose, 
forcing food prices up all across 
the board. 

While Michel Fribourg is still 
counting the bags of gold he got 
from the Great Soviet Grain 
Robbery, those Americans who 
must work for their living are 
still paying the price. 

Media Blackout on Fribourg 

It is interesting to note that, 
despite the great public outcry 
about rising food prices and the 



reflection of that outcry in the 
mass media — even the ad- 
mission by the media that the 
1972 Soviet grain sale is largely 
responsible for the high food 
prices today — the media have 
not seen fit to expose Fribourg's 
role in the affair. Other than, a 
brief article about Continental 
Grain in the August 5, 1973, 
edition of the New York Times 
(published just after the ex- 
posure of the grain speculators in 
the August 1973 ATTACK ! ) , there 
has been a virtual blackout of 
news about Fribourg. His name 
was not mentioned once in Time, 
Newsweek, or U.S. News & World 
Report in the year following the 
July 1973 grain deal. 

The only previous news about 
him was a lone article in the 
March 11, 1972, issue of Business 
Week. Even the various Who's 
Whos and other biographical 
reference works contain no 
mention of Fribourg. 

Would We Hear More Abut Him 
if He Weren't Jewish? 

It is strange that the richest 
man in America, a man whose 
fortunes are sucked from the 
lifeblood of the ordinary working 
people, is able to enjoy such 
anonymity and avoid any public 
blame for his deeds — strange, 
indeed, in this Watergate era, 
when the bloodhounds of the 
press are so eager to expose 
wrongdoers in the Nixon ad- 
ministration, that they have 
ignored the man responsible for a 
much greater wrong than the 
Watergate burglary. 

One might almost think the 
media masters are deliberately 
protecting Michel Fribourg. 

(Issue No. 24, 1973) 



Right On, 

Muhammad 



Negro boxer Muhammad Ali 
(Cassius Clay) has more good 
sense than the media generally 
give him credit for. When asked 
about his Black nationalist 
sentiments by a puzzled White 
liberal recently, Muhammad 
explained: "Bluebirds like to be 
together, eagles hang out with 
eagles, sparrows stick with 
sparrows, buzzards go with 
buzzards. They're all birds, but 
they go with their own." 

(Issue No. 11, 1972) 



34 









THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Decadence, Charlatanry Destroying Western Cultural Heritage 

. ■ ■- ■ -ii v 

The Arts in America 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

Solzhenitsyn and the Liberals 



35 



A recent issue of Newsweek 
devoted most of its pages to an 
article on "the arts" in present- 
day America, The enthusiastic 
introduction to the article 
described Its subject as "the 
greatest orgy of cultural actiwty 
in all of history," It proudly went 
on to claim: "The arts in 
America have produced more 
world records than any other 
society can boast — more 
creators, more packagers, more 
distributors, more consumers 
than anywhere else. ...art in the 
great mass society of America 
has become the biggest service 
industry in the world." 

Orgy, Yes — Art, No 

That was quite an appropriate 
introduction to what followed. 
The article was indeed about an 
"orgy" and an "industry." But 
"art"? No, not even bad art or 
non-art. The orgy of activity 
portrayed in Newsweek can only 
be described as anti-art: 
"sculpture" exemplified by 
hideously ugly monstrosities of 
rusty iron or garish fiberglass; 
"music" performed by outlan- 
dishly costumed homosexuals or 
perspiring Negroes screaming 
into microphones; "painting" 
consisting of multicolored stripes 
on a 400-foot section of asphalt 
roadway in downtown 
Philadelphia. 

Withered Sense of Beauty 

Although Newsweek's ten- 
dency was to magnify the more 



grotesque and perverse ten- 
dencies in the current American 
"culture orgy," the portrayal 
was depressingly close to reality 
in most cases. Western man's 
artistic sense, once soaring and 
uplifting, seems to have 
withered, darkened, and become 
cancerous in the twentieth 
century. His urge toward beauty 
and truth seems to have 
degenerated into a morbid 
fascination with ugliness, an 
irresistible desire to be 
distracted, amused, deceived, 
Newsweek justifies the new 
tastes with the argument that 
they are more "fun" than the old. 
In describing the "new music," 
the article claims that Americans 
didn't have any fun when they 
went to concerts in the old days. 
In contrast, "new music is one 
big carnival of sound — diverse, 
noisy, colorful...." Noisy, yes. 

Decadence — Or a Hoax? 

What has happened to the race 
which produced Beethoven and 
Mozart and Wagner, the great 
sculptors of ancient Greece, the 
architects of Rome, the painters 
of Florence? What has happened 
to the self-discipline, the will-to- 
order, the sense of reverence 
before Nature's majesty which 
characterized the great artistic 
tradition of the West? 

Have we really become so 
decadent, or is the "new art" just 
some gigantic Madison Avenue 
hoax? 

The Newsweek article at- 
tempts to disarm those who 



suspect it is the latter with the 
statement: "There is still for 
many people an atavistic feeling 
that all artists are charlatans, 
carnival men in tuxedoes who are 
out to take your money if you 
have any or to make a fool of you 
if you don't." 

Effects of Spock 

A close look at the "service 
industry" which churns out the 
new art will convince the 
thoughtful observer that both 
decadence and charlatanry have 
a lot to do with it. The Spock 
generation, saturated with 
permissiveness and pot and 
pacifism and reared in an ar- 
tificial world of autos and asphalt 
and neon, does indeed have a 
different attitude toward 
discipline and man and the 
universe than its predecessors, 
and this is reflected in different 
tastes in music, painting, drama, 
and other art forms. 

Certainly, if most Americans 
really demanded Beethoven 
instead of Frank Zappa the 
manufacturers of 8-track tape 
cartridges would scramble to 
satisfy that preference. 

Alien Promoters 

But there is more to it. 
America's decadence has had a 
helping hand. Popular art or 
"pop" culture is, in America, to a 
large extent not really folk 
culture. It is, with a few ex- 
ceptions, not organic, not rooted 
in the people. Instead, it is an 







artificial product, created, 
packaged, promoted, and 
disseminated by a group of 
businessmen who have very little 
in common with the captive 
consumers of their product. 

Although room is still made for 
some genuinely American art — 
country-and-western music, for 
example — much of the "art" 
promoted- by the pop-culture 
industry is of alien origin: either 
Jewish or, especially in the case 
of music and dance, African. 

Jewish Dominance 

Even though a majority of the 
"artists" on the pop-culture 
scene are still White Americans, 
they are employees of an in- 
dustry which is completely 
dominated by Jews and which, 
for reasons of its own, has chosen 
to selectively promote trends and 
fads which are foreign to the 
American majority. 

The net effect of this alien 
Influence has been cultural 
chaos. It has largely alienated 
Americans from the great 
cultural heritage handed to them 
by their ancestors in Western 
Europe and left them culturally 
rootless — a people, in fact, with 
no true culture, particularly the 
generation bom since World War 

n. 

America's culture industry is 
closely tied to another industry 
dominated by Jews: the mass 
media. Radio, TV, motion pic- 
tures, and the press are the 
channels through which virtually 
all pop culture is disseminated. 

The men who own and control 
the media — i.e., the men who 
make up the media "establish- 
ment" — are in a position to 
determine which artists' works 
will be brought before the public 
and which will not. Perhaps it is 
partly unconscious on their part, 
or perhaps it is wholly conscious, 
but they have tended to promote 
those artists and performers 
more- in attune with their own 




HIDEOUS MASS OF CONCRETE PLUMBING Is a "sculpture" purchased for *607,000 by gullible 
San Franciscans under influence of art charlatan Lawrence Halprin. Newsweek, which is published 
by Mr. Halprin's co-racialists, described the monstrosity as "magnificently funky." 



PEGGY GUGGENHEIM, filthy 
rich patroness of the arts who has 
sponsored a number of especially 
degenerate trends. 



souls than with those of the 
American majority. 

Levantine Muse 

Professor Ernest van den 
Haag, the noted social 
philosopher, has pointed this out 
in his outstanding book, The 
Jewish Mystique: "Persons 
whose outlook and sensibility 
differ radically from what is 
current, or acceptable, within the 
establishment are unlikely to be 
understood by establishment 
members. They are 

automatically relegated beyond 
the pale. For them to be heard, 
published, read, understood, or 
appreciated according to their 
merits becomes very difficult." 
Perhaps what is so discordant 
and destructive to the Western 
muse is seemly to the Levantine. 

The Emperor's New Clothes 

But deceit has also played a 
major role in the undermining of 
Western culture. Pop art has 
been sold to gullible, Gentile 
America in much the same way 
that the two wandering silk 
merchants sold a new suit of 
clothes to the emperor in the 
immortal tale by Hans Christian 
Andersen. 

When the critics, in collusion 
with the media masters and pop- 
culture vendors, solemnly an- 
nounce that the latest collection 
of rusty scrap-iron assembled by 
pop-sculptor Robert Morris is 
very "significant," or that a 
newly daubed-and-smeared 
canvas by pop-painter De 
Kooning shows "deep insight" 
into something or other, and 
when one or two of the nouveau- 
filthy-riches then begin buying 
the junk at astronomical prices, 
the man on the street is suitably 
impressed. He figures that where 
there's smoke there's fire, and 
where all the critics and 
collectors are making such a fuss 
there must be art. 

Too Eager to Be Chic 

Americans are easy marks. By 
and large, they do not have the 
Levantine subtlety of their 
deceivers. They are a simple, 
straightforward, direct folk, but, 
for some dark reason, they seem 
to be ashamed of that fact. They 
want to be sophisticated. They 
want the world to think they are 
chic and fashionable. Whenever a 
new fad comes along, they want 
to be the first on board. 

This unfortunate tendency, 
coupled with their unfathomable 
credulity, has made of them the 
world's principal laughingstock 
for some time now. It has led 
them to endorse, in concert halls 
and art museums across the 
nation, some of the most solemn 
foolishness the world has seen in 
recent years. 

It's about time someone 
pointed out to them that the 
emperor is stark l staring naked. 

{Issue No. 25, 1974) 



When Alexander Solzhenitsyn, 
the Russian dissident writer who 
was exiled by the Soviet govern- 
ment in February, recently 
shouted at a group of Western 
newsmen, "You are worse than 
the KGB (Soviet secret police, 
equivalent to our FBI)," they 
were understandably hurt. After 
all, had not the newsmen of the 
democratic West made a great 
folk-hero of Solzhenitsyn, 
praising him to the skies at every 
opportunity? Had they not 
publicized his books for years, 
leading to their widespread sales 
outside the Soviet Union — and to 
a Nobel Prize for Literature for 
him in 1970? 

Krushchev Goofed Too 

Alas, the neo-liberal media 
masters of the West were finding 
to their sorrow that they had 
misjudged their man as badly as 
the communist masters of the 
Kremlin had earlier. 

Solzhenitsyn 's world renown as 
a writer began in 1962, when 
Ntkita Krushchev sponsored the 
Soviet publication of One Day in 
the Life of Ivan Denisovich, an 
autobiographical novel of 
Solzhenitsyn 's experiences as a 
prisoner in Stalin's death camps. 
Krushchev was promoting the de- 
Stalinization of the Soviet Union, 
and Solzhenitsyn 's criticism ot 
Stalinism fitted the party line 
perfectly at that time. 

Later, however, the Soviet 
leaders began to realize that 
Solzhenitsyn was opposed to a 
great deal more than just Stalin's 
particular brand of communism. 
They tried to shut him up, but it 
was too late; they had already 
given him a reputation and an 




ALEXANDER SOLZHENIT- 
SYN. Henry Kissinger con- 
temptuously described the red- 
headed Russian literary giant as 
"to the right of the czars." 

international audience, and 
Solzhenitsyn continued cranking 
out new books which blasted 
away at the very foundations of 
the Marxist-Leninist worldview. 

Not a Jew 

The shallow-minded liberals of 
the West seized on these books as 
props for their libertarian- 
democratic philosophy, as op- 
posed to Kremlin 
posed to Kremlin authoritar- 
ianism. They mistakenly 
assumed that any Soviet 
dissident is automatically a neo- 
llberal — as, indeed, a whole 
platoon of dissident Jewish- 
intellectual contemporaries of 
Solzhenitsyn 's are. 

But Solzhenitsyn is a. genuine 
Russian, not a Jew, His world- 
view comes from deep in his 
Russian soul, and it is as hostile 



to neo-hberalism as it is to 
Stalinism, 

That fact was made manifest 
last month when Solzhenitsyn 
released a long letter he had 
written to the Kremlin bosses. He 
urged them, for the good of 
Russia, to turn away from the 
"dark, un-Russian whirlwind of 
Marxism," as well as from the 
decadence of Western 
liberalism. (Marx, as also 
nearly all the other founders of 
communism, was both un- 
Russian and un-Western; he was 
a Jew.) 

A Warning to Brezhnev 

He condemned the murderous 
regime which had sent uncounted 
millions of his countrymen to 
their deaths, and he called for 
rooting out and punishing Stalin's 
fellow murderers who still hold 
positions, in the Kremlin 
hierarchy. But more than that he 
warned Brezhnev & Co. not to let 
Russia fall victim to the 
democratic disease now ravaging 
the West. 

How disillusioned Solzhenit- 
syn's admirers in the media must 
have been to read of his disgust at 
the "democracy run riot" in 
America — and, in particular, his 
citing of America's inability to 
cope with such termites in her 
timbers as Daniel Ellsberg and 
Ramsey Clark, both media idols! 
He also cited America's political 
parties and labor unions, her 
hypocritical neo-Uberal in- 
tellectuals and corrupt officials, 
all engaged in a squalid "conflict 
of interests, just interests, 
nothing higher," 

Liberalism Morbid, Inconsistent 

But his denunciation of 
Western liberalism contained 
analysis as well as invective. He 
looked at the core of the 
malignancy and saw that it had 
no ethical foundation. It could 
neither provide a basis for 
sustained resistance to tyranny 
nor could it long support any 
civilization. 

It had no coherent 
metaphysical structure; it was a 
morbid and unnatural condition 
of society, a pollution in the 
stream of history. It was as 
irrational and inconsistent as it 
was weak. 

Maggots in an Apple 

Solzhenitsyn had only scorn for 
the Western liberal's belief in 
indefinite "progress" through 
industrialization: in a "growth" 
economy year after year, without 
limit. To him it was plain "that a 
dozen maggots can't go on and on 
gnawing the same apple forever; 
that if the earth is a finite object, 
then its expanses and resources 
are finite also, and the endless, 
infinite progress dinned into our 
heads by the dreamers of the 
Enlightenment cannot be ac- 
complished on it. ,,. Economic 
growth is not only unnecessary 
but ruinous." 

He dreamed instead of a stable 
economy, of a limited population 
living close to the land and in 
harmony with Nature. 

Horror of horrors, he even 
suggested striving for racially 
homogeneous communities by 
dividing the Soviet Union into 
several separate ethnic regions. 
That way White Russians and 
Oriental Kalmucks, for example, 
could preserve their own racial 



identities and pursue their own 
destinies. 

To Become an Unperson 

The first reaction of media 
liberals to Solzhenitsyn 's letter 
and his comparison of them to the 
KGB was embarrassment and a 
few nervous giggles. As it 
dawned on them that he .really 
meant what he said, they moved 
to undermine the public prestige 
their former praise had given 
him. Newsweek (owned by the 
Washington Post) called him a 
"holy fool" and referred to his 
views as "idiosyncratiq in the 
extreme," 

Their next step will be to 
relegate him to the status of an 
"unperson" and cease to mention 
his name at all. 

Liberation Is Un-Western 

If ordinary Americans can find 
anything at all to criticize in 



Solzhenitsyn's views, it is his 
insistent reference to Western 
decadence, Western Indiscipline, 
Western liberalism. Doesn't he 
realize that liberalism (or, more 
correctly, the neo-liberalism 
which passes for traditional 
liberalism today) is as un- 
Western as Marxism is un- 
Russian, and for the same 
reason? 

If neo-liberalism were a true 
expression of the Western soul, 
then there would indeed be no 
hope for the future. We could look 
forward only to increasing moral 
decadence and social chaos, 
accompanied by a more-or-less- 
gradual racial mongrelization^ 
until, having altogether lost the 
capacity for sustaining any 
semblance of civilization or even 
maintaining a national defense, 
we became a serf-nation under 
the heel of any better-disciplined 
race who found it worth their 
trouble to enslave us. 



Alien Apostles of Decadence 

But the national madness 

which holds us in its grip today is 
not endemic. It is unnatural, 
alien. 

The slack-jawed philosophy of 
Benjamin Spock ("If it feels 
good, do it"), which has been 
impressed upon a whole 
generation of Americana through 
ultra -permissive child-raising 
practices, Is not Western In 
origin. 

The hyper-individualism which 
urges each person to find his own 
"sexual preference" (I.e., 
homosexual, bisexual, or 
"straight") without regard to 
social consequences, has no roots 
in Western tradition. 

The ruling insanity of the 
racial-equafity theorists, who 
steadfastly refuse to accept the 
plain evidence of everyday ex- 
perience when it contradicts their 
babbling about universal human 
equality, files directly in the face 




(Issue No, 26, 1974) 












36 

of a deep-grained Western ob- 
jectivity. 

We did- not inherit from the 
American pioneers the feminine 
squeamishness which lies behind 
our present inability to make the 
hard decisions and implement 
the stern policies needed to bring 
a final solution to a myriad of 
economic, social, and racial 
problems. Nor did that soft- 
mLndedness, that weakness of 
will, striving only to postpone 
difficult decisions until they must 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



become stem Indeed, come to us 
from our European forebears 
who built the mighty edifice of 
Western civilization. 

Because the disease of the West 
is a parasitic growth which has 
fastened itself onto the West's 
soul, and not an outgrowth of that 
soul itself, we can hope to cut it 
out and thereby cure ourselves, 
albeit with a great deal of pain 
and loss of blood — and greater 
thelonger the surgery is delayed. 
We would feel an even greater 



admiration and sympathy for 
Solzhtmitsyn if he had said that, 
instead of dismissing the West as 
being already in a terminal state. 
Fnr that matter, he did 
recognize the blood relationship 
between neo-llberaUsm and 
communism In pointing out that 
It was a "liberal" movement in 
Russia, culminating in an eight- 
month period of "people's 
democracy" in 1917, which 
eroded the Foundations of the old 
order and so prepared the ground 



for the ascendancy of Marxism. 

The course of the disease in the 
West has been different than in 
Russia. Here liberalism has quite 
thoroughly obliterated all the old 
values, but then, instead of 
leading us promptly into com- 
munism, has lingered on and on, 

Unfortunately, the West has 
probably suffered greater 
spiritual damage from its long 
cohabitation with communism's 
pimping little sister than Russia 



has suffered from a half-century 
of communism itself. 

Indeed, Solzhenitsyn may have 
had just that deep meaning in 
mind when he shouted to the 
Western newsmen, "You are 
worse than the KGB!" 

(Issue No. 26, 1974) 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Police See * 4 Zebra"-Style Killings Going back to 1969 



400 Race Murders 

Media Suppression of News on Black Crimes Held Responsible 



San Francisco Mayor Joseph L. 
Alioto's figure of 73 execution- 
style murders of White persons 
by Black killers in California 
since 1971 has been expanded to 
approximately 400 by adding 
figures for similar killings with 
an apparent racial motive in 
Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, 
Missouri, Ohio, and Wisconsin. 
Police officials who added the 
unsolved killings in the six 
Midwestern states to those in 
California went as far back as 
1969. They did not, however, 
include similar killings 
elsewhere, such as those which 
recently occurred in Boston. 

The Boston killings, as well as 
hundreds of others across the 
country, were apparently ran- 
dom and unplanned acts of 



t 



savagery against Whites, rather 
than the cold-blooded, systematic 
executions which were counted in 
arriving at the figure of 400 for 
California and the Midwest. 
Whether all these 400 killings 
were, like the "Zebra" slayings 
in San Francisco, part of a single 
program of murder directed 
against Whites or whether they 
were the work of several dif- 
ferent Black groups remains to 
be seen. 

Meanwhile, however, there 
appears to be more of an effort 
afoot to stifle any massive and 
coherent Investigation of these 
murders than to find definitive 
answers. Just as state officials in 
California were quick to throw 
cold water on Mayor Alioto's 
linking of the San Francisco 



killings to those in Long Beach, 
Oakland, Berkeley, San Diego, 
Los Angeles, and other California 
cities, Federal officials are 
denying the possibility of any 
connection between the murders 
in the Midwest and those in 
California. 

Police Search Termed 
"RacistOutrage*' 

This same attitude was 
demonstrated by U.S. District 
Court Judge Alfonso Zirpoli, who 
ordered San Francisco police to 
halt their stop-and-search effort 
to apprehend the "Zebra" killers. 
The judge agreed with the 
arguments of the NAACP and the 
American Civil Liberties Union 
that the police effort to find the 
Black gunman of whom they had 



a description was "a racist 
outrage." 

By far the worst role in the 
Killings has been played by the 
nation's controlled mass media. 
They are even more culpable 
than the hate-crazed Black 
gunmen and kn if e-wi elders who 
actually committed the murders. 

Climate for Murder 

The media have, in the first 
place, deliberately created the 
favorable intellectual and 
emotional climate in which the 
Black killers have operated. 
Their constant harping on "White 
racism" year after year, thetr 
promotion of a racial guilt- 
complex in White liberals, and 
their planting and fertilizing of 
the idea in Black minds that any 



and all Black measures against 
White society are justified — these 
things have not only promoted 
mUitance and aggression on the 
part of Blacks but they have 
neutralized White society's 
natural defenses against that 
aggression. 

White Americans have been 
battered by such a barrage of 
propaganda from the news media 
for so long now that they have 
developed a truly Pavlovian 
reaction to any issue which has 
even a hint of racial overtones. 
Whether public officials or 
private citizens, the fear of being 
branded a "racist" has been 
implanted so deeply in most 
Americans that they will go to 
absurd lengths to avoid such a 
fate. 









/ 









ONE OF THE FIRST. David Gaus, a 31-year-old White plastics worker, was murdered in ONE OF THE LATEST. Nelson Shields, a 23-year-old White photographer, was mur~ 

Akron, Ohio, in- March 1969. His hands were taped behind his back, and then he was dered In San Francisco In April 1974. A Negro walked up behind him on the street and 

beaten and slashed to death on an Akron street. Three Blacks were seen leaving the pumped three bullet* into his back. Because of a growing sense of White outrage at the 

murder scene, butthe execution-style killing remains unsolved. Although local papers in systematic killings of Whites In San Francisco by Blacks, the news media were unable to 

Akron carried the story of Gaus s murder, it was kept out of ihe news elsewhere. suppress the story of the Shields murder, and It received nationwide coverage. 



Thus, when the news media 
began the practice a few years 
ago of refusing to identify 
criminal suspects by race, there 
were few objections from the 
public. The White liberals had 
been convinced that it was 
completely irrelevant whether a 
mugger or a rapist was White, 
Black, or Martian. Those 
diehards who still thought a 
suspect's race might be a handy 
thing to know so that people could 
keep a lookout for him had 
learned to keep their "racist" 
ideas to themselves. 

Where the circumstances of a 
crime by a Negro made it dif- 



ficult to conceal his race from the 
public, the media were generally 
able to keep news of the crime 
confined to the community in 
which it occurred. 

All the News That Fits 

If the Ku Mux Klan burned a 
Negro church in Mississippi, it 
was national news. If two Black 
students were shot by state 
troopers during a school riot in 
South Carolina, it made headlines 
around the country, not just for 
weeks but for months. 

But the "Zebra" killers had 
already murdered 10 Whites in 



San Francisco, over a period of 
four months, before people in 
other parts of the country were 
told about it. In Dallas recently, 
13 White store owners and em- 
ployees were murdered by Black 
gunmen during the course of a 
few weeks, but no one outside 
Texas has yet heard a word about 
it from the mass media. 

The mass media policy of 
suppressing news of Black 
crimes against Whites has 
allowed a Black gang (or gangs) 
to systematically murder ap- 
proximately 400 White persons 
during the past five years without 



arousing public alarm and op- 
position. 

If people all over the country 
had known about the first of these 
killings when they occurred, five 
years ago, there would have been 
enormous pressure on Federal 
and local authorities to ap- 
prehend the killers. If the killings 
had continued, and if they had 
been given full, nationwide news 
coverage, the White reaction 
soon would have forced drastic 
action against all militant Black 
organizations. In addition, there 
would have been generated a 
strong resistance to the con- 
tinuation of the numerous racial 



37 

integration programs which have 
made Whites such easy victims 
for Black killers. 

It was for this very reason, of 
course v that the masters of the 
media suppressed the news. They 
did not want Americans to see the 
grisly consequences of turning a 
civilized country over to a horde 
of primitive savages, in the name 
of "equality.** 

(Issue No, 27, 1974) 



Revolt of the Submen 



A few years ago "fascism" was 
the number-one devil of the 
radical Left. Today it is 
"racism." This change is 
significant, and a close look at the 
reasons behind it reveals to us, in 
starkly simple terms, the fun- 
damental nature of communism 
and the true motives of its 
promoters. 

The switch in emphasis from 
anti-fascism to anti-racism is not 
the only major change in the 
communist image which has 
taken place in recent years, of 
course. Long gone are the 
soapbox haranguers with the 
Yiddish accents who in pre-World 
War II days exhorted the workers 
to cast off their chains. Today 
their sons and daughters in the 
so-called "New Left" are on an 
entirely different tack. 

Americans Wouldn't Bite 

American workers, even 
during the most difficult periods 
of the nation's history, were 
never desperate enough or stupid 
enough to swallow the lie that 
they could come out ahead by 
exchanging their capitalist 
chains for communist chains. 
Instead, they strived to make 
their capitalist chains more 
tolerable. 

Through aspiration and 
diligence they succeeded in large 
measure, many even becoming 
mini-capitalists themselves. To 
be sure, inflation has recently 
made the American worker's 
effort to maintain his standard of 
living akin to the hopeless task of 
Sisyphus. A lot of hard work and 
a little common sense have, 
nevertheless, remained a more 
appealing formula than any 
Marxist doubletalk about "ex- 
propriation" or a "dictatorship of 
the proletariat." 

Black Recruits 

Thus, the majority of the White 
American working class was long 
ago written off by the Marxist 
planners as an impossible bunch 
of rednecks and reactionaries, 
even though lip-service is still 
paid to the old goal of "workers' 
solidarity," especially in some of 
the redder unions. Ths Reds 
began looking instead to the 
growing masses of non-Whites in 
American cities as the proper 
raw material for their 
revolutionary army. 

The Negroes in America have 
always been a factor in com- 
munist plans, but World War II 



was the real watershed between 
the former emphasis on White 
workers and the beginning of a 
gradual shift to non-Whites— a 
shift which has become com- 
pletely obvious only in the last 
year or two. 

As early as 1912 Israel Cohen, a 
Marxist living in England, wrote 
in his A Racial Program for the 
20th Century that the growing 
Black population of America 
should be regarded as the key to 
the delivery of the Western 
Hemisphere into communist 
hands, but for many years 
Cohen's plan was kept on the 
back burner. 

Promiscuous Fecundity 

During World War II, however, 
the slow migration of Blacks 
from Southern farms to in- 
dustrial cities all over the 
country was given a great im- 
petus. Many' American cities 
which were nearly ail-White in 
1941 have become predominately 
Black — or, at least, predom- 
inately non-White. 

Not only the urban migration, 
but increased immigration from 
the Caribbean and the darker 
areas of Latin America and an 
astounding non-White rate of 
reproduction, encouraged by a 
welfare system which rewards 
promiscuous fecundity, have 
have resulted in the color shift in 
America's cities. 

Inferiority Is Essential 

The precondition for any 
successful communist activity is 
a society containing at least one 
recognizable category of people 
obsessed by a feeling of in- 
feriority. The first task of the 
communist cadres is to trans- 
form that feeling of inferiority — 
whether it stems from artificial, 
class divisions or from natural, 
biological differences— into 
resentment and hatred of all 
those who do not belong to the 
inferior category. That hatred 
then becomes the driving force of 
a movement to destroy society's 
superior elements, since they 
are, by communist reasoning, 
responsible for the inferiority of 
the others: without superiority 
there can be no inferiority. 

America's White workers, 
though often recognizing that 
they were being unfairly used, 
never really felt, as a whole, that 
they were irreconcilably inferior 
to those using them. Fur- 
thermore, they preferred to 



remedy in their own way 
whatever inequities they felt, 
without the help of any outsiders 
as their self-appointed leaders. 

America's non-White 
minorities — especially the 
Blacks — are in a fundamentally 
different position. What can they 
do to salve their feeling of in- 
feriority? Racial integration has 
only made it worse. 

When they attended all-Black 
schools and lived in all-Black 
communities, they certainly 
were not pleased by the contrast 
they could see between White 
America's standard of living and 
their own. But that resentment 
was nothing compared to their 
feelings now, when they are 
forced each day to compete with 
the Whites, in the schools, on the 
job, and in the marketplace. 

No More Excuses 

All the old excuses for an in- 
ferior status no longer yield any 
comfort. When Whitey, in his big, 
fihe house across the tracks, 
could be blamed for holding the 
Black man down, there was some 
solace. But now, with all Whitey's 
barriers down and the Black man 
still unable to compete on an 
equal basis, a much deeper sense 
of inferiority is turning resent- 
ment into a raging, bloodthirsty 
hatred. 

The dirge of "we shall over- 
come" has given way to the cry of 
"kill Whitey!" That is a sen- 
timent the communists know well 
how to use! 

Embarrassing Preponderance 

During the 1960's the Students 
for a democratic Society and 
other New Left organizations 
were largely Jewish in makeup. 
A heavily Jewish leadership 
made a strong effort to build a 
mass communist movement of 
alienated young Whites on 
university campuses and in the 
"street" communities of young 
dropouts. 

The White response was 
marginal, however, and SDS and 
the other groups ended up with a 
rank and file which displayed 
nearly the same embarrassing 
preponderance of Jewish faces as 
the leadership cadres. Thus, for 
example, when the Ohio National 
Guard opened fire on a group of 
leftist rioters at Kent State 
University on May 4, 1970, three 
out of the four students killed 
were Jews— and the fourth was 



an ROTC student not par- 
ticipating in the riot who was 
accidentally hit by a stray bullet. 

New Plans, New Faces, 
New Enemy 

The American pullout from 
Vietnam gave the New Left a 
chance to withdraw temporarily 
from the field of action and make 
new plans. They are back now, 
and they have both a new set of 
faces and a new name for the 
enemy. 

The new faces are black and 
brown and every shade in be- 
tween — even a few red and 
yellow ones — and the enemy's 
name has changed from "imperi- 
alist military-industrial complex" 
to "racist ruling class." The same 
Jews, of course, are calling the 
shots. 

The reason the enemy must be 
smashed is no longer because he 
is waging an imperialist war in 
Indochina but because he is 
oppressing the non-White 
workers of America. 

Black "Leaders" 

The Old Left, i.e., the Com- 
munist Party USA, has been on 



the anti-racist track even longer. 
Since 1961 their figurehead party 
chairman has been a Negro. In 
1968 they ran a Black woman as 
their candidate for President of 
the United States, and in 1972 
their vice-presidential candidate 
was a Ne^-o. 

The rhetoric of SDS and other 
Red groups now relates nearly all 
their old, standard, bread-and- 
butter economic issues to a racial 
theme: members of the ruling 
class in industry and business are 
holding non -Whites back from the 
best jobs and from promotions; 
in the armed services the 
military branch of the ruling 
class is giving Blacks the hardest 
work and the most dangerous 
missions and punishing them 
more severely than White 
transgressors for breaches of 
military discipline; ruling-class 
administrators and professors on 
the campuses are conspiring to 
keep non-Whites from enrolling 
and to keep those who do manage 
to get in from getting good 
enough grades to graduate to top- 
paying jobs. And, of course, it is 
racist members of the same, 
hated ruling class who run the 
government and are conspiring 



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ACTUAL SUBSCRIPTION AD for tabloid published by National 
Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC), a New Left group. Classic 
Jewish profile of tabloid salesman is typical of New Left cadres. 












38 

to deprive Blacks, Chicanos, 
Indians, etc. of welfare 
payments, health benefits, food 
stamps, subsidized housing, and 
human dignity. 

Fellow Travelers 

Absolutely essential to the 
political strategy of the New Left 
is the same thing on which the 
Old Left depended so heavily: the 
active collaboration of a vast 
number of "liberal" fellow 
travelers. 

Liberals formerly supported 
Red programs in order to "fight 
fascism." Today it is to "end 
discrimination." 

Middle-class liberals who 
would not dream of throwing a 
bomb at a police station, or even 
marching in a Red demon- 
stration, sponsor boycotts 
against all lettuce and grapes not 
picked by a Chicano union. 
Through their churches they give 
money to Black terrorist groups 
waging guerrilla warfare against 
White farmers in Rhodesia. And 
through political donations and 
campaign work for both the 
major parties they sent the men 
to Washington who have given us 
school bussing; preferential 
Black hiring quotas; and racially 
integrated, drug-ridden armed 
services. 

Intimidated Public 

Also essential to the Reds' 
success is the passive 
collaboration of a thoroughly 
intimidated general public — all 
those who are afraid to oppose 
them because they don't want to 
be called "racists," just as a few 
years earlier they were afraid to 
be called "reactionaries" or 
"fascists" for standing up for 
what they believed. 

Nowhere is the new image of 
the New Left more forcibly 
displayed than on America's 
college campuses. No longer is 
the SDS burning campus ROTC 
buildings; now the fire is being 
concentrated on "racist" ad- 
ministrators, professors, and 
textbooks. 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Attacking Dr. Shockley 

Currently the most popular 
campus target of the New Left is 
Dr. William Shockley, who has 
been presenting— or attempting 
to present — his proof of the 
genetic basis of Negro mental 
inferiority to university 





TYPICAL SDS CONTINGENT at City College of New York. This group, headed by the Jewess in the 
center, has as its only White member the slack-jawed specimen on the right. SDS is recruiting not 
just Negroes, but half-castes of every shade and racial background, all united in their hatred of the 
While "ruling class." 



DR. WILLIAM SHOCKLKY 

audiences around Ihe counlry. 
The Reds almost invariably use 
an appearance by Shockley as an 
excuse to turn a campus upside 
down. 

1 1 is relatively easy for them to 
convince Blacks on the campus 
and in the surrounding com- 
munity that, Shockley is ad- 
vocating the mass extermination 
of non-Whites. Campus Jews pin 
yellow Stars of David on their 
clothes and dust off all the tired, 
old concentration-camp stories 
about Nazi medical experiments 
and gas chambers. 

Leaflets are mimeographed, 
bomb threats are telephoned to 
the administration and to the 
group sponsoring Shockley's 
visit, anti-racist rallies are held, 
and, on the day of the scheduled 
lecture, picket lines are set up 
around the auditorium. 



The Reds pack the hall with 
their fellow travelers, while 
roving gangs of Negro athletes 
threaten other students who try 
to get inside. When Shockley 
attempts to speak he is drowned 
out by shouted obscenities and 
chants of "No free speech for 
racists!" 

Spineless Officials 

Or, .Shockley, of course, un- 
dei stands the necessiu OJ such 
confrontations for provoking the 
Reds into pta>ing their whole 
hand, and he perseveres. Others 
are not so hold, however. On 
campus after campus spineless 
administrators cave in to 
demands to cancel Shockley's 
speaking engagements and to 
ban the use oi biology, psy- 
chology, and sociology textbooks 
which even hint at the facts 
of race. 

Ironically, many fellow 
travelers have also found 
themselves targets of the Reds' 
wrath. In order to draw fire one 
does not have to pose any sub- 
stantial challenge to the equality 




" '■ "" I IIIB W IIIWI — 



SMASH RACISh 



nation w. wwm.it ok jrTun-Trrs tw a mwciUtk: awafrry 



m 



ON THE WHITE HOUSE! 



MAYDAY 



MAY 4, WASH., D.G. 










wow class 



wmwm 

Tkow fte resists — 

—off ihe csnipus 
Stop txim sctad cuts 

FRONT PA.GE OF TABLOID published by Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). Note the 
"SMASH RACISM" logotype. The one theme of the publication is (he advancement of non-Whites by 

banning "racist" research and textbooks, silencing "racist" professors, etc. 




myth; it is sufficient to suggest 
that perhaps 1 1Q tests may still 
have some value, or that "racist" 
books should be ridiculed but not 
burned, or that there may be 
certain biological differences 
between Blacks and Whites. 

Reaping the Whirlwind 

A nutrition research laboratory 
was wrecked by Reds on one 
campus because the "racist" 
director of research insisted on 
maintaining that there are 
genetically based differences in 
nutritional requirements be- 
tween Negroes and Caucasians. It 
didn't help a bit for him to 
protest, "I'm not a racist; 1 
marched at Selma!" 

At Temple University, in 
Philadelphia, English professor 
Dr. J. Mitchel Morse has been 
under attack as a "racist" For 
writing a textbook which 
describes Negro ghetto dialect as 
inferior to Standard English. His 
thesis is that Negroes should be 
taught to speak, read, and write 
exactly the same as Whites. For 
this, his classes have been 
disrupted by SDS members and 
the Temple University ad- 
ministration has been presented 
with demands that he be fired. 



Morse has angrily remon- 
strated with SDS hecklers, "How 
dare you call me a racist when I've 
been an anti-racist all my life?" 
But the heckling and disruptions 
continue. 

The Streaking Conspiracy 

The New Left now inter- 
prets virtually every social phe- 
nomenon in terms of "racism" — 
even streaking. The March-April 
issue of New Left Notes (pub- 
lished by SDS) has an article 
titled "Streaking; Bosses Ex- 
posed" which concludes that 
.streaking is the product of a 
conspiracy by the ruling class to 
divert students 1 attention and 
energy away from the fight 
against racism. 

The immediate goal of all this 
New Left activity is twofold. First 
and foremost is the cam- 
paign to organize the non-Whites 
of America into a revolutionary 
political force which can be used 
to destroy the White "rulinu 
class," 

Against all Standards 

A variation of the earrot-and- 
stick approach is used here. 



Blacks, 
Ricans 



Chicanos, 
in facl 



Puerto 
every 



FIGHT THE SYSTEM 
THAT BREEDS THEM 

Affteo, Wounded Kn«*-&*M arm <w*ty two 
of ttt« Mfflit thai »ymbo!k* !K« flOv^mnioM'i 
rod*! drive oflolntl Wodt, Chtcoiw, Puorfo Jtl- 
co» ond Nortiv* Am »f Jean odtvW*, TH* Young 
Social!** Alliance li burldtftp brood support for* 
itiiM framo-vp victim* and it h«iplog to otqo- 
ntza protest /ntvtiftgt and d«morutratto*i«, \J\. 
Kmartly, rfto »ur« woy to «nd thft*« vlctlinUo- 
Honi it to oboHth copitolUm. tfc» iyH«m thai 
broods rtiM), A toc.ioliit •oclofy would b* froo 
of fOtitm, dUcriminafion Qflaiful worn on and 
Iho exploitation of, working peopl*. It would 
put human rtetdt obo** private profit, if you 
believe Hilt kind of todefy it worth lighting 
for, |oln Ihe fSA. 

-JOIN THE YSA 

I want more information about the YSA, 

_„ I wortt to |oln the YSA. 

Endoted is *! for tix months of th«> Young Suc'iditf nowtpapof, 

Name^., , . ., . . , ,.,.. .,,, 

Addren: — . — . — , — *• 

Crty, State A, Zip; , . „___ ^__ 




v.. 



YSA. P &o* 47 1 Ooper 5ls. r N.Y., NY. -000? 



' *-*■ •*-■ i e^i, i 



RECRUITING AD for Young Socialist Alliance, another New Left 
organization. Notice that the ad appeals specifically to Black, 
Chicano, Puerto Rican, and Indian workers, but not to Whites. 



misbegotten half-caste the Reds 
can dredge from the cesspools of 
miscegenation which America's 
cities have become — are flat- 
tered by the uncompromising 
insistence on their absolute 
"equality." 

The New Left's demands for 
open admissions (no grade 
requirements) at colleges, for the 
abolition of examinations and 
course standards, and for the 
stamping out of other forms of 
supposed "discrimination" 
against non-Whites, both on 
campus and off, are winning the 
hearts of those who see every one 
of White society's criteria for 
quality or efficiency as an obstacle 
designed to keep them "in their 
place." 

The Stick 

At the same time the Reds are 
convincing them that communist 
revolution is their only hope for 
attaining full "human dignity." 
Not only does the ruling class 
want to hold them down, but even 
the liberals are racists at heart. 
This is the New Left's reason for 
making seemingly preposterous 
demands which they know that 
not even the most guilt-ridden 
liberals can go along with. 

The second aim of current Red 
activity is the intimidation of all 
potential opposition. It is here 
that the fellow travelers play a 
key role. 

They are the priests and 
ministers who piously sermonize 
about the equality of "all God's 
children"; the schoolteachers 
who consciously promote the 
myths that Negroes discovered 
the North Pole, played leading 
roles in the American War of 
Independence, were the first 
heart surgeons, and helped win 
the West; the advertising 
executives who design TV 
commercials portraying a bright 
and carefree world of racial 
integration and consumer 
luxury; worst of all, the public 
officials— America's elected and 
appointed "leaders"— who 
cheerfully lead America down 
the steep, one-way path to 
national and racial suicide, 
because that's where the media 
support and the big campaign 
contributions are. 

These people are not card- 
carrying communists— neither 



are most of the kids who sign 
their names to anti-Shockley 
petitions when he is scheduled to 
speak at their schools— but they 
very handily do the Reds' public- 
relations work for them. 

A New United Front 

The Reds and the neo-liberals 
have formed a coalition against 
White America which is far more 
effective than the old United 
Front against "fascism" ever 
was. 

The atmosphere of in- 
timidation, the compulsion 
toward orthodoxy on all racial 
matters, is growing every day. 
Even patriots who were not 
afraid to stand up to the Reds on 
the issue of "U.S. imperialism" 
during the Indochina war are now 
farced to toe the party line by the 
threat of being labeled "racists." 

Red, Liberal Differences 

Although America's liberals 
are collaborating fully, albeit 
sometimes unwillingly, with the 
Reds on racial matters, the 
liberals really regard the racial 
crisis in a different light than do 
the hard-core elements of the 
New Left. Whereas the com- 
munists want to exacerbate the 
crisis and exploit it, what the 
liberals really want is to weasel 
around it. 

They think they can make the 
crisis disappear by eliminating 
its cause, namely, inequality. 
Ultimately, this boils down to 
arriving at communist goals non- 
violently Instead of violently. 

The Reds look forward to a 
wholesale massacre of "ruling 
class" White males accompanied 
by a mass rape of their females, 
after which a domesticated herd 
of exactly "equal," coffee- 
colored proletarians will happily 
enjoy the benefits of a brave-new- 
world-style welfare state- 
administered, of course, by 
commissars of God's "chosen" 
race. The liberals would like to 
bypass the massacre and rape, if 
possible. 

A Prosperous Babylon 

American "conservatives," 
ranging from Nixon Republicans 
to Wallaceites, take a position on 
racial matters not fundamentally 




WHITE STUDENT TURNS AWAY as a Negro attacks a White girl on the Berkeley campus of the 
University of California. An elderly White man tries to protect the girl, but liberal brainwashing has 
unmanned the younger White. He will stand aside and let the White girl be beaten rather than protect 
her from the Negro and risk the taint of "racism." 



different from that of the liberals. 
Although, unlike the liberals, 
they do not want to see the White 
race become peacefully sub- 
merged in a rising tide of colored 
subhumanity, they wring their 
hands and say, "Alas, what else 
can we do?" 

Their motivation is not neo- 
liberalism but economic self- 
interest. The only concern in 
their shopkeepers' souls is that 
their money-grubbing and their 







"E-e-quallte-e-e!" 



self-seeking pursuit of "hap- 
piness" not be disrupted. 

A peaceful Babylon, a 
prosperous Babylon, is their 
desire. Its color does not matter. 

Riots Are Bad for Business 

So far as they are concerned, 
the race problem would be solved 
if Blacks would all work and 
consume— like the happy Blacks 
in the integrated TV com- 
mercials for Pepsi Cola and 
Crest— instead of rioting, rob- 
bing, raping, and swelling the 
welfare rolls. The conservative 
solution to Black unrest is to buy 
them off, with more concessions, 
more integration, more 
"equality." 

But there is another way. It is 
the White man's age-old way. 
That is, it was the White man's 
way before materialism 
destroyed his character and 
liberalism sapped his will and 
softened his spine. 

That way is to meet the 
problem headon and to either 
overcome it or perish in the at- 
tempt. 

There is a growing, worldwide 
conflict between the White race 
and the non-White peoples who 
want for themselves what the 
White man's genius and energy 
have created. 

Very well, let us not look for 
some way to weasel around that 
conflict or to convince ourselves 
that it does not really exist. Let us 



quit stalling for time and trying 
to appease our enemies. 

Instead, let us oppose them 
with all the resources at our 
disposal. Let us place the destiny 
of our own people ahead of all 
other considerations, and let us 
take whatever measures are 
required to secure that destiny. 

(Issue No. 27, 1974) 

It Speaks 
for Itself 

Soviet Jtevrs 

Soviet Jews, stranded fc^ 
q|ter leaving Israel fnd 
; seej&ng reentry into the So- 
viet Wi^;^^pt%^^p| 

§MHe to hmh m tfceir re- 
quests {or visas. Same of iiie 
: ;#wiiiave ||p§i|pp| p-| ' 
shabby Viennese a^art&en! 
btiijding for as long as two 

Ttteix problem is that tbe$r 
had renounced their Soviet 

citizenship When they ielfe, 
aittj Wtoseew fcas been slow • 
to issue the necessary vfeas. 
Tne Jews said they <u<i iiot 
iptrit to repaid tn Israel 
''because ali they tfei«k 
aWzt tbare is mosey," 

'■' •"■"' •••■•••' .'>:■? : " ' : ' 

(Issue No. 24, 1973) 



40 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



41 



Recommended Reading 






Ardrey Books Pack Ideological Punch 



AFRICAN GENESIS, Robert 
Ardrey, 380 pages, softback, 
$1.95. 

THE TERRITORIAL IM- 
PERATIVE, Robert Ardrey, 390 
pages, softback, $2.45. 
THE SOCIAL CONTRACT, 
Robert Ardrey, 405 pages, soft- 
back, $2.65. 

Robert Ardrey's trilogy can 
without exaggeration be 
described as the most important 
piece of popular writing of the 
last few decades. These books 
pose such a deadly threat to the 
reigning orthodoxy that it is 
almost incredible that they have 
not only gone through dozens of 
printings by major publishers 
during the past 13 years, but that 
for a while they were actually 
sold openly in paperback editions 
at newsstands all over the 
country. 

All three of Ardrey's books deal 
with the same basic subject, 
although each emphasizes dif- 
ferent aspects. That subject is 
animaJ behavior, studied for the 
sake of the light it throws on 
human nature. 

Although Ardrey is ex- 
traordinarily well-informed on 
his chosen topic, he is not a 
scientist himself ; prior to African 
Genesis he was a professional 
playwright. All the scientific 
results he reports are the work of 
others; Ardrey's great con- 
tribution is his enormously ef- 
fective popularization of 
research which otherwise might 
have remained accessible only to 
scholars. 

Beyond this, Ardrey has dared 
to draw certain profoundly im- 
portant implications about 
human nature from the animal 
studies he has reported. 

In African Genesis, the first 
book of his trilogy, Ardrey 
presents a convincing case for 
the animal origins of man's in- 
stinctual drives for territory and 
dominance. He describes the 
evidence which indicates man's 
descent from a weapon-using, 
carnivorous predator, 
Australopithecus africanus, and 
he relates this to human 
aggression and man's instinctive 
attachment to offensive weapons. 

In The Territorial Imperative 
he greatly expands his thesis of 
the animal origins of human 
territoriality. 

The Social Contract focuses on 
certain aspects of group 
evolution which have important 
implications for understanding 
human social behavior. 

Ardrey's books strike a heavy 
blow at the humanistic basis of 
neo-liberalism, i.e., at the doc- 
trine of man as the center of the 
universe, occupying a special and 
separate position in Nature, 
independent of the laws gover- 
ning the rest of God's creatures. 

The liberal has invented a 
special category, a mental box, 
called humanity, and anything 
that is allowed inside acquires 
thereby an exalted status. It is 
bestowed with "human dignity." 
It is no longer a part of Nature, 
and a great gulf separates it from 
all other animate beings. 

The liberal has used certain 
pseudo-scientific arguments to 
assure himself that this gulf is 



bottomless: only man, and no 
other creatures, can use or make 
tools, the liberal has falsely 
asserted. Only man, and no other 
creatures, can use language for 
communication. Only man, and 
no other creatures, can reason. 
Viewed in the perspective of 
this practically infinite height of 
man above other creatures, the 
difference in human quality, in 
worth, between a philosopher- 
king and a slobbering cretin 
seems small in comparison. 

A Newton, a Shakespeare, a 
Beethoven is, from this 
viewpoint, essentially on a level 
with any African Negro. The one 
might be a trifle smarter than the 
other, but what is that in the light 
of the fact that they both have 
"human dignity"? Thus, the 
liberals' obstinate belief in the 
essential equality of all men. 

Now Ardrey has come along 
and filled up the gulf between 
man and the rest of Nature. Now 
we can see man , not as a separate 
being high on a plateau above 
other beings, but as a part of 
Nature's continuum. 

Once we have recognized this 
continuum, and discarded the 
notion of a huge quantum dif- 
ference between man and non- 
man, the scales fall from our eyes 
and we can see that the various 
races of man occupy separate 
levels in Nature's hierarchy, just 
as do the various subhuman 
species. This hierarchy extends 
from the protozoon of the primal 
slime up through more and more 
complex non-human life forms, 
through the lower primates to the 
manlike apes, from the apes to 
the more primitive and less- 
evolved races of man, and finally 
to the higher human races. 

Consequently, the concept of 
human dignity becomes a 
relative thing instead of an ab- 
solute, while "equality" becomes 
an absurdity. 

This is entirely in accord with 
the evidence assembled by others 
which establishes the separate 
evolution of the various human 
races, with the crossing of the 
subhuman-human threshold 
occurring at different times. 
Carleton Coon presents the 
evidence in his monumental 
Origin of Races, for example, 
that the primitive Australoid and 
Congoid (Negro) races did not 
cross this threshold until hun- 
dreds of thousands of years after 
the more highly developed 
Caucasoid (White) and 
Mongoloid races. 

Ardrey's books greatly 
enhance the impact of books like 
Coon's by forcefully reminding us 
just how close are the myriad 
evolutionary roots in the animal 
kingdom of man's instinctive 
individual and social behavior. 
They thus bridge the animal- 
human gap and throw human 
racial differences into proper 
perspective. Moreover, they 
accentuate for us the concept of 
ongoing evolutionary develop- 
ment. 

We can more readily see man, 
and especially Aryan man, not so 
much as a final end in himself but 
more as Nature's highest 
achievement so far in an unen- 
ding development toward higher 



levels of existence, levels which 
will eventually surpass man's 
present state — provided the 
White race does not manage to 
commit suicide first. 

Ardrey has not only simplified 
and made available to the 
general public the findings of the 
animal behaviorists and other 
scientists, but he has done it in a 
way which goes right around a 
number of mental roadblocks set 
up by the equalitarian brain- 
washers. 

Dr. William Shockley can 
explain his evidence of the 
genetic basis of Negro mental 
inferiority until he's blue in the 
face, and no matter how simple 
he makes it the boobs won't get 
the picture. They know he's a 
"racist." 

They've been warned to watch 
out for him, He's trying to prove 
Blacks are inferior, and every 
right-thinking product of the 
American educational system 
knows that couldn't possibly be. 

So, if they don't curse him and 
try to shout him down, they smile 
tolerantly while he preaches his 
"racism," thus showing that 
they're liberal enough to "let even 
a crackpot have freedom of 



speech. But their minds remain 
closed as tight as a clam . Heresy 
shall not prevail! 

But a nice, liberal boy like 
Ardrey has no such problems. 
Promoting "racism"? Why, 
nothing could be farther from his 
intentions! He abhors racists. 

He circulates easily in the 
company of Jews, Blacks, 
homosexuals, communists, and 
the degenerates of the New York 
"art" world. This is implicit in all 
three of his books. He even 
mentions it explicity in a couple 
of places. 

And so, while the mind-molders 
of media, church, and school 
zealously guard the front door of 
ideological orthodoxy, guns at the 
ready and wary eyes peering 
through chinks in the shutters, 
Ardrey calmly sails in the back 
door and mows them all down. 

A large part of the ef- 
fectiveness of his work lies in the 
fact that he has not really told his 
readers where all the things he is 
teaching them are leading. He has 
not explicitly drawn the ulti- 
mate conclusions. He has simply 
started the reader on the right 
path and depended on Nature to 
take its course. 



The only reason so many have 
been willing to start out on Ar- 
drey's path is that they have not 
been told where it ends. If they 
had, they couldn't be dragged 
onto it. 

The way Ardrey has done it, it 
all seems so harmless. He is a 
charming writer, his subject is one 
of great popular interest, and it is 
easy to set out for a nice, Sunday 
stroll with him, learning a bit 
about the birds and the bees and 
why they behave the way they 
do. 

When the stroll is over, the 
entire foundation of the neo- 
liberal worldview has been ex- 
pertly undermined. It only waits 
a spark set to the powder Ardrey 
has packed in there to blow the 
entire liberal ideology to dust. 

For many readers, of course, 
the spark of understanding never 
comes. But for enough others it 
does so that Ardrey's three books 
are unsurpassed in their ef- 
fectiveness at countering the 
lunatic propaganda which has 
pushed the White race so close to 
the brink ,of oblivion. 

(Issue No. 28, 1974) 



Papers Say Spinola May Be Jew 



General Antonio de Spinola, 
Portugal's left-leaning 
revolutionary ruler, may be of 
Jewish ancestry. A number of 
Jewish publications, including 
Washington's Jewish Week and 
New York's Jewish Post & 
Opinion, have cited evidence that 
Spinola's family may be of 
Marrano origin. 

The Marranos (literally, pigs) 
were Jews living in Spain and 
Portugal during the middle ages 
who pretended to become 
Christians in order to improve 
their business opportunities and 
avoid restrictions imposed on 
Jews. Many of them used their 
wealth, gained through 
moneylending and trade, to buy 
positions of influence in the 
Portuguese government and in 
the Catholic Church. 



The name Spinola has ap- 
parently been used by other 
Marranos, and General Spinola's 
troops sometimes call him 
"Dayan of the glass (eye)," a 
reference to the monocle he 
wears, which gives him a 
superficial resemblance to 
Israel's one-eyed General Moshe 
Dayan. 

On July 27 Spinola announced 
that he intends to turn over three 
Portuguese colonies in Africa — 
Mozambique, Angola, and 
Guinea-Bissau — to Negro 
terrorists, thus repudiating his 
earlier promise to White Por- 
tuguese settlers living there. 

If Spinola is indeed Jewish, it 
would seem that history is 
repeating itself. In the eighth 
century Jews betrayed the 
inhabitants of what is now Spain 



and Portugal to Moorish invaders 
from Africa. Now Spinola is 
betraying the White inhabitants 
of Portugal's colonies to Black 
Africans. 

(Issue No. 29, 1974) 




ANTONIO DE SPINOLA 




The Important 




THIS IS WHAT PORTUGUESE COLONISTS CAN EXPECT when Spinola turns over Portugal's 
African colonies to Black rule. The Blacks will first butcher the Whites and then each other. A gang of 
Black "freedom fighters" raided this Portuguese-Angolan farm, killed the Portuguese family and all 
their Black servants, then lopped their heads off and stuck them on poles in the front yard. 






China has the largest 
population, the United States has 
the highest standard of living, the 
Soviet Union has the biggest 
navy, Sweden has the most 
beautiful women, Iceland has the 
highest level of literacy, and 
Germany has an industry with 
the best reputation for efficiency 
and craftsmanship. 

Which of these things are really 
important? Which make worthy 
national goals? Toward which 
ends should a people most in- 
tently direct its energies and 
aspirations? 

As America's bicentennial 
draws near, one hears a great 
deal about such questions. All the 
mass media are putting forth 
their speculations on the question 
of what America's "national 
purpose" should be, but 
satisfactory answers are much 
scarcer. 

More Fiberglass Speedboats 

If there is any concensus at all 
it seems to be that Americans 
should strive, first and foremost, 
for more of what they already 
have the most of, namely, af- 
fluence. Although some 
spokesmen try to tone down the 
crass materialism of such a goal 
with euphemisms about im- 
proving the "quality of life," 
their message still comes across 
as more fiberglass speedboats 
parked in American driveways. 

In addition, of course, we 
should look forward to a 30-hour 
work week and several clever 
new ways for economically 
disposing of the country's 
growing flood of waste products. 

This is the sort of concensus we 
should expect from what 
America has, unfortunately, 
become, It is the sort of national 
purpose to which an inherently 
decadent society is naturally 
attracted. 

Materialist Criteria 

The criteria one uses in judging 
national goals depend upon one's 
personal world view. The 
American conservative and the 
American neo-liberal, despite 
their differences, both have a 
fundamentally materialist- 
economic outlook. They both tend 
to evaluate national goals in 
terms of dollars and cents: in 
terms of such things as the gross 
national product, the per capita 
income, the national debt, and 
the balance of payments. 

Even when they translate these 
economic concepts into human 
terms, they both have the basic 
materialist goal of achieving the 
greatest happiness for the 
greatest number of citizens. They 
only disagree as to the means to 
be used in achieving this goal. 

But there are other criteria, 
lying wholly outside the 
materialist-economic realm, 
which may be used in deciding 
national goals, in distinguishing 
between truly important things 
and secondary things. 

The Destiny Thinker 

To the racially conscious man 
or woman of the West — to the 



destiny-thinker — what counts is 
not so much whether his fellow 
citizens are happy, prosperous, 
and have fulfilled sex lives, but 
whether they are willing and able 



y^0^> 




to accept the challenge of 
History. His concern is that his 
people, his nation, be morally and 
spiritually prepared, as well as 
physically able, to grasp its 
destiny, to fill the role allotted it 
by the Creator of the universe. 
He wants his people to be 
strong and fit and far-sighted, 
and he considers these things 
more important than prosperity 
and comfort. He understands that 
a people which places the highest 
value on happiness, rather than 
on fitness, is doomed to lose its 
happiness — and everything else 

— in the long run. 

America Must Survive 

He realizes that Western man 

— and, in particular, White 
America — has a mission and 
that that mission must take 
precedence over all else. 

A people with a mission must, 
first of all, survive. If America is 
to survive she must have military 
might, which in turn requires a 
healthy economy and a vigorous, 
efficient national industry to 
provide the material basis for 
that might. 

Liberals and conservatives 
agree with the destiny -thinker on 
the desirability of a strong 
economic and industrial base for 
America's national defense, but 
they put the emphasis in the 
wrong place. They think 
primarily in terms of security 
rather than strength. There is a 
difference. 

Dollar Diplomacy 

If a nation seeks always to be 
strong, it will also be secure. But 
if it looks only for security, by 
any means, it may end up neither 
as strong nor as secure as it 
should be. 

An example of this is our 
government's post-World War II 
program to buy security by 
putting on the American dole all 
those countries which might 
otherwise adhere to our national 
enemies. The proponents of this 
program calculate that the 
billions of dollars in foreign aid 
used to buy the "friendship" of 
various banana republics and 
swarthy principalities allow us to 
reduce our defense expenditures 
by even more biDions, thus 
resulting in a net saving for our 
national economy. 

They forget that the only basis 
for true friendship is mutual 



respect, and a handout buys that 
neither for the giver nor the 
receiver. A truly strong nation 
will have the respect of other 
nations without even having to 
ask for it, whereas a nation which 
is merely rich will elicit envy 
rather than respect. 

Prosperity vs. Fitness 

But national strength depends 
on more than a material base; it 
also requires character, and that 
is something which is in no way 
enhanced by national prosperity. 

Although a nation's prosperity 
receives its initial impetus from a 
strong national character, in the 
long run prosperity may sap that 




very moral basis upon which it 
rests. 

Adversity tempers a nation's 
soul, just as it does the soul of the 
individual citizen, whereas the 
prolonged absence of adversity 
may allow souls to lose their 
temper. There is abundant 
evidence before us that 
America's material wealth has 
taken a heavy spiritual toll. 

History's Irony 

^ History's great irony is this: 
fitness preconditions a people's 
rise to dominance, which in turn 
leads to the decay of fitness and 
an eventual fall from dominance. 

When tribes or nations or races 
interact with one another, that 
one most endowed by Nature with 
fitness will, in the ordinary 
course of events, rise to 
dominance over the others. 

The hardest work and the most 
rigorous conditions of existence 
will then be the lot of the 
subordinate peoples, while the 
masters will enjoy relative 
luxury and a relaxed life-style. 
The consequence of this dif- 
ference in the demande which life 
makes on the various peoples will 
be that the dominant people will 
gradually lose its fitness, while 
the subordinate peoples will tend 
to retain theirs. 

Eventually the time may come 
when one of the subordinate 
peoples will be more fit than its 
masters and will then supplant 
them and assume the dominant 
position for itself. 

And the cycle repeats itself. 

Turbulent Record 

This is the principal cause of 
history's turbulence. Were it not 
for this built-in instability, the 
historical record of mankind 
would be much simpler than it is. 
A naturally superior people 
would gain dominance over other 
peoples and, as time passed, 



extend and consolidate that 
dominance instead of losing it. 

We said the cycle repeats itself. 
That, of course is not exactly 
true. Because history is tur- 
bulent, and not truly periodic or 
cyclic, there is no repetition. 
Peoples and nations rise and they 
fall, but the same peoples and 
nations never rise again. 

When, occasionally, a fallen 
nation appears to regain its 
former dominance, one may be 
certain that the human content of 
that nation is not what it was 
before. History not only has a 
built-in instability but also a 
built-in loss mechanism: racial 
change. 

Nature's Pruning 

Adversity conditions genetic 
fitness as well as spiritual fitness. 
Nature and a fit spirit then 
collaborate to keep the racial 
basis of a nation pure and 
healthy. 

Rising prosperity and in- 
creasingly easier living begin 
circumventing Nature's genetic 
pruning, with the slow, the 
stupid, and the lazy no longer 
being so effectively weeded out. 




"OCX 



Then, as moral fitness declines 
and toughness turns to 
squeamishness, man's own 
measures for protecting his 
racial quality and purity are 
gradually abandoned, and racial 
mixture begins taking place. 

A nation which begins losing its 
political grip usually also begins 
losing its racial quality, which, 
once gone, can never return. 

Ancestral Folly 

As our Aryan ancestors began 
spreading over the face of the 
earth thousands of years ago, 
they dominated ail the other 
peoples with whom they came in 
contact, But eventually they 
softened and lost their moral 
fitness, and now over vast areas 
where they once ruled — from the 
Mediterranean basin to India — 
they have so thougbly mingled 
their blood with that of other 
races that they can never rise 
again, because they have 
literally ceased to exist. 

In America today, the White 
majority has not only lost its 
flthess to rule as the 
unquestioned master of the 
continent, but it is well on the way 
toward losing its fitness to sur- 
vive at all. Only its greater 
numbers give it security now, 
and even that security is rapidly 
dwindling in the face of racial 
mixing and soaring minority 
birth and immigration rates. 



Vikings and Cannibals 

If we could reach back a d&zcn 
centuries and pluck 1,000 Vikings 
out of barbarian Europe and 1,000 
Negro tribesmen out of darkest 
Africa, each group armed with its 
traditional weapons, and set 
them at each other, there would 
not be the slightest doubt as to the 
outcome of the battle — or, more 
accurately, massacre, In fact, we 
could with perfect safety put our 
money on the Vikings if there 
were only 100 of them facing the 
1,000 Negroes. 

But things have changed in the 
last 1200 years — for the White 
man, He has grown dangerously 
soft, while the Blacks have 
retained much of their primitive 
toughness. 

Nation of Weaklings 

The consequences are evident 
everywhere, as the Black 
minority intimidates the White 
majority on our city streets, in 
our schools, in our jails, in our 
armed forces, and in our places 
of work, 

And it is not just that we have 
become physically weak and soft, 
although that is a part of it. Much 
more important is that we have 
lost our moral temper, our 
courage, our fighting spirit, our 
sense of personal honor — and 
our feeling of racial pride and 
solidarity. 

Thus, we even cower before the 
Jews, who have never been much 
of a physica] menace. And in our 
dealings with enemies abroad we 
have become virtually a nation of 
weaklings, hiding behind our 




nuclear arsenal as third-rate 
Asiatic powers contemptuously 
defy us. 



Breaking History's Cycle 

Man is a wondrous animal. He 
cannot circumvent Nature's 
laws, but he can go a long way 
toward turning them to his ad- 
vantage. With sufficient un- 
derstanding and will he can make 
the best of them. 

There is no natural law which 
says that a nation which has 
become rich and powerful must 
consequently become soft and 
decadent, any more than a man 
who has become wealthy and no 
longer needs to work for his living 
must become fat and lazy. It just 
usually turns out that way. In the 
case of nations it has never yet 
been otherwise. 

But, just as an Individual can 
remain fit through the exercise of 
sufficient self-discipline, so 



42 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



43 









should a nation be able to do 
likewise. So should America. 

Choosing National Goals 

America should be able to 
remain economically and 
militarily strong and at the same 
time regain her former moral 
strength. It depends upon 
whether we have enough 
character left to choose the truly 
important things as our national 
goals, or whether we stick with 
the choices which have been 
made for us by the System and its 
molders of public opinion. 

It depends upon whether we 
choose fitness as the pre-eminent 
national goal — fitness instead of 
debilitating comfort, fitness 
instead of transitory prosperity, 
fitness instead of false security, 
fitness instead of a delusory 
happiness, 

What We Must Do 

American can become fit again 
if we undertake the proper 
education of our children; if we 
forsake unnecessary civilian 
luxuries in order to maintain an 
unquestioned military 
superiority; if we put physical 
toughness ahead of self- 
indulgence; if we teach our fellow 
citizens to be self-reliant instead 
of dependent on government; and 



if we learn to discipline our- 
selves, putting the welfare of our 
racial community above all 
private interests. 

Americans must understand 
that, contrary to the claims of the 
System's educators, the proper 
education of our children does not 
require billions of dollars for 
shiny, glass-and-steel, air- 
conditioned school buildings, 
elaborately furnished with every 
luxury and frippery money can 
buy and offering courses in 
everything from African art to 
transcendental meditation. 

Building Character 

It requires instead a program 
for our young people Which, 
beyond providing them with the 
rudiments of language and 
science needed to fill a produc- 
tive role in society, builds 
character; a program of 
discipline, which is the way in 
which self-discipline is learned ; a 
program aimed at developing in 
them a strong feeling of racial 
and cultural identity, through an 
intimate acquaintance with the 
achievements of their forebears, 
so that they understand that they 
are, above all else, White and 
that they are the heirs to Western 
civilization, the most magnificent 
and profound cultural 
achievement on this globe; a 



program which also, instead of 
the "unisex" foolishness being 
pushed today, teaches our young 
men to be proud of their manhood 
and our young women to treasure 
their womanhood; a program 
which inculcates in them a sense 
of personal responsibility and of 
duty to their racial community; a 
program which toughens and 
trains their bodies as well as their 
minds and spirits; a program 
which uplifts them and directs 
their thoughts and aspirations 
toward the mission and the 
destiny of their people. 

Guns or Butter? 

Another choice which 
Americans must make is bet- 
ween guns and butter. We must 
come to understand that we can 
get along very well without 
electric can-openers, carving 
knives, toothbrushes, and pencil - 
sharpeners; self-propelled lawn- 
mowers and golf carts; power 
steering, power brakes, and 
power windows; automatic dish- 
washers and self-cleaning ovens; 
but not without the strongest and 
the best-equipped armed forces 
in the world. A dollar spent for 
the national defense is a dollar 
better spent than for civilian 
luxuries. 

Moreover, money spent for 
guns serves the national Interest, 



whereas money spent on luxuries 
often harms that interest by 
undermining the physical health 
of the people. It may be pleasant, 
for example, to have more 
automobiles, elevators, and 
escalators per capita than any 
other country on earth, but it is 
far more important to have a 
citizenry which is healthy, trim, 
and physically hard. 

Prepared to Slit Throats 

Americans must also un- 
derstand that being manly and 
tough does not mean being 
coarse, cruel, backward, or 
unrefined; that protecting our 
young people from the harsher 
realities of life serves neither 
them nor their racial community 
well in the long run; that it is 
better that they be prepared to 
slit throats without flinching, 
when the need arises, than that 
they be sheltered from danger 
and hardship and unpleasantness 
during their formative years. 

Americans must understand 
that a resourceful and self-reliant 
citizenry is more*important than 
an absolutely safe and secure 
citizenry and that, therefore, it is 
not the role of government to 
protect citizens from themselves, 
but only to protect the com- 
munity; nor should government 
attempt to intrude excessively 



into the private affairs of in- 
dividuals, nor to regulate their 
lives unnecessarily, but only to 
the extent demanded by national 
security and the social and racial 
health of the community. 

Racial Interests Come First 

Americans must also un- 
derstand, on the other hand, that 
the freedom of the individual to 
do as he pleases requires certain 
limits, for the welfare of the 
nation; that there can be no 
unrestricted freedom to marry 
across racial lines or to have 
children without considerations 
of genetic soundness; that there 
can be no freedom ot use private 
property to the detriment of the 
whole community, as, for 
example, the mass media are 
now being used ; that there can be 
no freedom to indulge oneself in 
degeneracy which may con- 
taminate the community, 
whether that degeneracy be 
homosexuality, drug addiction, 
or some other inexcusable vice. 

Americans must come to un- 
derstand which are the important 
things and which are not. 

(Issue No. 29, 1974) 



Israelis Ban 4 Nazf Wagner 



All of Israel's former con- 
centration-camp inmates had an 
opportunity this summer to take 
their old prison uniforms out of 
mothballs, highlight their prison 
tattoos with Magic Markers, and 
go through their well-known 
routine once again. The occasion; 
another ritual protest against 



"Nazi" composer Richard 
Wagner. 

The protest, replete with public 
wailing and other customary 
theatrics, was in response to a 
proposal that the Israeli 
Philarmonic Orchestra should 
include music from several of 
Wagner's works in a Tel Aviv 



concert scheduled for June 26. 
After the foreign press corps had 
an opportunity to give the protest 
full coverage, the orchestra duly 
announced that no Wagner music 
would be played in its concert. 
Wagner's works jave been 
banned in Israel from the time 
the Zionists drove the 



Palestinians out and took over 
the country in 1948. Although 
Wagner died in 1883, a full 50 
years before the advent of the 
Third Reich, his operas have 
been branded as "Nazi music" by 
Jews. 

The reasoning behind the in- 
tense Jewish, hatred for Wagner 
is tortured, but it seems to hinge 
on two principal facts. First, 
Wagner vociferously criticized 





Equal? 



(Issue No. 30, 1974) 



RICHARD WAGNER 

the destructive effect which 
Jewish anti-culture activists 
were having on German music 
during his lifetime. Particularly 
irksome to Jews is Wagner's 
pamphlet, Jewishness and Music. 

The second reason is that Hitler 
especially loved Wagner's music. 

Also banned in Israel is the 
music of Richard Strauss, who 
was the dean of German 
musicians during the Third Reich 
and also opposed Jewish efforts 
to "modernize" German music. 

It is interesting to note, 
however, that many other 
European composers who 
defended their countries' 
cultures against the assaults of 
culture-distorters are not in- 
cluded in the Israeli ban. One of 
these if Franz Liszt, whose 
comments against Jewish trends 
in music were considerably more 
pungent than those of Strauss. 
Because Liszt was of Hungarian 
nationality rather than German 
and because his views on Jews 
have been less publicized, 
however, there is apparently less 
propaganda value in staging 
tear- jerking protests against his 
music. 

Besides, if they banned 
everybody people might begin 
thinking. 

(Issue No. 29, 1974) 



America 
& the 

World 

Food 



Cri 




"As the world food crisis 
develops, Americans must 
shoulder their responsibility, 
willingly or not, to share their 
abundance with less fortunate 
peoples." 

"We must convince Americans 
to eat less meat so that more 
grain can be sent to starving 
peoples around the world." 

"It is manifestly unfair that 
Americans, who comprise only 
five per cent of the world's 
population, should consume 15 
per cent of the world's food 
production. This inequity must be 
corrected." 

These statements by various 
"experts" are only a few of 
hundreds of similar import which 
have been quoted in recent weeks 
by the controlled mass media in 
the current campaign to reorient 
Americans' thinking toward their 
"responsibilities as members of 
the world community." 

Worldwide Equality 

What economic and foreign- 
policy planners in Washington 
see as America's primary 
"responsibility" is a world 
welfare program which would 
have the effect of gradually 
reducing the American standard 
of living to a par with that in 
Ethiopia and India. This ultimate 
goal of worldwide "equality" is 
only hinted at now by some of the 
System's less discreet 
spolesmen, but that is clearly 



yhat these internationalist 
Utopians have in mind for us. 

They are already telling us this 
indirectly in several ways. 
Because America's livestock 
industry consumes so much 
grain, Americans are being 
urged to eat less meat and more 
ricej com, and other cereals. 
Every time an American eats a 
steak, we are told, a child in 
Africa must skip four meals. 

It has even been suggested that 
America's well-fed cats and dogs 
are a luxury "the world" can no 
longer afford. 

Alarming Agreement 

At several recent worldwide 
economic conferences in which 
U.S. officials have participated, 
spokesmen for other countries 
have been even more outspoken 
than Washington's liberal 
theorists. China's Dr. Han Suyin, 
at the World Population Con- 
ference in Bucharest this fall, 
bluntly declared: "The reality all 
should face is that the rich 
nations must now divest them- 
selves of their property for the 
benefit of the poor," 

Such an attitude on the part of 
the have-not nations is nothing 
new, of course. They have always 
had their hands out, and they 
have always considered the 
Western nations to be responsible 
for their problems. What is new 
and alarming is that the men in 
Washington who make the 
policies which affect all our lives 



are now openly agreeing with 
theni. 



Turning Down 
the Food Thermostats 

Lester Brown, of the Overseas 
Development Council, has an- 
nounced that the government 
should require Americans "to do 
the food equivalent of turning the 
thermostats down six degrees. 
Skip one meal a week, have a 
meatless day, or cut meat 
production by 10 per cent. This 
would free up to perhaps 10 or 15 
million tons of grain for shipment 
to Asia." 

In a new book which Brown co- 
authored, By Bread Alone — 
a book which has already been 
promoted to Gospel status by 
Ford administration liberals — - 
the fundamental axiom of the 
new policy is laid down: "In an 
interdependent world plagued 
with scarcity, if some of us 
consume more, others must of 
necessity consume less." It Is 
also assumed, of course, that 
such unequal consumption is an 
evil which must be done away 
with in some way. 

One of the ways being put 
forward is the creation of a world 
stockpile of grain. The United 
States would supply the input to 
this stockpile, and the Afro- Asian 
countries would take care of the 
output. Control of the stockpile* of 
course, would fall to the United 
Nations, where the Africans and 
Asians control the votes. 




THESE HUNGRY INDIANS are lined up for handouts of relief grain, much of which was the rapid rise in domestic food prices which has plagued American consumers for the 
sold by American exporters to the Soviet Union in 1972 and then resold by the Soviets to past two years. It Is a crime against Nature and against the future of our own race to 
India at a profit. The 1972 American grain sales, subsidized by our government, started subsidize the further reproduction of these people. 



44 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



45 









Third World Threat 



In order to overcome American 

hesitation to embrace this and 

other schemes for eventually 

bringing us down to the level of 

Asian coolies, media and 

government propagandists are 

making dire warnings of the 

threat to America which will 

arise if we fail to meet Afro-Asian 

demands for American food. The 

gist of these warnings is that the 

rapidly growing, hungry masses 

of the "Third World" will upset 

the world order and end up taking 

from us what they want if we 

don't give it to them. 

The world population, now 
growing at the rate of 70 million 
each year, will reach seven 

billion by the year 2,000 only 

26 years from now we are 

told, and there is nothing we can 
do about it. Furthermore, 
Americans will be outnumbered 
by about 50 Lo one, so we had 
better start being nice to 
everyone. 



Famine and Disease 

The populations of most of the 
so-called "undeveloped" or 
"developing" nations have 
always lived at a bare- 
subsistence level. Incapable of 
theself'discipline required either 
to make better use of their 
natural resources or to volun- 
tarily limit their rate of 
reproduction, their numbers 
were formerly kept in check by 
Nature's age-old methods: 
famine and disease. 

Then the White man, partly 
from economic-imperalist 
motives and partly from 
misguided humanitarianism, 
cured their disease and helped 
them produce more food from 
their land. 

The result was an enormous 
and rapid increase in population, 
which has now brought many of 
them back to the brink of star- 
vation again. Indeed, hundreds of 
thousands have already starved 
to death in India and northern 
Africa In the past year. 





U.S. Favors 
tockpifeof 



Effect of Meddling 

The net effect of the White 
man's efforts has been to leave 
the peoples in large areas of the 
non-White world worse off than 
they were before. Their lives 
were short and hard, but it was 
an existence to which they were 
accustomed, and they enjoyed 
certain primitive luxuries, such 
as a little elbow room. 

Today, thanks to the 
"development" brought by the -$; 
White man, they are able to 
starve in vastly greater numbers 
per square mile — and, con- 
sequently, under vastly more 
squalid, crowded, and unnatural 
conditions — than previously. 

While Man's Burden 



Tin 1 White man's folly is two 
layers deep. First, he 
gratuitously assumed that he had 
some sort of moral responsibility 
to attempt (o remake the other 
races of the earth in his own 
image: the so-called "White 
man's burden" piously promoted 
by Christian theologians, greedy 
colonialists, and addlepated do- 
gooders ever since the 18th 
century. 




Second 



and thi- is ;■. more 








JBy tstn Morgan 

t),S. policy makers h*Ve reused feloftrtf t&itouuihl' 
w the iwed to set up the wortd's first toU**atin%*t 
iockpife, in the tmge, of JQ ttiHl<m to '#.)' 

WWtfnfUS 




'Oi^'Millffw'J^M^df' 




THIS IS A TYPICAL WASHINGTON POST HEADLINE, part of the 
brainwashing campaign to convince Americans that they must feed 
the rest of the world. Henry Kissinger is taking his plan for a U.8.- 
supplled world grain stockpile to the World Food Conference in Rome 
this month, Liberal church leaders, who favor the plan, have told 
Kissinger they will use their pulpits to gain public support for bis 
scheme. 



subtle hut no less grave error 

he has labored undor the 
assumption that, in undertaking 
to make an improvement on 
Nature, by doing for other 
peoples what they were patently 
unable to do for themselves, he 
was actually "helping" them. 

Who Shall Survive? 

The world food crisis now, of 
course, involves far more than 
moral issue:;. It involves the 
question of who shall Inherit the 

earth which peoples shall 

prosper and which shall do 
without, which shall survive and 
which shall perish. 

But, even on moral grounds 
alone, there is no justification 
— except when using the inverted 
value system of neo-Uberalism— 
for continuing to divert the 
diminishing resources of the 
West into an inevitably futile 
effort to save the peoples of the 
"Third World" from themselves. 
Indeed, what could be more 
immoral from a cosmic point of 



LEFT-WING CARTOONISTS have been aiding in the media 
propaganda campaign to convince Americans that they must eai less 
ho that American food can be used to feed rapidly multiplying African** 
and Asians. This Conrad cartoon was drawn for the Los Angeles 
Times. 



view, than deliberately limiting 
the potential of the world's ablest 
peoples in order to allow inferior 
peoples to proliferate? 

LIheral Bogey Man 

Beyond morality, it should be 
obvious that the real threat to 
America's security comes from 
continuing to provide aid to 
overpopulated nations, rather 
than from simply letting them 
starve, 

No matter how hungry Indians 
and Africans become and no 
matter how much they hate us, 
there is nothing they can do to 
take America's wealth away 
unless we provide them with the 
means. What little military 
potential they possess has been 
provided by the West, and a with- 
drawal of Western technological 
aid would see that potential 
rapidly disappear. 

The seven billion hungry non- 
Whites we are supposed to wor- 
ry about a few years hence will 



never materialize if America 
simply refuses to continue 
subsidizing the present rate of 
population growth in Africa and 
Asia. Advocates of continued 
American food subsidies are 
creating their own bogey man 

There is only one proper 
solution to the population ex- 
plosion in the non-White world, 
and to the concomitant world 
food crisis: total withdrawal of 
Western support, so that Naturv 
can once again take its course 

Squeamish Americans ma> 
find that difficult to accept, but 
we will only make the present 
world situation worse and b;v 
ultimate disaster on our own 
heads if we follow the course no** 
being laid out for us by Mr 
Kissinger and his colleagues in 
Washington. 

{Issue No. 31, I974\ 



Blacks, Jews, and Reverse Discrimination 



White Americans — members 
of that great, dispossessed 
majority — are increasingly 
suffering from the effects of a 
widespread program of '"reverse 
discrimination," in which they 
are refused employment or 
promotion or housing or small- 
business loans because they are 
not members of some officially 
sanctioned racial minority. 

The White reaction to this anti- 
White favoritism has been weak 
and disorganized, at least in part 
because of a failure to un- 
derstand the source of the 
problem. The White tendency is 
to regard the Black community 
as organized and monolithic and 
to place the blame for reverse 
discrimination entirely on Black- 
bloc political pressure. 

Toms and Nationalists 
In reality, things are a little 
different. It behooves us to un- 



derstand that the Black com- 
munity is neither monolithic nor 
ultimately responsible for the 
policy of reverse discrimination. 
For political purposes, Blacks 
can be divided into three 
categories. By far the largest of 
these categories — at least 90 per 
cent of the Black population — is 
apolitical, consisting of Blacks 
who are largely unconscious of 
everything happening outside 
their immediate circle of friends 
and acquaintances, They just 
drift with the prevailing current. 
(The same thing is true, of 
course, of about half of the White 
population.) 

The conscious Blacks tend to 
fall into two distinct groupings: 
the "toms," or assimilationists, 
and the nationalists, or "Black is 
beautiful" crowd. Although some 
of the outward distinctions 
between the two have become 



blurred in the last decade 
because of the acceptance by 
toms of certain nationalist styles, 
this categorization remains 
valid. 

Deodorants and Miscegenation 

Most middle-class Negroes are 
toms, although many hotly deny 
it. Basically, they have very low 
self-esteem. 

They want to be White, and 
they take great pains lo dress like 
Whites, act like W r hites ( talk like 
Whites, and adopt White 
lifestyles. They tend to be avid 
consumers of hair straighLeners, 
deodorants, and skin-lightening 
creams. 

Most toms are not full -blooded 
Negroes, and status in their set is 
determined by their percentage 
of White genes. For them, the 
next best thing to being White is 



to "make it" in White society. 

Racial intermarriage is quite 
acceptable to them. 

Afros and Black Studies 

The nationalists, on the other 
hand, have decided that there is 
absolutely nothing wrong with 
being born Black and having an 
African rather than a European 
heritage. Instead of trying to 
imitate Whites and their ways, 
they emphasize their own racial 
attributes. 

The nationalists are respon- 
sible for the "Black con- 
sciousness" rhetoric of recent 
years (which has even become 
fashionable among some torn 
elements), for a number of 
distinctive Black styles (such as 
Afro hairdos), for "Black 
studies 3 ' courses In the schools, 
and for a number of violent 



dashes with White authority 
They range from n on -viol r:.' 
"Black culture" advocates to 
armed revolutionaries. 

NAACP vs. Muslims 

The best-known torn political 
organization is the National 
Association for the Advancement 
of Colored People (NAACP; 
Some of the more prominent torn 
personalities are Bayard Rust in 
(long-time organizer for com- 
munist-front groups, currently 
head of the A. Philip Randolph 
Institute), Ralph David Aber- 
nathy (head of the South em 
Christian Leadership Con- 
ference), and, of course, the late 
Martin Luther King. In addition, 
a few toms have been gi-en 
status inside the System by bei^j 
elected to Congress. 

The best -known Black* 
nationalist group is probably trws 



so-called "Nation of Islam" 
<Black Muslims). Among the 
better-known personalities are 
boxer Muhammad Ali (Cassius 
Clay), playwright and poet 
Imamu Baraka (Leroi Jones), 
and the late Malcolm X. 

"White Devils" 

One thing toms and nationalists 
have in common is their hatred of 
Whites. Among the nationalists 
this hatred is open and out- 
spoken. They see "White devils* ' 
as the oppressors of their people. 
Whites can never be forgiven for 
robbing them of their heritage by 
bringing their ancestors to 
America. 

The toms' hatred of Whites 
stems from their own self-hatred. 
Like its source it is kept 
repressed, but it is nevertheless 
there, seething just beneath the 
surface. The harder the torn 



• " 



struggles to become the "equal" 
of the White, the more elusive 
this impossible goal becomes and 
the bitterer grows his resent- 
ment. 

Enter the Jew 

America's Black-White racial 
situation was pregnant enough 
with ominous possibilities — all 
the result of our failure to 
repatriate America's freed 
slaves to their African homeland 
immediately after the Civil War 
— when a third party stuck his 
nose into things. 

Actually, the Jewish role in 
American race relations began 
many years prior to the turbulent 
1960's and 1970's. It is a little- 
known fact that the most im- 
portant torn organization, the 
NAACP, was not founded by 
Blacks but by Jews. Since its 
inception in 1910 it has been led 



and financed by Jews. Its first 
leaders, Joel and Arthur 
Spingarn, who succeeded each 
other as head of the organization, 
were Jews. The current 
president, Kivie Kaplan, is also a 
Jew. 

And it was Jack Greenberg, the 
Jewish lawyer heading the 
NAACP's legal department, who 
directed the strategy which 
resulted in the Supreme Court's 
infamous school integration 
decision of 1954. From that bit of 
mischief has grown all of today's 
agony over forced racial busing. 

Racial Hiring Quotas 

In parallel with their program 
for the racial mixing of Blacks 
and Whites in the schools, Jews 
have also been the moving force 
behind the Federal government's 
"equal opportunity" program. 




MARTIN LUTHER KING 



BAYARD RUST1N 



RALPH ABERNATHY 



The subservience of top torn leaders is often guaranteed by the threat of publicizing scandals in their 
private lives. The late Martin Luther King had a weakness for extra- marital relationships which was 
well-known to the FBI and to his Jewish "advisers." Bayard Rustin, the organizer of King's giant 
march on Washington in 1958, is a sex pervert who was arrested and jailed in Pasadena, California, in 
1953 for performing homosexual acts in a public place. The media masters have kept his police 
record quiet but hold the threat of exposure over his head. Likewise, Reverend Ralph Abernathy 
sexually seduced a 15-year-old member of his church congregation in Montgomery. There was a 
messy trial in Alabama in 1958, in which all the sordid details were revealed, but the media masters 
again have kept the news from the public. 



Pr 



resident Tort KOV (5W 

. i nn i n i -' -;-; - — - rr" I ..Mr-. — . -- 




WHO RULES AMERICA? 

*fr^v Mr 'P^™ tf_TL^, .fsJT^ ^?W»«^ • ic»«(*»,».f4, »«■ 



bm HiTfifci #tf .Ht*K0Wmy 



„ «t T jto.*ft*r *»v;**iai *•*•* «f amp. w: i***"**** 




n»t* M>w til**- WfiSM»« t% 

i„ j t t . f i i i i : i i i uj i . i i : '. * : i' " i ii ' '' ')y "■ i ; i " : - 









(America! Independent 
iParty Iriuiiti 




A Vitw Of Fw#s 
Pardoning mm 




In 1974 Rockwell International 

hired 33% of its college graduates 

from minority groups. 




THIS ADVERTISEMENT occupied a quarter of a page in the 
Washington Post in September. Since only about one per cent of the 
engineering graduates of America's colleges are Black, Rockwell 
International's policy of reserving one-third of its job openings for 
"minority groups" is a grave case of reverse discrimination against 
White graduates. Unfortunately, Rockwell International is typical of 
those companies doing business with the Federal government. 



THE HERALD-DISPATCH is a Negro daily newspaper published in Los Angeles. Although the paper 
tends to be very mild in tone and to have a much more "respectable" image than Black nationalist 
publications, it has an editorial policy on the Jewish question which sets It apart from torn 
newspapers. The September 12 edition of the Herald-Dispatch reprinted the National Alliance leaflet, 
"Who Rules America?", which is a condensation of the, articje, "The Masters of the Media,',' .ap- 
pearing in this ATTACK! 



Hiring quotas for Blacks were 
first established on Federally 
funded construction projects in 
1969, and all contractors and 
labor and craft unions working on 
the projects were required to 
meet the quotas. Thousands of 
White workers lost jobs and union 
seniority as employers and union 
bosses complied with the racial 
quotas set by Washington. 

Later the racial quotas were 
extended to other industries and 
businesses and to state and local 
governments. If the teaching 
staff in a local school system or 
the officers of a police depart- 
ment were judged to be too White 
by the equal-opportunity 
bureaucrats in Washington, 
orders were issued to cease 
hiring Whites until a certain 
number of Blacks had been hired. 

So long as the racial quotas 
were applied only to those jobs 
and professions in which Jews 
were very scarce, the Jewish 
community and the mass media 
were 100 per cent in favor of 
quotas. Nothing seemed fairer 
than that a White man or woman 
should give up his or her job to a 
Negro, in order to compensate for 
past discrimination. 

But when the hiring quotas 
were extended to the white-collar 
professions and Jews began 
being bumped, oy veh, such 
complaints you never heard! In 
New York City, where the 
teachers in the public schools are 
predominantly Jewish, when 
Black nationalists began 
demanding "community control" 
of schools in Black neigh- 
borhoods, Jewish teachers whose 
jobs were threatened screamed 



bloody murder and the press took 
up their cause, 

The De Funis Case 

And when a Jewish student, 
Marco DeFunis, was refused 
admission to the University of 
Washington law school because 
the school hadn't yet filled its 
quota for Blacks, Jews began 
bickering among themselves as 
to whether or not the program of 
reverse discrimination should be 
continued. 

Jews are so heavily 
overrepresented in medical and 
law schools, in government, in 
journalism, and in certain other 
professions, that the government 
policy of Black quotas threatened 
to hurt Jews just as it had hurt 
Whites in the construction in- 
dustry. 

Jews Aren't White 

Jews finally resolved this 
problem by deciding that they 
aren't really a part of the White 
majority but are members of a 
disadvantaged minority. 
Therefore, the program of 
reverse discrimination should be 
continued, but Jews should be 
exempted from it. Henceforth, 
Jews will support the program so 
long as only non -Jewish Whites 
are bumped to make way for 
Blacks. 

If the Black community hadn't 
realized it before, the con- 
troversy among Jews over racial 
quotas left no doubt in Black 
minds that Jews were serving 
their own ends, and not Black 
interests, in pushing for the in- 



46 



tegration of Blacks and Whites. 



Beneath the Mask 

The torn organizations have 
always deeply resented their 
dependence on the Jews. Jewish 
money, Jewish "advisers," and 
Jewish publicity have been their 
lifeblood. 

Black toms have not been 
deceived by the mask of 
"brotherhood" the Jews have 
shown them. They have keenly 
felt the contempt that lies 
beneath that mask. 

The nationilist hatred of Jews 
goes beyond the resentment of 
being "used." They understand 
that the Jews, in using racial 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



integration to undermine White 
Gentile solidarity, will inevitably 
destroy the Blacks' own identity 
too. 

CORE Switched 

For the most part, the toms 
keep their feelings about the 
Jews to themselves, although the 
resentment often shows through. 
One Black group, the Congress of 
Racial Equality (CORE), which 
started as a militant torn 
organization, complete with 
Jewish advisers pulling the 
strings behind the scenes, 
managed to throw off Jewish 
control and switch its orientation 
to nationalist, but such instances 
are rare, 

Jews have never backed Black 
nationalist organizations in any 



consistent or substantial manner, 
although they have tried to get 
handles on them. In the case of 
the Black Panthers the Jews 
succeeded, but most other 
nationalist groups have managed 
to maintain their Independence. 

An Easy Choice 

Nationalists and toms are 
engaged in an escalating struggle 
for the souls of their people. 
Despite the numerical and 
material advantages now en- 
joyed by the toms in this conflict, 
the nationalists have been 
making noticeable gains 
recently. In addition, the 
nationalists have Nature on their 
side, and that's an ally hard to 
beat. 



From the White viewpoint, the 
choice between the two factions is 
easy. A nationalist victory may 
result in an armed confrontation 
between Whites and Blacks, but 
that's something we know how to 
handle. Far better the loss of a 
few million lives in a race war 
than the loss of everything 
through continued assimilation 
and miscegenation. After all, no 
lives can be saved in the long run 
— only genes, only the race. 

Mutual Respect 

Ultimately, whether a race war 
occurs or not, the only possible 
basiB for pacific relations bet- 
ween Whites and Blacks must be 
one of mutual respect, Rspect for 
another race does not necessarily 



imply either love or admiration 
for that race, but it does imply 
self-respect on the part of both 
races. 

Black self-respect can be fully 
realized only after the nationalist 
viewpoint has prevailed and 
Black society and the Black 
man's destiny have been 
separatee" from those of the White 
man. 

Until that time, however, 
Whites will continue suffering 
from reverse discrimination and 
Blacks will continue suffering the 
ignominy of being used as pawns 
in the Jewish bid for world 
domination. 

(Issue No. 31, 1974) 



. 



PACT B 





\ 



The history of Black people in the United 
States is pregnant with instances of. gulli- 
bility and naivety which have allowed them 
to be manipulated and abused by any group 
claiming to have their* interest and welfare 
at heart. This has been the state of af- 
fairs characteristic of the bonds of alliance 
between Blacks and Jews, contrary co the 
opinions of contemporary articulators of 
the Afro-AiMxican experience such as Nr. 
Baynard: lustln, Executive Dirsctor of the A. . 
Philip Randolph Institute, and Or. Alvfn 
Pouissnnt, Associate Profeseor of rsychiatry 
at Harvard University, 

two recent articles, (Blacks and Java: As 
Appeal for Unity," Dr. A, Pauissapt, Ebony 
July 1974), and ("Awerican ttagxoao and 
Israal," B. Rustirv, Crisis April 1974) have 
Strong ly argued in favor of a positive Mack- 
Jewish relation a hip and Black support for the 
Zionist state of Israel. Let ua attestpt to ' 
•ddreaa ton** of the point* nade by Dr. Pouis- 
sant and Mr, Ibis tin, and maybe ve can dehyp- 
ootize gone of the victims of Zionist prop- 
aganda and trickery . Dr< Pouissant's covenant 



AL-I8UM 

chat the Jewish coawsjnlty "ajota than any 
other white group... helped to spearhead and 
support the civil rights aovetaent" *•* an un- 
derstaceaent of the facts, Jews actually 
controlled and directed the pollci** and ac- 
tivities d{ civil rights organisations 
through financial ciwtrlhutlcna and occupati<vi> 
of top decision-making positions. 

To lllut crstssoae of the actions by Blacks 
that Have become distressing to Jews, Dr. 
Pouissant remarks that satiny black coeseunlcy 
liiadors, "many of whom had earlier been 
supported by Jewish groups, began to label 
Jewish merchants and landlord* a* the chief 
vllllsn lo the black ghettos. .. .Seme black* 
who refer to "Jewish oppreision" of black*, 
forget that tio-call Christians have been 
responsible for the origin end perpetuation 
of Qlnck oppression in America." On the one 
haw!, one oust concede chat the ghetto* are 
the product of a number of historical factors, 
but on the other hand, even if Jewish tnerchants 
ore not the "chief villains" in the black 
ghetto (maybe they really are) their presence 
has been consldarablv less then desirable, 
o specially when one considers who really own a 
nnd operates the morally and socially degrad- 
ing bus in on He tt end rackets (bars and liquor 
store*, gambling establishments, poor-quality 
food markets, "super- fly" clothing shops, 
etCjBtu.Btc, ). Keooe the argument that "so- 
called Christians have been responsible for 
the origin and perpetuation of Black oppres- 
sion" i* not wholly true, and even lea* so 
when the documents and records of the early 
slave era (late I600's and 1700'*) are care-' 
fuUv examined. The evidence clearly shove 
that Jewish merchants had a direct end 
initiating hand In the trans- At Untie slave 
trade. (Naturally such information would 
never appear in textbooks, hut the Library 
of Congress hae ample historical data to 
support this statement). 

Black support Cor Israel, as one sight ex- 
pect, would be an area of significance in 
any discussion on Black- Jewish relationship. 
Thri introductory paragraph of. Baynard TU»# tin's 
article, "American Negroes and Israel," sets 
the tone for a starting point. 

The persistence of the debate 
over the relationship between 
black people and the Beats of 
laraeL is a perplexing -nd 
troublesome phenomenon. For 
one would think that the his- 
toric bonds which link black* 
to Jews-- the comroou heritage 
of discrimination aod oppres- 
sion, the cooperation duriag, 
the proteat campaign* of the 
olvil rights; fsovsswnr, and the 
fact that black* and Jew* occu- 
py pivotal role* within the 
liberal coalition- -would b* 
sufficiently powerful and eo- 
durlitg to preclude serious 
differences over Israel'* face. 

The notion of "historic bond* wfcich link 
black* to Jewe" <*uat*n) and "Materia al- 



llano e* berwewn Jev* and black*" (Pools sant) 
ha* been highly overplayed to rfrun-up black 
support for Israel. The cultural and his- 
torical limllarltlc* between black people 
and Jews are mors apparent than reel. The 
enslavement and oppression of blacks we* th« 
result of a myth of racial Inferiority that 
Made thee* no different from hot*** and cat- 
tie. $v«n thi> concept had a basis in Jewish 
scholarly tradition* and folklore supposed- 
ly handed down from the time of Ho*ss. Ac- 
cording to the Talmud, Ram, one of Noah's 
•one, was cursed by being turned black, and 
all his descendant* were sinful and degen- 
erate. 

The Jew* hav* painted a pitiful picture of 
the persecution they have suffered at the 
hands of non-Jews. However, their cri»* of 
innocence are neny time* unfounded, At 
various time* in history Jewa hav* been ex- 
peilsd stid bended from smny countries, not 
because of r»ei»m, but because of the acon- 
oedc aa Dotage , political corruption, and 
moral dupravity deceitfully instigated by 
members of the Jewish community. In this 
rsspect, it is significant to not* that 
Jewa be 1 love they are unconditionally for- 
given on Yoa Kippur the following sins? 
fornication, lying taking and giving bribes, 
extortion and usury, false- swear log, embor- 
plement and stealing and treachery to Ooe'a 
neighbor. 

To assert chat "... Blacks and Jew* occupy 
pivotal rolea within the liberal coalition" 
(Rustin) of America, is a crude joke. 
Black* are still begging for crumb* and hold 
no real poweT in any aspect of Aatrlcen 
social, political, or economic life, On the 
other hand, the Jew* through their Zionist 
machinery have power over ell the agencies 
end organ* of the united Statins government. 
They completely control the American press, 
radio, tulitvlslon, and other information 
media. They hav* thu un United capacity to 
exercise black-mail and coercion in the 
national and international affair* of major 
worLd powers, especially the United State*. 

The country 'a first president, George Wash- 
ington, took a hard-line stand ag*lo»t Jew- 
ish involvement in American life: "They 
work 

enemy's armies. They 
mote dangerous to our liberties and the 
greet cause w* ere engaged in.,.. It is 
■such to be Lamented that each statu, long 
ego, hen not hunted them down si* pest* to 
society and the greatest enemies we have to 
the happiness of America. " Another "round- 
ing Father," Benjamin Franklin, predicted: 
"There is a great danger for the United State* 
of America, 1 agree fully with General George 
Washington that we must protect this young 
nation from an Insidious Influence., ... Thee ' 
meoaca, gentlemen, ±* the Jew. Id whatever 
country they have, settled in any great num- 
bers, they have depressed its moral level 
and depreciated its coesaer c la 1 integrity ... . 
Their ideal* are not those of Americani, aod 
will not be, even though they live among ua 



more effectively against us than the 
y'l armies. They are a hundred times 



ten generation*. A leopard cannot change it* 
■pot*. Jew* at** i menace to thia country 
permitted entrance. They will, imperil ovpr 
institution*, They should be excluded by the 
constitution," 

Mr. Hub tin, demon* tr* sing- his political 
naivety,, trie* to justify laraei'a role in 
Africa, by denouncing the blacft critic* »no 
have attacked Israeli imparl* tlst .motive* 
a* having 'feisxepreseneed Israel's t*olJcy 
cowards black African nation*," lie goes 
even further and tries to make the Nigerian 
and Sudanese Civil owfjticts look tike Arab 
eggression against black Africans to refute 
what he call* "the myth of Arab-Afrlcavn 
brotherhood.* 1 Hceeaver, eny enllghtesved ob- 
server know* that these two civil wtrs, to 
a large extent, resulted from local problaaw 
stirred up and Intensified hy rt third parties" 
(including Israel) who *ent*d to extend .their 
spheres ot influence and control, Israel pro- 
vided both the Blafran and South Sudanese 
rebel force* with arm* and training. 

Israel's technical assistance to the African 
countries \mt the first instrument of pene- 
tration » Expert* trained in Israel sod the 
U.S. hav* been provided , often in strategically 
important positions, to give spec is Hand 
assistance in military and pera-ralliuary 
projects, 

Halle Selassie's Ethiopia received support 
in the nttsaepe to crush the grit r«S n liber 
at ion forcaa. The I*r* a ljl government also 
cooperated with the Chad government against 
revolutionary forces there. In Malawi, Da- 
homey, Togo, and Ethiopia, Israeli advisor* 
and technicians organised porn-military youth 
organisations. The army school for civic 
action In the Ivory Coaat aod a military 
scadgny in Sierra Leone were established 
under Israeli supervlaiot). What is clear la 
that Israel ha* become a major elaesant in 
building counter-revolutionary strength and 
serving long-run American aod Zionist Inter- 
est* in both the Middle Ea*t aod Africa, 

Mr. kuBtins snti-Islsxttc Insinuations , flaring 
up at several points la his article, are not 
to go unnoticed, Aa lalem gains greater in- 
roads into the Afro-American coeesunlty, one 
can expect Zionist puppet* to become more 
vocal in their opposition to Islamio influence. 
But as the truth of the Jewish' conspiracy 1* 
oade more evident, there i* a strong possibil- 
ity that the opes unsuspecting Black a****** 
will not be deluded by what Dr. fraulsaAot 
oalls "potential for even greater- coalition... 
as both Jews end block* strive for en equal 
share of the power and opportunity this 
nation offer*,* 1 







9S1+- 




THIS IS A PHOTOCOPY of a two-page article in the current issue of AL-ISLAM, 
published by a Black Moslem group In Washington and now being sold on the streets of 
the capital. It not only reflects the true feelings of most politically conscious Blacks 
toward the Jews, but It also reveals a better understanding of the true nature of the Jews 
than most Whites have. This embarrassing backwardness on the part of Whites may be 
explainable in terms of their unique susceptibility to the disease of liberalism. When the 



Jew goes through his "humanitarian" act, then pulls out his handkerchief and weeps a 
few gentle tears about how the world "persecutes" him for his genius and sensitivity, the 
White liberal swallows it whole. The Black just grins. Hopefully, when a general cure for 
neo-llberalism can be disseminated, its mind-fogging effects will be abated and White 
Americans will be able to see the Jew as clearly as the Blacks see him. 



people ask 



i 



Q, I believe in the ideals of the 
National Alliance, but it seems to 
me that everyone else I know 
cares only about himself and 
doesn't give a hoot what happens 
to our country or our race. Don't 
you think that decadence and the 
subversion of our educational 
system and other institutions has 
gone so far that the situation is 



hopeless? Don't you really think 
it's too late to save America or 
the White race? 

A. Things are very bad indeed, 
but they are far from hopeless. 
Only a people or a nation which 
gives itself up for lost is truly and 
irrevocably lost. There is a 
bloody and terrible ordeal ahead 
of us, and many will perish— but 
our race can still be saved, and 
that, in the long run, is all that 
counts. 



Do not be discouraged by the 
indifference of the people around 
you. Remember, the great mass 
of people have always been like 
that and always will be. When the 
Christians are ahead they cheer 
for the Christians, and when the 
lions are ahead they cheer for the 
lions. They have no un- 
derstanding or concern for 
anything but the present and for 
what they see as directly af- 
fecting their comfort, welfare, or 
security. 



But the masses do not make 
history. That is and always has 
been the task of a few. Those few 
must embody in themselves a 
majority of will and deter- 
mination. They must know what 
they want and be willing to do 
whatever is necessary to achieve 
their goal. 

Today the old order of things is 
crumbling into ruin, and the 
world will never again be 
restored to what it was before. 
But a new order will eventually 



emerge from the wreckage of the 
old, and it is the task of the 
National Alliance to determine 
the shape of that new order. 

It is only too late to save the 
present order from final collapse. 
It is not too late to begin building 
the new. 

(Issue No. 40, 1975) 



•> 



Liberals 

the Jews 

and Israel 



* 



The current Jewish power play 
in the Middle East poses the 
gravest imaginable dangers to 
America. Yet, in the midst of 
these dangers is a development 
which offers the promise of great 
good to the American people. 
That good is the disruption of the 
American liberal establishment 
and the extensive undermining of 
the traditional alliance between 
Jews and Gentile liberals. 

Neo-Liberal Stalwarts 

The Palestine crisis has caused 
a major falling out among the 
architects of American decline 
and degeneration. We are 
presented with the interesting 
spectacle of such neo-liberal 
stalwarts as Reverend Daniel 
Berrigan, Senator J.W. 
Fulbright, and syndicated 
columnists Rowland Evans and 
Robert Novak, among others, 
turning against both their fellow 
liberals and their Jewish patrons 
in the news media and siding with 
the Palestinians in the Jew-Arab 
conflict in the Middle East. 

One of the many ironies of this 
is that the very liberals who are 
now in such a state of ideological 
disarray and moral torment over 
the issue of Jewish imperialism 
and aggression in the Middle 
East laid the groundwork 
themselves for that imperialism 
and aggression more than a 
quarter-century ago by sup- 
porting the initial Zionist seizures 
of Arab territory. 

Jewish Soap 

At that time — in the years 
immediately following World 
War II — Jews could do no wrong 
in liberal eyes, They were then, 
even more successfully than now, 
exploiting their role as "victims" 
of National Socialist persecution. 
They parlayed pitiful tales of gas 
chambers and soap factories into 
a carte blanche for their postwar 
political designs, relying heavily 
on support from beguiled liberal 
Gentiles, 

It is interesting to note that 
liberals, who have always in- 
sisted that a person must be 
judged only as an individual and 
not as a member of a racial or 
ethnic group, accepted without 
hesitation the thesis that the 
Jews, as a people, were entitled 
to immunity from criticism and 
to collective reparations for the 
disabilities which some in- 
dividuals among them, no longer 
present for the most part, had 
suffered earlier in Germany. 



Butchers in U.S. Uniforms 

Furthermore. the same 
liberals who so passionately 
commiserated with the Jews 



after the war were startlingly 
oblivious to atrocities committed 
against peoples far less 
blameworthy than the Jews in 
Germany: the postwar massacre 
of the Cossacks by the Soviet 
secret police, for example, or the 
slaughter of half-a-million anti- 
communist Croats by Tito's 
communist guerrillas in 1945. 
Liberal writers who condemned 
in the harshest terms the German 
practice of shooting Jewish 
political commissars whenever 
they were discovered among 
captured Soviet troops, refer in 
an indifferent and offhand way to 
the brutal torture and murder of 
tens of thousands of German SS 
men, the elite of their nation, 
who, after they had laid down 
their arms and surrendered, 
were turned over to Jews in U.S. 
Army uniforms to be castrated, 
used for bayonet practice, and 
subjected to other tortures too 
gruesome to recount. 



Left-Wing Tradition 

One cannot blame this historic 
inability of liberals to recognize 
persecution, except when a Jew 
happens to be the persecutee, on 
the liberal bias toward left-wing 
causes and governments with 
which Jews have traditionally 
been associated. The Soviet 
government, for example, was 
immune from criticism so long as 
it occupied itself with the but- 
chering of Ukrainians, Cossacks, 
Latvians, Poles, etc. But when 
the Kremlin decided the time had 
come to put a foot down on Zionist 
agitators on its own doorstep, 
liberal publicists suddenly turned 
against the Soviet Union with a 
vengeance. 



Professional Victims 

No, there is a very special 
relationship between Gentile 
liberals and Jews, and it began 
long before World War II. 

Jews, of course, have been 
playing the "persecution" angle 
for all it is worth throughout their 
long and turbulent history. In a 
sense they have made a living — 
generally, a very good living — 
off being "scapegoats." 

Before the Germans it was the 
Russian Czars who persecuted 
this race of professional "vic- 
tims," and before them it was the 
Polish peasants, and the Spanish 
Inquisitors, and the English 
yeomen, and the French 
Crusaders, and the Roman 
legions, all the way back to the 
Egyptian Pharaohs. Westerners, 
and not just the liberals among 
them, have always been suckers 
for a cleverly managed act of 
martyrdom. 



Symbiosis 

But there is more to it — much 
more. From the time when the 
Jews were emancipated from 
their European ghettos and 
began infiltrating the institutions 
and the cultural and political life 
of the Western peoples among 
whom they lived, there developed 
a symbiotic relationship between 
Jews and Gentile liberals. 

Jews are, in a sense, the 
carriers of the neo-liberal virus 
— that is, of the disease in its 
modern form, which differs 
substantially from what was 
called "liberalism" prior to the 
19th century. 

Having lived throughout 4,000 
years of recorded history as an 
alien minority among other 
peoples, Jews have developed a 
unique modus vivendi which 
depends critically upon 
preventing their hosts from 
forming a united front against 
them and restricting their ac- 
tivities. They must, much in the 
way certain bloodsucking insects 
inject a venon into their host in 
order to break down its body 
tissues and permit the easier 
withdrawal of nourishment, 
break down all barriers of race 
and culture which protect a host 
people from them. 

Potent Venom 

Otherwise the natural 
protective reactions to their 
presence in the body of the host 
will result in their being either 
expelled or encysted, as has 
happened repeatedly throughout 
history. 

Neo-liberalism is- the most 
potent tissue-dissolving venom 
which the Jews have developed 
for breaking down the institutions 
and the internal structure of the 
Western nations. Gentiles in- 
fected by the disease have opened 
the door of one Western in- 
stitution after another to the Jews 
during the past 200 years and 
have then provided "cover" for 
their activities. 



Automatic Suckers 

The Jews are ?n ex- 
traordinarily clever, ambitious, 
and aggressive people, and they 
have used their cleverness to 
evoke an almost worshipful at- 
titude toward them on the part of 
Gentile liberals, who have been 
hypnotized by the Jews' apparent 
"brilliance," "creativity," and 
'"sensitivity." In this hyper- 
receptive state, the liberals have 
been automatic suckers for every 
new fad the Jews have trotted 
out, from the most perverse and 
destructive trends in modem 
painting and sculpture to the 
pornographic "literary" blather 
of Philip Roth and Norman 
Mailer, 

From the Jews they have 
learned to venerate the ugly, the 
weak, the deformed, the impure, 
the unnatural, the chaotic. The 
Jews have Inverted their sense of 
values and taught them to coddle 
and promote Blacks, mongrels, 
criminals, moral cripples and 
perverts of every sort, and, above 
all, those rejected and "per- 
secuted" by society. 

Ill-Gotten Lucre 

None have ever more suc- 
cessfully used the gimmick of 



portraying themselves as a 
persecuted minority, the un- 
fortunate and blameless victims 
of religious and racial 
discrimination, than the Jews. 
This was easy for them at a 
time when, as pushcart peddlers 
and pawnbrokers, they could 
speak only broken English and 
were ostracized from polite 
society. But only the special 
relationship which has grown up 
between liberals and Jews can 
account for their being able to 
maintain this pretense after they 
had gotten rid of their Yiddish 
accents (Henry Kissinger ex- 
cepted) and were rolling in ill- 
gotten lucre from Hollywood to 
Broadway. 

Monopolists 

Liberals still thought of them 
as downtrodden people, 
especially deserving of sympathy 
and protection, after they had 
monopolized half the schools of 
law, medicine, and journalism in 
America, had elbowed the last of 
their Gentile competitors out of 
the clothing industry and a dozen 
other major industries, and had 
established themselves as the 
single most powerful bloc on Wall 
Street, with Jewish financial 
houses (Kuhn, Loeb & Co.; 
Goldman, Sachs; J.W. Seligman 
& Co.; Lehman Bros.; Dillon, 
Read; Speyer & Co,; Ladenburg- 
Thalman; Salomon Bros.) 
overshadowing the older Gentile 
firms. 

In recent years, lest all this 
opulence and power confuse their 
liberal admirers, the Jews have 
used their control of the mass 
media to crank out a steady 
stream of motion pictures, books, 
and Sun day -supplement articles 
rehashing over and over again 
their mistreatment at the hands 
of the Germans a generation ago, 
thus maintaining their status as a 
persecuted minority. 

Easy Choice 

But, irony of ironies, it was this 
very bias in favor of the underdog 
which finally caused the liberals 
to miss an ideological turn the 
Jews had mapped out for them 
and to go off on the "wrong" road 
in the Middle East. 

After all, here were a bunch of 
arrogant, militaristic, racist, 
imperialistic Jews on one side 
(the Israelis), rolling in billions 
of dollars of "reparations" ex- 
torted from Germany and grants 
from the United States, and 
armed to the teeth with an 
enormous arsenal of fancy, new, 
technological weapons, waging 
aggressive war against huddled, 
penniless, tattered Arab refugees 
living in tents and armed only 
with rifles and hand grenades 
(the Palestinians). It was pretty 
obvious which side a person 
conditioned always to favor the 
underdog should choose. 



Over-conditioned Liberals 

The situation is reminiscent of 
that accompanying the Italian 
invasion of Ethiopia nearly 40 
years ago, when the liberal 
sympathy for the Ethiopians, 
brown and backward, was 
Pavlovian. Since then they have 
been conditioned repeatedly by 
the news media, most notably in 
the Korean and Vietnamese 
wars, to side with the guerrillas, 
the irregulars, the "freedom 



47 

fighters," against the establish- 
ment troops. In the Middle East 
all this conditioning has back- 
fired on the Jews. 

They have tried to use their 
control over the mass media to 
paint a propaganda picture of 
Israel as an underdog nation and 
to identify the wretched, 
dispossessed Palestinians with 
their oil-rich Arab neighbors. But 
this portrayal has been too 
grotesque for credibility. The 
Israeli concentration camps, the 
racism practiced, against the 
Arab minority in the Jewish- 
occupied areas, the Israeli 
policies of imprisonment without 
trial, of collective reprisals 
against Arab civilians, of 
arrogantly trampling on the 
sovereignty of Lebanon, of tor- 
ture of prisoners — all these have 
triggered conditioned reflexes in 
American liberals. 

Ideological Consistency 

And the result is, wonder of 
wonders, that the liberals — or, 
at least, a significant fraction of 
them — are accidentally ending 
up on the right side of an issue for 
once. They are, in growing 
numbers, taking the side of 
Arafat and his Palestinian 
freedom fighters instead of the 
side of their Jewish oppressors. 

The pro-Palestinian position is 
by no means unanimous among 
liberals, of course. It is taken 
only by the honest ones, by the 
ideologically consistent ones. 

The Jews still have a plentiful 
stable of obedient liberal hacks 
on their payroll — 95 per cent of 
the Congress, for example, and 
thousands of newspaper 
prostitutes, pulpit prostitutes, 
academic prostitutes, and show- 
biz prostitutes — all dancing to 
the Zionist tune in order to earn 
their supper. For every Senator 
Fulbright there are half-a-dozen 
Hubert Humphreys and "Scoop" 
Jacksons, and for every Evans- 
Novak there are three or four 
Joseph Alsops. 

No Collaboration 

Furthermore, it would be a 
severe miscalculation to plan on 
any sort of coalition or 
collaboration between honest 
liberals and patriots in order to 
break the Jewish stranglehold on 
America. 

Liberals — with a very few 
individual exceptions — have had 
no real change of heart. They are 
quite insistent that their anti- 
Zionist position in no way implies 
any basic change in their attitude 
toward Jews. They simply regard 
Zionists as Jews who have gone 
bad and Zionism as a racist 
aberration, rather than as the 
essence of Jewishness itself. 

Table-leg Therapy 

Senator Fulbright and the 
Reverend Berrigan are still on 
the wrong side of every issue 
except Palestine, and they are on 
the right side of that issue for the 
wrong reasons. 

In other words, liberals — 
including the consistent ones — 
are just as sick as ever and just 
as dangerous to the future of 
America as ever. The only way 
the great majority of them will 
get their thinking straight, 
eventually, is with a sturdy, oak 
table leg applied smartly and 
repeatedly alongside the head. 



: 



■ 
























. 



* 



48 

Nevertheless, the present 
dissension irt liberal ranks is of 
inestimable value. It is the most 
fervent and influential of the 
liberals who are now taking an 
anti-Zionist position, and their 
numbers and influence are 
growing daily. 

Palestinian Victory Inevitable 

The Palestinian people, 
through their perseverance, their 
sacrifices, their reckless 
courage, and their determination 
to use any and all means to keep 
the world from forgetting about 
them, have finally succeeded in 
obtaining, in the United Nations, 
a forum for presenting their case 
to the world. More and more 
liberals will be forced to listen to 
them, and more and more 
liberals cannot help but agree 
with them. 

And Israel's intransigence and 
arrogance, exacerbated by 
recent Palestinian propaganda 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



successes, will become more 
painfully obvious to her former 
admirers. Who could have failed 
to be repelled by that shrieking, 
cursing mob of swarthy, wiry- 
haired Israelites outside the 
United Nations building in New 
York in November, spitting and 
screaming for Yasser Arafat's 
blood as he eloquently pleaded.his 
case for justice for his people 
inside? 

Cracks Will Widen 

All this can only lead to a 
widening of the cracks which 
have already appeared in the 
System: the liberal -Jewish power 
structure which rules America. 
These cracks offer patriots an 
opportunity they have not had in 
the last 35 years to build op- 
position to the System and to win 
support for an alternative. 

The Jews, of course, are fully 
aware of this. They can feel the 
tide of liberal opinion finally 
turning against them or, at least, 



against their territorial am- 
bitions in the Middle East — and 
they are far-sighted enough to see 
the long-range dangers this tide 
can bring them. 

"The New Anti-Semitism" 

They have frantically tried to 
head it off by denouncing as 
"anti-Semitism" every 
manifestation of anti-Zionism. 
Their principal "enforcement" 
agency in America, the Anti- 
Defamation League of B'nai 
B'rith, has sponsored the 
publication of a widely touted 
book, The New Anti-Semitism, 
which singles out by name many 
prominent liberals who have 
taken a public stand even slightly 
critical of Israel and attempts to 
stigmatize them with an "anti- 
Semitic" label. 

In days past, the threat of being 
called an anti-Semite was enough 
to send the bravest liberal 
scurrying for cover, but this 



tactic isn't working any more. In 
fact, it's backfiring on the Jews. 

Nature of the Beast 

The Palestine issue is too 
clearcut, and the liberals who 
have finally made a moral 
decision on this issue are stan- 
ding their ground. Being called 
"anti-Semites," instead of 
frightening them, is calling to 
their attention, for the first time, 
the true nature of the beast with 
which they are dealing. It is 
merely hardening their position, 
burning the bridges between 
them and their former 
unquestioning philo-Semitism, 
and — in a very few cases — 
causing them to re-examine the 
whole basis of their ideology. 

Rising Panic 

These developments are 
causing a rising feeling of panic 
in the Jewish community. Always 



ready to cry before they are hurt, 
some Jews have even claimed, 
with a tinge of hysteria, "It's 
happening again!" (a reference 
to their growing unpopularity in 
Germany in the 1930's). 

More than anything else, the 
changing tide of liberal opinion 
may cause the Jews to overreach 
themselves by attempting a 
"final solution" of their Arab 
problem in the Middle East 
before they lose too much more 
ground in America. 

If that happens, America will 
undoubtedly become involved in 
another war and will probably 
suffer grievous consequences. 
But, as General Brown 
suggested, it also might be 
exactly what is needed to change 
the present liberal ground swell 
against Zionism to a popular tidal 
wave against all Jewish in- 
fluences in America. 

(Issue No. 32, J 975) 



Gov't Pushes Porn 
in Sex-Ed Classes 



The Federal government, with 
funds channeled through the 
Department of Health, 
Education, and Welfare, is 
financing textbooks, films, and 
other educational materials for 
use in the nation's public schools 
which are designed to undermine 
traditional American values and 
beliefs. The putative justification 
for such a design is freeing 
children of "prejudices" and 
adjusting them for life in a 
multiracial society, where the 
mores of other racial and ethnic 
groups differ sharply from those 
of the White majority. 

Many parents, not unnaturally, 
have objected strongly to the 
government's program, but the 
news media have generally 
distorted their objections so 
severely that persons not 
acquainted with the textbooks 
and other materials in question 
have wondered what the fuss is 
all about. 

Probably nowhere has the 
controversy been more 
acrimonious than in the area of 
so-called "sex education" 
courses for high school and junior 
high school students. 



^cd 




An illustration from Zing Comix, 
a controversial sex-education 
pamphlet being distributed in 
many schools. 

Here, unfortunately, the 
distortions by the news media 
have been most blatant. Parents 
objecting to sex-ed materials are 
regularly depicted as narrow- 
minded and puritanical , obsessed 
by a fear of sex and intent on 



passing their own sexual 
neuroses and hangups on to their 
children. 

Basing his judgment only on 
the examples reported by the 
controlled news media, a fair- 
minded observer could not be 
blamed for coming to the con- 
clusion that the Federally 
financed sex educators are only 
trying to teach the kids the facts 
of life, while their protesting 
parents want them to remain in 
ignprance. Alas, there is more to 
it than that, 

Consider, for example, a 
comic-style sex-education 
pamphlet called Zing Comix, 
which is being widely distributed 
to school children all over the 
country. The author of Zing 
Comix is Dr. Sol Gordon, 
professor of family and child 
development at Syracuse 
University. (Despite his Scottish- 
sounding surname, Dr. Gordon's 
antecedents are in Grodno, 
U.S.S.R., rather than the British 
Isles). 

Zing Comix consists of a 
number of mod-style cartoon 
drawings accompanied by a 
minimal amount of text. Taken 
as a whole, it's message is 
"Everything goes." It is an open 
invitation to homosexuality, 
bisexuality, and sexual in- 
tercourse with animals and 
Negroes. 

From the content of his 
pamphlet it is evident that Sol 
Gordon's philosophy is orthodox 
neo-liberalism. In his view, since 
the sole purpose of sex is personal 
pleasure, anything which may 
titillate a jaded hedonist is A- 
O.K. — anything at all. 

Hesubliminally puts across the 
idea that the individuals involved 
in a sexual relationship have no 
responsibility beyond them- 
selves. The interests of society 
simply don't count. Sol would 
probably have a stroke if anyone 
suggested to him that the 
primary function of sex is the 
breeding of the race and that 



purely personal consideratons 
ought to be subordinate. 

In all fairness to Zing Comix, it 
should be pointed out that a 
modest effort is made to veneer 
its hedonism with morality — of a 
sort. For instance, on the last 
page is to be found the following 
moralistic dictum for girls: "No 
sex with a guy who isn't your 
your long-time lover, without a 
rubber. (If the guy is too cheap to 
spend 35 cents for condom, he 
shouldn't be allowed in.)" 

And just inside the front cover 
is a disingenuous attempt to 
invoke in the young reader the 
fear of being thought un-liberal if 
he doesn't go along en- 
thusiastically with the contents. 
Warns Sol: "This book has ideas 
in it..., .If you cannot tolerate 

ideas do not read this book. It 

might start you thinking or give 
you Ideas you have not had 
before. This could be harmful for 
people allergic to ideas." 







PERVERSIONS 



A lot of people wonder about oral and anal sex, 
and some people think it is "perverted." We think 
there is nothing wrong with any kind of sex if both 



Oh, by the way. Sol Gordon's 
work is supported by a $250,000 
grant from the Department of 
Health, Education, and Welfare, 
through the National Institute of 
Mental Health. The number of his 
Federal grant is MH 1371-01. 

Thus are spent our taxes. 

(Issue No. 33, 1975) 




Part of a page from Zing Comix, designed to break down the 
traditional taboos of Whites and accustom them to the life-styles of 
other races. Bestiality (intercourse with animals) has always been 
abhorrent to persons who share the Western cultural and intellectual 
heritage, but those whose behavior is governed by the Talmud regard 
it in an altogether different light. The Talmud prescribes conditions 
for sexual intercourse not only with animals but with three-year-old 
children and with the dead. Thus, neither Sol Gordon, the author of 
Zing Comix, nor H.E.W. Secretary Caspar Weinberger, Gordon's 
source of financial support, find anything distasteful in this suggestive 
cartoon. 






Labor Dep't Funding Human 
Slaughterhouse in Capital 



The U. S. Department of Labor 
is giving approximately $2 
million per year to a Black "self- 
help" organization in the District 
of Columbia whose offices have 
been used by its employees as 
execution chambers for at least 
three slayings, according to 
witnesses in a bizarre 
Washington murder trial. 

Testimony given in the 
January trial in D.C. Superior 
Court of Black drug figure Willie 
Strickland, Jr., painted a grisly 
picture of beatings, torture, and 
multiple executions in the offices 
of Youth Pride, Inc., a subsidiary 
of the Pride, Inc., complex 




headed by Black D.C. Coun- 
cilman Marion Barry. 

Prosecution witnesses have 
described how Strickland and an 
accomplice, Hubert Hackney, on 
three separate occasions during a 
two-week period in 1973 took 
victims to the Pride offices and 
murdered them. Strickland and 
Hackney, a Pride employee, shot 
one of their victims and stabbed 
another to death with an icepick. 
A third man was beaten with an 
iron pipe, strangled, and finally 
drowned in a sink full of water. 
The corpses were left in the Pride 
offices until they could be con- 



veniently disposed of elsewhere. 
The executive director of 
Pride, Marion Barry, has been 
very adept both at milking money 
for his organization from various 
agencies of the Federal govern- 
ment and at using it as a platform 
for his political wheeling and 
dealing in the nation's capital. In 
1973, at the time his offices were 
being used as a combination 
torture chamber - slaughter- 
house-morgue by his employees, 
Barry was president of the 
District of Columbia School 
Board. Last year he was elected 
to his present position as at-large 



city councilman. 

Launched on his "self-help" 
career in August 1967 by a 
$291,000 grant from the U.S. 
Labor Department, Barry has 
since been successful at wangling 
massive grants from the 
Department of Health, 
Education, and Welfare and the 
Department of Housing and 
Urban Development, as well as 
an additional $14 million from the 
Labor Department. His financial 
affairs, however, have been 
under a constant cloud, with 
repeated charges of improper use 
of funds. 



At the time of a bankruptcy 
sale of a Pride-owned building in 
1972, Barry explained his 
financial irregularities as due to 
the fact that he had on his payroll 
"many street dudes who, like, 
aren't work oriented." These 
apparently include a number of 
Washington Blacks active in the 
city's underworld drug trade, 
who find the Pride offices a 
convenient base for their 
criminal activities. 

Despite this, the U.S. Labor 
Department has seen no reason 
to withdraw its support of 
Barry's operations and is 



49 

currently funding him at the rate 
of approximately $2 million per 
year, through the District of 
Columbia Office of Manpower 
Training. 

One reason for Barry's ease in 
obtaining Federal funds may be 
his good relationship with the 
Washington Post. In a series of 
Post articles covering the recent 
trial for the murders committed 
in his offices by his employees, 
Barry's name was not mentioned 
once. 

{Issue No. 33, 1975) 



Education for Death 



Headquarters of Pride, Inc. Despite multiple murders and 
mismanagement, the Labor Dept. keeps pouring in millions of dollars. 



What have the busing riots in 
Boston, the textbook boycott in 
Kanawha County, West Virginia, 
and the massive unemployment 
among recent university 
graduates all over America in 
common? They are all con- 
sequences of the gradual tran- 
sformation, since World War II, 
of America's educational system 
into an indoctrinational system. 

The Three R's 

The primary task of America's 
schools used to be teaching 
children certain basic cultural 
skills — reading, writing, and 
arithmetic — virtually essential 
to their being able to function 
effectively as adults in a modern, 
technological society. A secon- 
dary task was imparting at least 
a smattering of knowledge in 
certain other areas: history, 
science, music, literature, and 
the mechanics of the American 
political / governmental system. 

The basic idea behind both 
these tasks was the imparting of 
skills and knowledge useful to the 
individual, with the hope that he 
would employ those skills and 
knowledge in a way beneficial not 
only to his own future well-being 
but also to the well-being of his 
community and nation. 

Shifted Emphasis 

Today all that has been 
changed. The former tasks of the 
schools have been subordinated 
to a new primary pursuit: the 
ideological and psychological 
conditioning of children to norms 
determined by a self-appointed 
elite of neo-liberal social 
engineers and mass-media 
propagandists. The emphasis has 
been shifted from teaching 
children facts and drilling them 
in techniques to indoctrinating 
them with beliefs and attitudes 
and manipulating their per- 
sonalities. 

The school child is no longer 
regarded as an individual with a 
unique personality, to be 
equipped by the schools with the 
understanding and the skills 
needed to more nearly realize his 
inborn potential. Instead he has 
become a formless lump of clay, 
a malleable unit of human raw 
material, to be ideologically 
molded, emotionally adjusted, 
and subliminally conditioned 
until he conforms to a standard 
pattern. 

The transition in emphasis 
from the teaching-training 
function to the indoctrination- 
conditioning function has been 



facilitated by a number of 
changes in the American 
educational process, some major 
and some relatively minor. The 
three most significant changes, 
which will be considered 
separately below, have been 
racial integration of the 
classroom, the introduction of 
new textbooks and associated 
teaching materials whose content 
is more propagandists than 
instructive, and a deliberate shift 
from discipline as an essential 
ingredient in the educational 
process to permissiveness. 

A fourth change, which applies 
to the nation's colleges and 
universities, has been a very 
large increase in the percentage 
of high school graduates who 
enter college. 

The Great Balancing Act 

Twenty years ago the great 
majority of the public-school 
classrooms in America, both 
North and South, were either all 
White or all Black. In those states 
where there was no de jure racial 
segregation, a scattering of 
Blacks could be found in schools 
which were predominantly 
White, but nowhere was there the 
massive racial mixing in the 
classroom which has occurred in 
the last few years as a result of 
the Federal government's crash 
program to racially "balance" 
the nation's schools. 

Thus, each school had either a 
Black or a White (or Chinese or 
Indian or Chicano) character. 
The classroom environment, and 
the whole educational at- 
mosphere, were- fundamentally 
conditioned by this fact. 

Race and Culture 

Education is the transmission 
of culture from one generation to 
another. And all culture, whether 
epic poetry or the computational 
techniques of arithmetic, is the 
product of — and bears the 
peculiar stamp of — a particular 
race. Even where a cultural 
development is "borrowed" from 
one race by another, it is 
inevitably modified to bring it 
into conformity with the 
requirements of the racial psyche 
of the borrower. 

Education, then, is a 
profoundly racial phenomenon. It 
can realize its full potential only 
within a specific racial context. 
Not only its content but its form, 
its technique, its style will, under 
natural conditions, be adapted to 
the needs and the characteristics 
of the racial group it serves. 



One of the most important 
consequences of the educational 
process in a racially 
homogeneous environment is its 
integrative effect. By developing 
in each individual an awareness 
of a shared cultural heritage with 
his classmates, education 
establishes a common bond 
which draws all participants 
closer together, 

"Education" artificially 
designed for a multi-racial 
population is a beast of an 
altogether different nature. Its 
tendency is to alienate from their 
specific cultures the members of 
the various racial groups in the 
population as it tries to relate 
everyone to a synthetic and 
Composite multi-racial "culture" 
which, in attempting to belong to 
all, belongs to none. 

Obliterated Pattern 

Whether this alienation was a 
consequence planned by those 
who have engineered the 
transformation of America's 
schools or not, it serves their 
purpose well. Before a new 
pattern can be imposed on the 
human clay with which they are 
working, the old pattern must be 
obliterated; consciousness of the 
natural heritage must be 
destroyed before consciousness 
of an artificial heritage can be 
implanted. 

The task of implanting this 
artificial heritage has fallen to 
the new textbooks and sup- 
plementary reading materials 
which have been causing such a 
furor recently. Parents have 
objected to their children being 
saturated with the gutter 
dialogue which is a characteristic 
feature of books intended to 
expose White children to "the 
Black experience." Many have 
also rebelled against so-called 
"sex-education" materials which 
have a strong orientation toward 
anal sex, bisexuality, interracial 
sex, and other perversions, 
reflecting, for the most part, the 
peculiarities of the Jewish at- 
titude toward sex. 

Pernicious Nonsense 

Unfortunately, however, there 
has been no widespread furor 
about other aspects of the new 
books and the new curricula 
which, while they do not deal with 
such emotion-charged elements 
of alien cultures as sexual 
practices, are actually much 
more dangerous in the long run. 
American school children are 
being taught such pernicious 



nonsense about history, an- 
thropology, and biology that It is 
seriously warping their un- 
derstanding of the real world and 
coloring their attitudes toward 
the vital issues with which they 
must deal as adults. 

They are being taught that a 
Negro hero played a leading role 
In the American revolution; that 
Black cowboys, soldiers, and 
explorers helped win the West; 
that a Negro explorer discovered 
the North Pole; that Negroes 
created a high civiliaztion in 
Africa while our European an- 
cestors were still running around 
in bear skins and horned 
helmets; that racial hybrids 
are'^uperior" to the pure parent 
stocks which are crossed to 
produce them; that the only 
reason Blacks don't do well on 
intelligence tests is that the tests 
are "culturally biased" against 
them ; that World Wars I and II 
were fought to make the world 
safe for democracy; that 
6,000,000 Jews were "gassed" 
during World War II and are, 
therefore, to be forgiven their 
subsequent excesses against the 
Arabs in Palestine; that the so- 
called "McCarthy era" following 
the last war was a period of great 
governmental repression and 



paranoia during which thousands 
of innocent persons were vic- 
timized in "witch hunts," 

De-raclaliied History 

Still more insidious than tht 
pseudo-anthropology and pseudo 
history is the deletion or sup- 
pression of nearly all elements lr 
school curricula which migh' 
give White children points oi 
racial-cultural attachment tc 
their own heritage. For example 
except when a chance can b* 
found to give a plug to a BlacV 
explorer or a Black scientific 
genius, history courses have beer 
de-raclalized, making it verj 
difficult for a White student u 
relate to them — to tell himself 
"These are my ancestors, mj 
flesh and blood, whose exploit] 
and achievements an< 
tribulations and catastrophes ant 
aspirations I am studying." 

Indeed, in some schools when 
a course in "Black history" i 
required of all students th 
standard course in the history c 
Western civilization (i.e., "Whit 
history") has been relegated t 
elective status. 

If parents are unhappy abou 
some of the new textbooks, on 



7 



AH, HA! A BAD CASE OF 
FACIAL INEQUALITY! 
FORTUNATELY. I HAVE. 

THE CURE - 
OPEN MDE^W/DER! 



IF YOU 
SWALLOW 
TKAT. YOU'LL 

SUALLOU 
ANYTHING* 




THE. QUACK 



50 

might think the students them- 
selves would be even unhappier 
about the alienation caused by 
other changes. Bui the 
professional mind-molders know 
their business, and they have been 
able (o head off student 
rebellion against — in fact, even 
gain a certain degree of support 
for — practically all their in- 
novations except massive racial 
integration. This success has 
depended heavily upon a com- 
bination of bribery and flattery. 

Even when they have been 
properly appreciative of the value 
of a formal education, going 
to school has traditionally 
been a bitter pill for most young 
people. At best, they often 
squirmed in their scats and 
daydreamed of a thousand places 
they would rather be than Mr. 
Smith's Geometry 1 class or Miss 
Jones' Latin II. At worst, they 
simply cut their more demanding 
classes and then dropped out of 
school altogether as soon as they 
reached the maximum compul- 
sory-schooling age. 

In essence, the new breed oF 
"educators" have sugar-coated 
the educational pill to make it 
more palatable, but only at the 
cost of drastically compromising 
its potency, 

They have gradually phased 
out the Latin and the geometry 
and the other courses which 
require self-discipline and a 
continuing intellectual effort on 
the part of the student and 
replaced them with courses 
bearing such titles as "Soul in 
Cinema," "Hip Lit," and 
"Transcendental Meditation." 
Curriculum requirements have 
been relaxed — to the vanishing 
point, in many schools — so that 
students have a greater choice in 
deciding what courses they will 
take. 

And the traditional teaching- 
study methods of classroom 
presentation by the teacher, with 
homework and classroom 
recitation by the student, 
followed by written tests and 
course grades, have been either 
wholly or partly abandoned — 
ostensibly in the interests of 
greater "flexibility" and more 
"freedom" for students. 

Dullsville 

These changes have, not 
surprisingly, been well received 
by most students. 

It is flattering to be told that 
they are as capable of planning 
their own curricula as are adults. 

It is nice to have less homework 
than before and not to have to get 
uptight about tests and grades, 

And it is even nicer to be given 
credit for a course in science 
fiction or basket weaving than to 
be asked to master the concepts 
of solid geometry. 

Now, except for the presence of 
so many Blacks, school has 
become "fun" The old way was 
"like, dullsville, man. 1 ' 

Even the most basic courses in 
reading, writing, and arithmetic 
have been drastically tran- 
sformed, as educational theorists 
have attempted to restructure 
the entire educational process to 
bring it into line with their ideas 
for molding children into citizens 
of their brave, new, multi-racial 
world. 

The consequences of this 
meddling have been tragic. The 
reading ability of high school 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 





HIGH SCHOOL CLASS in Berkeley, CA. Walls, grades, and at- 
tendance rules have been abolished In the name of "freedom." 
Plummeting performance o( graduates from such "liberated" schools 
has caused alarm and some local efforts to re-establish traditional 
teaching methods, but national trend Is still toward more per- 
missiveness. 



JEWESS at Univ. of Minnesota typifies prevailing intellectual level on 
America's campuses. This student, a Ms. Lchmann, is protesting the 
refusal of a traditional-minded English professor to use an obscene 
essay in his classes. "Fuck society," screamed Ms. Lehmann, ex- 
pressing the attitude of most Jewish students toward Gentile America. 
Jews have played a disproportionately large role In debasing the 
university environment. 



graduates has declined sharply. 
Spelling ability has declined even 
more sharply. And the effect on 
writing ability has been 
catastrophic. 

Speaking of today's high school 
graduates, Jesse Hartley, 
director of the freshman English 
program at the University of 
Houston, said: "Students can't 
carry through an idea in writing; 
they have no idea what a 
paragraph is; they are unable to 
string details together in a logical 
sequence." 

Ideological Conformity 

Most of these changes are not 
attempts to bribe children but are 
intended to satisfy the demands 
of neo-liberal ideology. All form, 
all structure, all discipline, ail 
standards of performance, all 
demands on the child must go. 
Everything must be "spon- 
taneous." 

Thus, one school superin- 
tendent ruled out the use of 
coloring books in kindergarten 
classes because children had to 
keep each color within fixed, 
identifiable lines, That was 
deemed harmfuL because it 
required the child to "conform 
whether he wants to or not." 

It is the same kind of sick, 
twisted reasoning which has 
condemned the long-used 
phonetic method of teaching 
children to read by breaking 
words down into their elementary 
sounds; to spell by memorizing 
long lists of words and rules for 
treating special cases; to figure 
by memorizing the multiplication 



table and the technique of long 
division. 

Tlit- old methods ma> have 
been "authoritarian" — perhaps 
even "repressive" — but they did 
accomplish what they were in- 



tended to, which was to teach 
children to read, spell, and deal 
successfully with simple arith- 
metical computations. The 
products of the modern methods 
may be wonderfully "well ad- 
justed" to something or other, 
but a great many of them can't 
cope with words and numbers. 

A proper schooling does more 
than teach skills and facts. It 
inculcates in young people the 
basic work habits and the 
capacity for self-discipline which 
are essential for productive adult 
living in a free society. It is for 
this reason that courses in Latin 



and geometry continue to have 
value for children who have no 
intention of becoming either 
classical scholars or engineers. 

A person who, in his formative 
years, has not been required to 
think analytically, to train his 
memory, to subordinate his 
whims and impulses to a 
systematic program of ac- 
complishment, to either master 
difficult and unpleasant tasks 
successfully or face the con- 
sequences of failure, and to work 
under pressure is a severely 
handicapped person. 

By the time a child begins to 
realize his handicap, it is usually 




LOWERED FACULTY STANDARDS have accompanied lowered student standards and the in- 
troduction of hundreds of Mickey Mouse courses at American colleges. Blacks, regardless of 
qualifications, are especially in demand as faculty members. Here "Professor" Edward Brown 
(sprawled on grass) lectures to White sociology students at Pennsylvania's California State College, 
near Pittsburgh. California State officials were embarrassed last year when they discovered that 
Brown had also accepted full-time faculty positions at two other schools, Bronx Community College 
and the State University of New York at New PalU. He was commuting between classes on the three 
campuses and collecting three paychecks, but university officials were so undemanding in their 
requirements of him that nothing was found amiss for several months. 



too late. He has acquired lifetime 
habits of behavior which fit him 
only for a subordinate, n6n- 
creative rore in a paternalistic 
society. He is not equipped to 
compete with those whose 
training has demanded more of 
them. Independence and 
maturity of outlook will always 
be beyond him. 

Is this an accidental or a 
deliberate consequence of the 
new education? 



Glorified Kindergarten 

Very few American univer- 
sities have ever approached the 
old European ideal of a "com- 
munity of scholars." Yet, one 
really might have expected that 
they would become something 
better than the cross between 
pigsty and glorified kindergarten 
that most pf them are today. 

Far from being reservoirs of 
the highest ideals of the nation, 
focal points of reason and 
scholarly virtue in an 
unreasonable world, they are 
festering sores from which the 
virulent pus of neo-liberal ism 
oozes to infect the rest of the 
country. 

Instead of undoing the mental 
damage inflicted on young people 
in America's elementary and 
secondary schools, the colleges 
and universities are striving to 
make it worse. They have 
become the final-polishing stage 
in a step-by-step process of in 
doctrination and conditioning 
Intended to mentally enslave all 
who pass through it. 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



The German Example 

In other countries, at other 
times, the opposite has been true. 
In Germany, for example, during 
the period of decadence between 
1918 and 1933, when the forces of 
moral degeneration were un- 
dermining the other institutions 
of that nation, the universities 
remained citadels of resistance. 

Neo-liberalism flourished 
elsewhere, but in the German 
universities an elite safeguarded 
the moral and intellectual 
heritage of the German people 
and provided much of the 
leadership needed to beat back 
the tide of filth threatening to 
swallow Germany. 

Unscholarly Flood 

In America any chance that the 
universities might become an 
elite haven of resistance to the 
mind-molders was averted by 
opening the university doors to 
everyone who had graduated 
from high school but wanted to 
put off getting a job for another 
four years. 

Many graduate schools and 
even a few undergraduate 
colleges have still managed to 
maintain their standards of 
excellence, but the general rule 
has become mediocrity. An 
unscholarly flood has engulfed 
America's college campuses, and 
they have become mere ex- 
tensions of the high schools, 
subject to all the same ills which 
flourish there. 

For every "relevant" high 
school course in horoscope- 



Prepare Now 
to Bury Guns 

Early Planning Is Key- 
to Secure Concealment 



The time is rapidly ap- 
proaching when each American 
who owns a firearm will be faced 
with the decision: either 
surrender his weapon to the 
authorities or conceal it securely 
so that it will be available when 
needed. 

There is no other option. The 
gun owner who bravely says, 
"When the police come for my 
gun I'll give it to them — right 
between the eyes!" is only kid- 
ding himself. Besides, it's not the 
working cop, who will have more 
and more unpleasant duties to 
perform as America continues 
her downward slide, who needs a 
bullet between the eyes; it's the 
media masters and the Federal 
judges and the traitors in 
Congress. 

One day they will all receive 
what they so richly deserve, but 
the roundup of Americans' guns 
will come first, simply because 
patriots will not be ready to 
mount any large-scale, organized 
resistance by the time they hear 
that fateful knock on the door. 

Mass searches and seizures 
will be the last stage of the 
present disarmament program, 



of course. This year or next will 
confie the laws which will make it 
illegal to possess, first, handguns 
and handgun ammunition, then 
long guns. After the final demise 
of the Second Amendment we can 
expect an interim period of a 
year or so before the Fourth 
Amendment meets the same fate, 
and every American home will be 
subject to a search for weapons. 

Thus, one need not count on 
having to rush out immediately to 
bury one's guns in the woods as 
soon as they are outlawed. There 
will still be a period during which 
they can be kept safely concealed 
in dresser drawers and locked 
closets before the controlled 
media can work up enough public 
support for the authorities to 
come around looking for them. 

Nevertheless, every patriot 
willing, one day, to take up arms 
against tyranny should make the 
preparations now which will 
ensure that his arms will be 
available when that day comes. 

Two basic questions which 
should be answered before any 
weapons or ammunition are 
concealed are: 1. Where will they 
be safe from a determined, ex- 



reading or origami (paper- 
folding) a dozen are to be found 
listed in university catalogs. One 
can get college credit these days 
for subjects ranging from the 
theory and practice of back- 
packing to gourmet cooking. 
President Ford's son, for 
example, is majoring in 
something called "forest 
recreation." 

The miseducation in matters 
historical and racial which is so 
bad in the nation's public schools 
is much more flagrant in our 
universities. A shameful 
mockery is made of the spirit of 
scholarship and academic 
freedom. 

Things have reached the point 
on most campuses — not just a 
reprehensible few — where any 
dissent from the officially ap- 
proved lies of the mind-molders 
is viciously and physically 
silenced. The treatment 
regularly afforded Professor 
William Shockley when he at- 
tempts to present evidence of the 
genetic basis of Negro mental 
inferiority to university 
audiences is just one example of 
this. 

It is quite clear that in- 
doctrination, not education, has 
become the principal business of 
our colleges and universities, just 
as of our elementary and high 
schools. 

Schools, both public and 
private and at all levels, have, of 
course, traditionally served to 
both educate and indoctrinate, 
with the relative emphasis on the 
two functions varying widely 
from place to place and time to 

perienced search team? and 2. 
How should they be protected 
against corrosion and dirt while 
they are hidden? 

An answer to the first question 
is made much more difficult by 
the assumption that searchers 
will use electronic metal 
detectors, but it is an assumption 
which every realistic gun owner 
must make. Thus, simple con- 
cealment behind wall paneling, 
inside a hollow door, or beneath a 
removable wooden stair tread or 
floor board must be considered 
highly vulnerable to exposure, 

The two ways to avoid 
discovery by a metal detector are 
to place the weapons and /or 
ammunition inside a metal 
shield, such as a cast-iron sewer 
pipe or a sheet -metal air duct, or 
to ensure that they will always be 
at a safe distance from the 
detector. 

Unfortunately, the easiest 
approaches to the shielding 
problem are the least secure. 
Anyone can unscrew the grill 
from a heating or cooling vent in 
a home and slide a gun inside. 
Without much more difficulty, 
however, an experienced and 
well-equipped searcher can 
ascertain whether a bundle of 
contraband is in a building's air 
ducts. 

A sewer pipe may be more 
secure, simply because access is 
more difficult. One might also 
consider using the insulation 
space between the inner and 
outer walls of a stove, 
refrigerator, or freezer. (Am* 
munition should not be stored in 
the insulation space of a stove, as 
high temperatures over a 
prolonged period may cause 
deterioration.) 



time. Church-related schools 
everywhere, for example, have 
always placed a relatively heavy 
emphasis on indoctrination, 
while secular schools in the 
United States have, until recent 
decades, been wary of in- 
doctrination, especially religious 
indoctrination, and have con- 
centrated instead on education. 
Even in America, however, a 
certain amount of indoctrination 
in civic virtues — teaching young 
people to be "good citizens" — 
has always been considered a 
desirable adjunct to the main 
task of preparing them to earn a 
living. The secular schools in 
some other countries — the 
People's Republic of China, for 
example — place a great deal of 
emphasis on indoctrination of 
this sort. 

Racial Character 

In general, it has long been 
recognized that the character of a 
nation's schools is a major 
determining factor in the overall 
character of the nation itself. 
Other institutions — the church, 
the army, craft guilds and labor 
unions, political parties, 
fraternal and cultural 
associations — play a role in 
molding the inner racial 
character of a people into its final 
outward form, but none stamp 
this character so strongly as do 
the schools. 

If the guiding spirit of a 
nation's educational philosophy 
is strong and wise, then the 
enormous power of the schools to 
bring out and reinforce the best 

Many other possibilities for 
shielded hiding places exist in the 
average home, and their utility 
depends primarily on the 
ingenuity and craftsmanship of 
the gun owner. Small shielded 
spaces may be utilized by 
disassembling firearms, 
remembering that only the metal 
parts need to be shielded. The 
same consideration applies to 
ammunition, which need not be 
kept in containers of the size and 
shape in which it is ordinarily 
found. The %-inch metal conduit 
which often encloses electrical 
wiring inside walls will ac- 
commodate quite a few car- 
tridges if they are strung out 
lengthwise along the wires, for 
example. 

Burial in the ground is the 
surest means of concealing 
firearms. If the burial site is in a 
remote area which is not likely to 
be searched, then metal detec- 
tors are not a problem, of course. 
If the burial site is a back yard or 
a basement, then it must be deep 
enough to avoid detection. 

What is deep enough depends 
upon the amount of metal being 
buried and the nature of the soil. 
Two feet may be more than 
sufficient for a small handgun in 
moist, conductive earth, whereas 
eight feet may not be deep 
enough for a large cache of guns 
and ammunition buried in dry, 
sandy ground. The only way to be 
sure is to use a metal detector, 
Reasonably sensitive detectors 
can be bought for under $50 in 
electronic hobby stores. 

Protecting buried weapons 
from corrosion is not difficult, but 
it requires a certain amount of 
care. The old, army method of 
protecting rifles to be crated and 
stored for more than a few weeks 
was to apply a heavy coating of 



51 

traits in the people can be utilized 
to keep the nation strong and 
healthy, while with a weak and 
foolish guiding spirit that power 
remains untapped. But if the 
guiding spirit is malevolent — or 
if it serves an alien master — 
then that same power can be used 
to enslave a people or to lead 
them to destruction. 

Traditionally, Americans were 
hesitant to unleash the potential 
power of the schools to shape the 
character of their youth. Their 
traditional repugnance toward an 
"established" religion, even a 
secular one, and their reluctance 
to entrust to the state, or to any 
agency outside the family, the 
cHbice of the particular direction 
in which ideological development 
should be steered resulted in only 
a minimal indoctrinational and 
character-forming role for the 
public schools in this country. 

But Nature abhors a vacuum, 
and wherever there is a power 
that one will not exercise, 
another will. 

America's schools were not 
used to instill in her youth a pride 
in their race, an understanding of 
Western man's unique destiny, 
and of their own responsibility in 
achieving that destiny. And so 
those who want to destroy us 
have takeri that power into their 
hands and are using it for their 
own purposes. 

(Issue No. 34, 1975) 



cosmoline. In order to ensure that 
this thick, almost wax-like grease 
covered all metal surfaces it was 
necessary to dip rifles into a 
heated vat of the stuff. Cleaning it 
off later was a time-consuming 
ordeal. 

Cosmoline was messy, but it 
did the job. It is probably still the 
best method for protecting buried 
weapons, provided no con- 
venient, airtight and watertight 
container is available and the 
ground in which the weapons are 
to be buried will remain dry. 
Cosmolined guns, carefully 
packed in a wooden footlocker, or 
even in a sturdy suitcase, should 
be safe underground for years. 

One can avoid the mess of 
cosmoline and safely bury 
weapons even in ground which 
may become waterlogged by 
sealing them in a suitable con- 
tainer first. For ammunition and 
handguns, army-surpius .50 cal. 
ammo boxes are excellent. They 
have a sealing gasket which 




ARMY-SURPLUS .50 cal. ammo 
box makes a convenient, airtight 
container for burying guns, 
ammunition. 



52 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



53 






makes them leakproof. 
Sometimes one tan find surplus, 
steel, 20 mm ammo boxes, which 
also have a hermetic seal and are 
big enough to hold 30 or 40 han- 
dguns or more than 100 pounds of 
ammunition. 

For long guns, however, her- 
metic sealing may be more of a 
problem. Certain types of dry 
chemicals are customarily 
shipped in reusable steel drums 
which, unlike the drums used for 
liquids, have a removable lid held 
in place by a locking band. If 
these have not been damaged, 



they can be made airtight with 
little difficulty, and they are 
satisfactory repositories for 
large quantities of weapons. All 
that is needed is a silicone-rubber 
sealing compound of the sort that 
is available in tubes at all hard- 
ware stores. 

For the person with only one or 
two long guns and a few hundred 
rounds of ammunition to conceal, 
a hermetically sealed plastic 
container may provide a more 
practical solution than a steel 
drum. Heavy-gauge polyethylene 
sheet can be purchased without 



difficulty. There are also tools 
available for heat-sealing 
polyethylene sheet, although 
some care is required in their 
use. Any sheet-plastic package is 
quite vulnerable to puncture by 
sharp objects — even coarse 
grains of sand — and should be 
carefully wrapped in some 
cushioning material before 
burial. 

All guns which are to be buried 
in a sealed container should be 
carefully cleaned and oiled, in- 
side and out. Furthermore, an 
effective drying agent should be 



enclosed in the container with 
them. An ounce of unslaked lime 
(calcium oxide) or calcium 
chloride per cubic foot of con- 
tainer is adequate, and care 
should be taken to see that the 
drying agent does not come in 
contact with guns ox ammunition, 
as corrosion may result. 

Finally, as already mentioned, 
there is no need to bury all one's 
weapons as soon as they are 
outlawed, because there will 
almost certainly be a grace 
period before Fourth Amend- 
ment bars against unreasonable 



search and seizure fall, or before 
the media masters are able to 
convince the public that 
"probable cause" means a 
record of having once purchased 
or registered a firearm. But now 
is the time to make all necessary 
preparations for concealing 
arms, so that a desperate, last- 
minute rush to find proper 
containers and a suitable hiding 
place or burial spot and to solve 
other problems can be avoided. 

(Issue No. 36, 1975) 



those who see in a reawakened 
sense of White racial identity and 
solidarity the one possible threat 
to their age-old dream of world 
domination is a master stroke 



indeed. It is a move of diabolical 
cleverness in their long-practiced 
strategy of "divide and rule." 

They have succeeded in 
dividing the White race against 



itself more profoundly than in all 
the fratricidal wars they have 
previously engineered. They 
have assured that, in the coming 
war for White survival, a sub- 



stantial portion of the White race 
will be fighting on the side of the 
enemy. 

And, even more tragic, they 
will not be fighting as mer- 



cenaries—as is the case with so 
many of our "leaders" in 
Washington today — but because 
of their twisted convictions. 

(Issue No. 37, 1975) 



1,000 Whites 
Victims May 10 

An estimated 1,000 Whites were 
robbed, beaten or stabbed by 
roving bands of Black youths at a 
"Human Kindness Day" festival 
on the Washington Monument 
grounds May 10. The Saturday 
afternoon affair, featuring a 
performance by Negro rock star 
Stevie Wonder, was sponsored 
and paid for by the National Park 
Service and was attended by 
125,000 persons 
Washington 
approximately 95 
them Blacks. 

A similar "Human Kindness 
Day" festival was held in the 



from the 

area- 
per cent of 



capita] last year, and it was also 
marked by numerous assaults 
and robberies of Whites by the 
predominantly Black audience. 
The violence against Whites was 
much more vicious and extensive 
this year, however. Many Whites 
suffered fractures and con- 
cussions from being beaten with 
clubs, and a number were 
stabbed with icepicks. 

The U.S. Park Police, who 
received reports from more than 
800 Whites— 637 of whom later 
signed formal, written com- 
plaints—that they were robbed or 
assaulted or both at the festival, 
said the total number of White 
victims was at least 1,000. Police 
also confirmed that 150 Whites 
required treatment at area 



hospitals for injuries received on 
the momument grounds. 

Many Whites who were beaten 
or robbed complained that 
policemen standing nearby ob- 
served the assaults on them but 
refused to intervene or to arrest 
their assailants. Police 
responded to these charges by 
saying that they could not afford 
to "provoke" the Blacks during 
the festival, and that it was 
impossible to make arrests af- 
terward because Black witnesses 
refused to cooperate by iden- 
tifying other Blacks. 

The direct cost to taxpayers of 
the festival was $122,052, much of 
that for cleaning up the 
Monument grounds afterward. 
Among the refuse collected was 



several hundred pounds of 
human feces, even though por- 
table outdoor toilets had been 
provided. 

Although the number of 
racially motivated assaults 
during the May 10 festival ex- 
ceeded by far those of such 
nationally publicized Black- 
White confrontations as the so- 
called "freedom marches" in the 
South a decade ago, very little 
news coverage was given to the 
events of "Human Kindness 
Day" outside the Washington 
metropolitan area, 

(fssue No. 37, 1975) 




White Self-Hatred-Master 
Stroke of the Enemy 



The numerous, vicious assaults 
on Whites at the recent "Human 
Kindness Day" celebration in 
Washington (see Capital Notes) 
have been ritually deplored by 
"responsible spokesmen" from 
both the Black and White com- 
munities. Infinitely more 
deplorable, however, is the 
diabolical program of brain- 
washing which resulted in some 
five or six thousand confused; 
soul-sick young Whites showing 
up in the first place at a rock 
concert featuring a Black per- 
former, in which the over- 
whelming majority of the 
audience could be counted on to 
be Black. 

White victims interviewed 
afterward by the press were 
monotonous in their mournful 
recitations of unrequited love for 
their Black attackers. Why, they 
wanted to know, should the 
Blacks have attacked them? 

They were not racists, no in- 
deed! They loved Black people, 
Black music, everything Black! 
That was why they had gone to 
the festival, so they could share 
in "the Black experience," so 
they could gain a deeper feeling 
and understanding for their 
Black brothers and sisters, so 
they could, for a few hours, 
become Black themselves. 

Poor, sick bastards! 

One long-haired White at the 
"Human Kindness Day" event, 
Tom Altizer, 2$, a typesetter 
from Alexandria, Va., was 
knocked to the ground by Blacks, 
who then stabbed him with an 
icepick and beat him with a 
baseball bat, breaking his left 
arm at the wrist As four 



policemen led him from the 
crowd, about 100 Negro men and 
women followed, booing and 
throwing bottles. 

But in an interview with a 
Washington Post reporter af- 
terward Altizer could only 
repeat, in essence, what all the 
others had said: "I'm a pretty 
damn big defender of Black 
people." He went on mournfully, 
not quite comprehending the 
meaning of it all, "Those people 
didn't know who I was, or care. 
All they knew is that I was 
White." 

The real tragedy here is neither 
Tom Altizer's broken arm nor his 
broken heart at the failure of the 
Black mob to recognize him as a 
"defender of Black people." It is 
the loss of Tom Altizer to his own 
people, the process by which his 
natural love for his own race was 
twisted and turned into a feeling 
of guilt and self-hatred, a guilt 
and hatred which drove him to 
seek the company of Blacks and 
to offer himself as a sacrifice to 
their hostility. 

Nor are the real villains the 
Black thugs who beat Altizer, 
who blinded another White with 
an icepick, who ripped the clothes 
off White girls at the concert and 
tormented them with obscene 
threats, gestures, and fondling. 
The Blacks were only doing what 
comes naturally to them. They 
were only expressing the natural 
and healthy hostility of one kind 
of animal toward a different kind, 
when the two are forced into 
unnatural contact. 

The real villains are. the ones 
who taught those sick Whies who 
came to the rock concert to hate 



their own kind. They are the 
clever people in Hollywood and 
New York who make the unen- 
ding stream of motion pictures 
and television shows depicting 



They are the "educators"— the 
teachers and textbook writers 
and school administrators— who 
have robbed young Whites of a 
knowledge of the greatness of 



bigoted Whites attempting to hold their own race and pumped them 

and full of lies about history and 
biology, ostensibly to condition 
them better for life in a multi- 
racial society. 

They are the White show-biz 
degenerates who, in the pay of 
the media masters, sport "Afro" 
styles and Black lovers and 
publicly endorse every anti- 
White cause from Indian land- 



down noble, sensitive, 
talented Blacks. 

They are the slick men of 
Madison Avenue who have 
created a plastic ad-world 
peopled by carefree and affluent 
models of varying shades of 
pigmentation and uniform 
devotion to an integrated lifestyle 
of conspicuous consumption. 



Steven Laine, an Agriculture 
Department employee, lost his 
right eye when stabbed with an 
icepick by a gang of young Blacks 
at a May 10 "Human Kindness 
Day" festival in Washington. 
After being stabbed Laine cried 
out for help, but Black bystan- 
ders only laughed at his plight. 

seizures to Black Panther fund- 
raising drives. 

And they are the ministers and 
priests, serving not Christ but the 
Christ-killers, who preach a 
doctrine slyly designed to undo 
God's greatest piece of han- 
diwork, a piece of handiwork 
which has required millions of 
years for its slow evolution and 
which, once undone by wide-scale 
miscegenation, will be gone 
forever. 

The deliberate instilling of a 
feeling of racial guilt in Whites by 




Open Letter to the 
U.S. Congress 



All of you together are not 
solely responsible for what has 
happened to America, but each of 
you, without exception, is partly 
responsible. And the Day will 
come when each of you will be 
called to account for that 
responsibility. 

The Day will come when your 
complicity in the betrayal of the 
55,000 Americans who were 
sacrificed in Vietnam will be 
called to account. Whether you 
were a "hawk" or a "dove" will 
not carry much weight then. All 
that will matter is that you 
played politics while they were 
dying. All we will ask you Is why 
you failed in your responsibility 
to them and to America, why you 
failed to use the full power of your 
office to expose the treason of 
your colleagues. 

The, Day will come when your 
subservience to the anti- 
American "Israel lobby" will be 
called to account- Your votes to 
strip American arsenals so that 
Zionists can hold onto stolen 
land; your acquiescence in a 
policy which has turned all our 
Arab friends into enemies, 
seriously jeopardized our oil 
lifeline, and bankrupted our 
national economy — those things 
are inexcusable, and no plea that 
you "had to dto it," that the 
Jewish pressure on you was too 
great to resist, will acquit you. 

The Day will come — if 
America survives — when you 



will pay dearly for having 
weakened America and 
strengthened our communist 
enemies all over the world. And 
don't try to tell us that Henry 
Kissinger is the one to blame for 
that! You confirmed Kissinger's 
appointment knowing full well 
what his policies were. You went 
along with Kissinger. You could 
have stopped him any time you 
wanted to. 

And it was you who allowed the 
Soviet Union to overtake 
America on the seas, to whittle 
down our lead in missiles, to build 
its military might while ours 
dwindled. It was you who bought 
votes by taking money from our 
defense budget and spending it on 
"welfare" and "pork barrel" 
projects. It was you who caved in 
to the demand of the media 
liberals that we scrap military 
superiority and settle for 
"parity" with the Reds. That 
treason will cost us millions of 
lives one day, and so do not think 
that we will spare yours. 

The Day will come when , above 
all else, you will pay for 
betraying your race. Most of you 
will say that you are against the 
forced racial busing of school 
children, that you are against the 
Black terror which stalks the 
streets of our cities, that you are 
against the "reverse 

discrimination" which takes jobs 
away from Whites and gives 
them to Blacks, that you are 



against the flooding of America 
with illegal immigrants, because 
you know all these things are 
unpopular. 

But you brought every one of 
these plagues down on our heads. 
You passed the "civil rights" 
laws which gave us busing in the 
first place — and then you 
refused repeatedly to specifically 
outlaw this monstrous crime 
against our children. It was your 
scramble for Black votes and 
your cowardice in the face of the 
controlled news media which 
allowed our cities to become 
crime-infested jungles. You set 
up the requirements that em- 
ployers had to meet racial 
quotas. And you passed the 
immigration laws which started 
the flood of non-White im- 
migrants into America — a flood 
which is now out of control. 

We hold you responsible for all 
these things: for every White 
child terrorized in a racially 
mixed school, for every White 
person murdered in one of our 
urban jungles, for every White 
woman raped by one of the 
arrogant "equals" roaming our 
streets, for every White family 
hungry and desperate because a 
White worker's job was given to a 
Black. Each day the list grows 
longer, but the Day will come 
when the whole score will be 
settled and you will pay every one 
of these debts in full. 



Don't try to explain to us that 
you voted right some of the time, 
that government is a game of 
give and take, and that you had to 
vote for bad laws in order to get 
others to vote for good laws. All 
we care about is that you have 
collectively ruined America and 
put our whole race in jeopardy. 

We know what America used to 
be and what it could be today, and 
we can see what it has become 
instead — and you presided over 
that transformation. We placed 
our trust in you, we gave you the 
responsibility for our future, and 
you betrayed us. 

You know how to lie smoothly 
and convincingly, how to talk out 
of both sides of your mouth at the 
same time, how to switch sides 
without blinking an eye, but when 
the American people finally rise 
up in righteous wrath and 
demand justice, none of your 
trickery and deceit will save you. 

You may wave the flag then, 
but we will remember that when 
55,000 young Americans were 
being butchered in Vietnam 
because the American govern- 
ment imposed suicidal "Rules of 
Engagement" on them which 
gave the enemy all the ad- 
vantages you did little or nothing. 

You knew what was happening, 
and you did not shout it from the 
rooftops. You knew that our 
fighting men were being 
betrayed, and you did not attack 
the betrayers for all you were 



worth. You did not disrupt the 
councils of treason. You chose not 
to make a nuisance of yourself, to 
shout down the traitors on the 
floor of the House or the Senate, 
to give them no quarter. You 
remained a party to the treason, 
because you chose not to fight it 
so uncompromisingly that the 
chief traitors would have had 
either to back down or to expel 
you from the Congress. 

Whether you were an instigator 

of the treason or whether you just 
went along for the ride will make 
little difference to us. We will not 
listen to your explanation that 
you were really on our side all the 
time. 

We will only remember that 
when a man who once was an 
official of the Communist Party's 
lawyers' front and who was still 
an official of the Zionists' secret 
police agency, the notorious 
ADL, was nominated to be at- 
torney general of the United 
States, not one of you voted 
against him — not one! We will 
only remember that you could 
have stopped what has happened 
to America, and, for whatever 
reason, you did not. 

No, when the Day comes, we 
will not ask whether you swung to 
the right or whether you swung to 
the left ; we will simply swing you 
by the neck. 

(Issue No. 38, 1975) 




the fable of the 



Ducks and the Hens 




Many, many years ago, 

When animals could speak, 

A wondrous thing the ducks befell; 

Their tale is quite unique. 

Down by a pond dwelt all these ducks, 
Ten thousand at the least. 
Their duckish joys were undisturbed 
By any man or beast. 

One day, down near the entrance gate, 
There was an awful din. 
A hundred hens all out of breath 
Were begging to come in. 

"Oh, let us in!" the poor birds cried. 
"Before we do expire! 
"'Tis only by the merest inch 
"That we escaped the fire!" 

Their feathers singed, their combs adroop, 
They were the saddest sight. 
They'd run a hundred miles or more, 
All day and then all night. 



"Come in! Come in!" the ducks all quacked, 
"For you our hearts do bleed! 
"We'll share our happy lot with you, 
"Just tell us what you need!" 

And so the poor, bedraggled hens 
Among the ducks moved in. 
"For, after all," the ducks declared, 
"We're sisters 'neath the skin." 

Before too many months had passed, 
The hens were good as new. 
They sent for all their rooster friends, 
And these were welcomed too. 

To please their hosts, the chickens tried 

To waddle and to quack. 

To simulate the duckish ways 

They quickly learned the knack. 

This pleased the flock of ducks, because 
It gratified their pride. 
But hear my tale, and learn how they 
Got taken for a ride. 



The ducks, it seemed, spent all their time 
In fixing up the place, 
In growing food and building homes 
And cleaning every space. 

They asked the hens what they would do 
To earn their daily bread. 
"We'll teach and write and entertain, 
"And buy and sell," they said. 

And so the hens began to teach 
The baby ducks and chicks. 
They traded food and eggs and things, 
With many clever tricks. 

They wrote great books and put on shows; 

Of genius they'd no lack. 

It wasn't long till chickens owned 

The Duckville Daily Quack. 

One day a mother duck who took 
Her ducklings to the lake, 

Was flabbergasted when one said, 
"A swim I will not take!" 



"Why, ducklings always swim!" she gasped. 
"It's what you're built to do! 
"Like bunnies hop, and crickets chirp, 
"And cows 'most always moo!" 

"You're nuts!" her little son replied, 
"That stuff is all old hat! 
"It's wrong for birds to swim; besides, 
"It's damned cold on my pratt!" 

"Oh, fie!" the mother duck exclaimed, 
"You're talking like a fool!" 
Up quacked the other ducks and said, 
"He's right! We learned in school!" 

"Such things must stop!" the mother cried, 
"Those hens can't teach such lies! 
"For sheer ingratitude and nerve, 
"I'm sure this takes the prize!" 

But she was wrong, for even then 
The hens did thump the tub, 
Demanding they be let into 
The Duckville Swimming Club. 



54 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



55 



"But you don! swim!" the ducks exclaimed, "'Twere wrong to force the hens to swim, 

"To join, why should you care?" "So here's the problem's crux; 

"That's not the point!" the hens replied, "It's just as bad for hens to try 

"To exclude Us isn't fair!" "To chicken-ize our ducks!" 



The younger ducks, who'd been to school, 
Agreed right there and then: 
"To keep them out is bigotry! 
"'Twould just be anti-hen!" 

Outnumbered by the younger ducks, 
The old ducks soon did lose. 
They agreed to let the hens all in, 
II they would pay the dues. 

That night the Duckville Daily Quack 
Contained this banner spread; 
"Reactionary Ducks Are Licked! 
"Duckville Moves Ahead!" 

Down at the Duckville Gaiety, 
The young set laughed with glee, 
At cracks about "old fuddy ducks" 
In burlesque repartee. 

Next day the hens were at the club. 
A petition they'd sent 'round: 
They objected to the swimming fund 
With fury and with sound. 

"You use our dues to fix the pond, 
"To keep it neat and trim, 
"And this is wrong," they said, "because 
"You know we do not swim!" 

"God help us!" cried a wise old duck, 
"These chickens have gone mad! 
"We'll take this thing to court, by George! 
"And justice will be had!" 

But when they went up to the judge, 
Imagine their dismay! 
A chicken-Judge decreed that they 
A heavy fine must pay! 

"Minorities must have their rights!" 
The judge declared right then. 
"To use hens' dues to fix the pond 
"Is very anti-hen!" 

Once more the Duckville Dally Quack 
Emblazoned 'cross the page: 
"Old-Fogey Ducks Refuse to See 
"The Great New Coming Age!" 

In Duckvllle's church on Sunday morn, 
The preacher spoke these words, 
"Discrimination's got to stop! 
"Remember, we're all birds!" 

The wisest duck in all the town 

Sat down in black despair. 

"I'll write a book," he thought, "and then 

"This madness I will bare!" 

"Let swimmers swim, let hoppers hop, 
"Let each one go his way, 
"Let none coerce a fellow bird!" 
Was what he had to say. 



"I can't print that," the printer said, 
"'Twill put me in a mess! 
"My shop is mortgaged to the hens; 
"The chickens own my press!" 

This worried duck then tried to warn 

His friends by speech and pen, 

But young ducks fresh from school just jeered. 

"He's a vicious anti-hen!" 

Now up the stream a little way 
Was Gooseville, on the lake. 
The hens had come to Gooseville too, 
But the geese were more awake. 

When the hens began to spoil the young, 
And Gooseville's laws to flout, 
The geese rose up in righteous wrath 
And simply threw them out. 

Of course you know where they all ran ; 
On Duckville they converged. 
"We've got to take these refugees," 
Was what the hens all urged. 

The Duckville Daily Quack declared: 
"These geese will stop at naught! 
"They plan to conquer all the World! 
"Atrocities they've wrought!" 

"That's right!" the young ducks all agreed, 
"We'll help our fellow birds! 
"These geese have plans to conquer us I 
"We've read the Quack's own words!" 

They let the hens from Gooseville in, 
The whole bedraggled pack. 
And every hen took up a job 
On Duckville's Dally Quack! 

When Duckville's mayor's term was up, 

The Quack put up its duck. 

A vain and stupied duck was he, 

A veritable cluck! 

But when he praised the wild young ducks, 
And cursed the evil geese, 
The Quack declared he was all-wise; 
His praise would never cease. 

The hens chipped in to help this cluck 
Give grain away for free. 
The old ducks sadly shook their heads; 
The writing they could see. 

And, sure enough, this stupid duck, 
He was elected mayor, 
From this point on, the Duckville ducks, 
They never had a prayer. 

The mayor said, "Gooseville must go! 
"We'll wipe them off the map!" 
While Duckville slept, the scheming hens 
For Gooseville set a trap. 



They called the geese by filthy names; 
They filled their pond with sticks. 
They helped the weasels catch the geese, 
And other hennish tricks. 

The geese got mad and threw some rocks. 
"It's war!" the Quack announced. 
"We ducks must fight those evil geese 
"'Till they've been soundly trounced!" 

The ducks (who knew not of the tricks 
Indulged in by the mayor) 
Were filled with patriotic zeal, 
And pitched right in for fair! 

Now when the ducks had whipped the geese, 
The mayor called "Retreat!" 
"Our hennish friends should really take 
"Gooseville's big main street!" 

The hens were back in Gooseville now. 
They starved and beat the geese. 
They prayed for peace— but organized 
The "Hennish Armed Police!" 

They drained the Gooseville swimming pond; 
They de-goose-ified the schools; 
They wrung the neck of Gooseville's mayor 
On lately made-up rules. 

They formed a council of the hens: 
"United Birds" the name. 
The other birds who joined the thing 
Did not perceive the game. 

No sooner had they set this up, 
Than they announced their plan 
To seize up Swan vi lie as a home 
For all their hennish clan. 

They took a vote amongst the hens, 
And every one approved! 
"Swanville was for hens!" they said, 
"Way back, before we moved." 

And so they kicked the swans all out 
With Duckville's help and power, 
And Duckville couldn't understand 
Why swans on them turned sour. 

By this time, Duckville was a mess; 
The young ducks had gone mad. 
They stole and laughed at truth and law; 
They went completely bad. 

The hens were selling loco weed 
In every nasty den. 
But ducks who dared to mention this 
Were labelled "anti-hen." 

The hens all preached of tolerance. 
They invoked the Golden Rule, 
But they subsidized the Indigent, 
The greedy, and the fool. 

At last the very dumbest ducks 
Began to smell a rat. 
"This mayor is no good!" they cried, 
"And we will soon fix that!" 



But the hens had planned for even this; 
A candidate they had 
Whom even wise old ducks believed 
Just never could be bad. 

This hen-tool duck had whipped the geese; 
A soldier-duck was he. 

Although the hens had set him up, 
The ducks all thought him free. 

This hen-tool got elected, 
Through ignorance and greed, 
Through hennish lies in press and speech, 
Through bribes of chicken feed. 

The hens now kicked the ducks around 
Without a blush of sname, 
Until the mayor ran the town 
In nothing else but name. 

They pumped the swimming pool all dry; 
They taught the ducks to crow. 
While duckish numbers dwindled, 
The hens' began to grow. 

The hens stirred up the happy crows 
From out the piney wood, 
To come and mix with all the ducks 
In the name of brotherhood. 

Things got so bad that fifty ducks 
Who knew of days gone by 
Took up their wives and children 
And decided that they'd fly. 

They flew through storm and tempest; 
They froze, and many died. 
But on they drove, until, at last, 
A lovely lake they spied. 

They settled down exhausted, 
But soon went straight to work 
To build and clear and cultivate. 
No danger did they shirk. 

Now, after many years of toil, 

This little band had grown. 

The fields around were full of grain 

From seeds that they had sown. 

The first ducks now were long since dead; 
Their struggles long had ceased. 
Through hard work and suffering, 
Their joys had been increased. 

One day near the entrance gate 
There was an awful din; 
A hundred hens, all out of breath, 
Were begging to come in. 

"Oh, let us in!" the poor birds cried, 
"Before we do expire! 

'"Tis only by the merest inch " 

And now our tale repeats itself entire. 

G. L, Rockwell 

1918-1967 

{Issue No. 38, 1975) 



Not A Dime's Worth 
of Difference 



"America must outlaw racism. 
Only then can we proceed with 
the realization of our plans. . . . 
The elimination of racism has 
priority, ..." 

Policy statement of McGovern 
fo^ President Committee. 



"Most dangerous of all (to our 
interests) is the racist idea. . . . 
(our) interests are best 
guaranteed by eliminating 
racism, root and branch, from 
every aspect of American life." 

Speech of National Chairman 
Henry Winston at I !J72 national 
convention of the Communist 
Party, USA. 



"Von know that I have done more 
to eliminate racism (than anyone 
else) ... All my life I have been 
opposed to (racism) . . . and now I 
am doing something about it." 

Itichavd Milhous Nixon, ad- 
dressing Americans on busing 
issue. 

{Issue No. 14, 1972) 




Two Minutes Hate 



{Issue No. 32, 1975) 



In 1984, the well-known political 
horror-fantasy by George Orwell, 
it was called the Two Minutes 
Hate. At eleven o'clock each 
morning the workers in all 
government offices assembled in 
front of television screens for a 
sensitivity-training session in 
which they released their pent-up 
hostilities and became, thereby, 
better-adjusted subjects of Big 
Brother. 

In 1975 they don't call it the Two 
Minutes Hate, but it amounts to 
exactly the same thing. Federal 
employees are increasingly being 
forced to submit to mind-bending 
group-therapy sessions designed 
to suppress "undesirable" at- 
titudes — primarily attitudes 
toward members of racial- 
minority groups — and mold 
their psyches in directions 
deemed more suitable by the 
clever people who plan the 
therapy sessions. 

Beginning (appropriately) in 
the Department of Health, 
Education, and Welfare and the 
now-defunct Office of Economic 
Opportunity a few years ago, the 
government's sensitivity- 
training program is gradually 
being extended to other Federal 
agencies, both in Washington and 
in the boondocks. 

Many government workers are 
complaining about this not-very- 
subtle program of thought con- 
trol, but a recent decision in the 
case of an employee at the 
Watervliet (NY) Arsenal in- 
dicates that Big Brother is 
determined to press on. 

Backed by his union, the 
American Federation of 
Government Employees, the 
Watervliet Arsenal employee 
argued that the government 
unjustly suspended him from his 
job without pay when he refused 
to attend sensitivity-training 
sessions which had been 
scheduled for workers at the 
arsenal. 

A Federal labor arbitrator, 
Nathan Cohen, ruled against the 
union and the employee, saying 
the government has the right to 
enforce attendance and punish 
employees who do not go to the 
sessions. Cohen's ruling will not 
halt all employee resistance to 
compulsory sensitivity training, 
but it will give the government an 
advantage in being able to 
threaten with dismissal all 
Federal workers who balk. 

The Federal thought-control 
program is most solidly 
established in the Department of 
Defense. Under Secretary of 
Defense James Schlesinger 
sensitivity training has been 
institutionalized in each of the 
armed services as a mandatory 
part of the training of all per- 
sonnel. 

Some of the "shock 
techniques" used in earlier 
military sensitivity-training 
sessions are primarily respon- 
sible for the notoriety the 
program has received. Stripped 
of all insignia of rank, officers 



OUT WITH 
- IN WITH 



THE OLD 
THE NEW! 




and enlisted personnel, Black and 
White, male and female, were 
herded into classrooms and 
subjected to various experiences 
designed to rub their noses 
collectively in the filth of 
racemixing. 

In some sessions Black in- 
structors would scream ob- 
scenities at White participants 
and encourage them to 
reciprocate: "You White honky 
motherfucker, call me a nigger! 
Come on, you honky bastard, 
you're thinking 'nigger'; now say 
it!" The idea was to bring latent 
racial hostility to the surface, so 
that it could be dissipated. 

In one Navy program at 
Charleston, S.C., a Black in- 
structor took a White female 
assistant to the front of the class 
and fondled and kissed her, after 
a series of obscene "bedroom" 
remarks. The Navy received 
such strenuous objections to this 
program that it was temporarily 
halted. 

But Federal psychologists have 
found that they are able to 
achieve their purpose just as well 
with more subtle techniques. One 
"final exam" devised by the 
mind-controllers, for example, 
simply involves passing a soft 
drink around the sensitivity- 
training classroom. Anyone in 
the racially mixed group who 
declines to take a drink from the 
common bottle Is considered to 
have flunked. 

Herd instinct — the drive to 
conform to group standards — is 
very powerful, and Big Brother's 



experts have learned how to 
manipulate it in such a way that 
they can modify the opinions and 
attitudes of their subjects. The 
basic method used is to strip the 
individual's personality naked, to 
deprive him of his privacy, to 
make him bare his innermost 
thoughts and feelings — and then 
to apply overwhelming pressure 
to him to make those thoughts 
and feelings conform to those of 
the others in the group. In the 



context of the sensitivity-training 
class, to be non-conforming is 
equivalent to being anti-social. 
And the method works. Only 
persons of extraordinarily strong 
will and personality are immune 
to its effects. 

Unfortunately, employees of 
the Federal government are not 
the only persons being subjected 
to the new thought-control 
program; workers in some in- 
dustrial plants with Federal 
contracts are also being required 
to attend therapy sessions. 
Worse, pilot programs have been 
established in a number of the 
nation's high schools. 

Whereas the program for 
adults aims primarily at keeping 
natural racial hostilities in check, 
the high school programs are 
more ambitious. Their purpose is 
to utterly destroy any sense of 
racial identity in young Whites, to 
nip in the bud any incipient 
feeling of racial pride and 
replace it instead with self-hatred 
and guilt. The sensitivity trainers 
want to produce a new generation 
of racially castrated Whites — 
raceless White zombies who will 
blend unobtrusively into the 
multi-racial future they are 
planning for America. 

In most cases the high school 
programs have adopted formats 
rather similar to the adult 
program, except that they have 
taken full advantage of the 
greater impressionability of their 
participants. But the thought- 
controllers are always ex- 
perimenting, attempting to 
improve their craft. 

One of their newer inventions is 
a "White studies" course for the 
White minority at the mostly 
Black Berkeley (CA) High 
School. It is called "What Is 
White?" 

As proudly reported in the June 
30 issue of Newsweek, the course 
complements "Black studies" 



courses in which Black students 
are taught that the only reason 
their race has a record of failure 
and lack of achievement 
throughout history is that the 
wicked and greedy Whites have 
held them back. Berkeley's new 
"White studies" course teaches 
young Whites that they must 
accept the -|uilt for White 
repression of non-White races 
and try to make it up to them. 

"After exploring such topics as 
prejudice and white culture," 
reports Newsweek, the White 
students "come around to the 
view that the white man's burden 
of guilt for America's im- 
perfections is really an op- 
portunity and that there is much 
whites can do to help because of 
their position in society." 

One student who took the 
course, 17-year-old Anthony 
Cody, said: "I feel better about 
being white now. The course gave 
me the ability to deal with it." 

When the time comes to settle 
scores in America, there will be 
no place in hell hot enough for the 
depraved creatures responsible 
for destroying the racial con- 
sciousness of these White boys 
and girls. Meanwhile, however, 
the thought-controllers are going 
ahead as fast as prudence allows, 
and the number of young people 
being subjected to their program 
is growing at an alarming rate. 

Unless Americans who still 
have the capacity to think for 
themselves act soon, that 
capacity may be taken from 
them; certainly it will be taken 
from their children. Unless we 
upset Big Brother's plans, 1984 
may be here in less than nine 
years. 

{Issue No. 39, 1975) 



Ttie Federal IH 



wary 

«1jl ''Vl.ljiifltl,;.; 



.jpjp msHmortttf POST r^tm*******,*** ||0 : 



*| i|H ' I lH I I. 



ArbMvrBvcksRmaRelaMom Studies 




^ l«#fAl arbiter has ruled: 
that faak*$ad-jflie (fovemmeot 
*o*Jter* may be forced to attend 
race relations and eo;uaJ em* 
pjoyment opportunity seiahttp 
sponsored by their ageneies for 
olvilian $«pervi*ors or miliary 
'pereotinei. " 

The deeisloacaj^la tb* *#&.■ 
of » Water*! jet (NcY.y Arses*! 
employee; who balked at tne re- 

Suirement that he attend aehsi* 
yftx trsi»mg iesiloas sobed* 



I Arbitrator #8thsa Coheu |td^ employees who s»t- Tbat announcement, j&igt 
{roladagain*tU>euiltonaudthe tended the government'fpoB- ^aT*ao»ei»ter*itffrajttt»*t25 
fMiPN**. saying Mi govern- sored wrustovttsi jjeauoas Mid t~ 
went h*d the right toenforeea* they benefited from what they 
tendance and aumsh employee* learned* But some auestiotttbe 

fhft did not go to the «mo»3r :M&t expense :»W location •*!; ■$mmto6Hto»tffitito*iMmm2t 
;fW#»; aaid ib* union; wa* aoate ottbe meet^ 
'tnwteien fn tw-esoitiig tliiai^laeK^U^iehvahdwoiMiti: 
fajiring , . . caa eaty be . . .so. -objected to what tfaev coosid^ 
directly Related as^tUorecy e*ed mm HMrCm^' used 
f^; subject atatters ' W&-W,fy^y*i&'ij^<i&&. ' 
ttamwof*, cooperation and '-1ft 'recent -years, agencies have 
reductive bebsvioree tb*foh. asted trainer* to toae down pe* 
"We have long since pawed tentialiy objectionable JBetfcw 
the >J»s£r Cohen's opinion a ad stick to Wore ttaditionsl 
i^dsY ?tfben o!ii?the^ob: : '*?^^ practices. 



^consisted only of training % 
he*; to use your Rtecilaicat 
tool*. 10 



iioostoeaiployees, but can alas 
require the© to attend pro- 
grams; leading to their pmies" 
stonai "development." 
The number of *seasitl*Uy> 



Money ior training, mi renting »attd. 



outside facilities, has also been 
cut mi this ihas contributed to 



Cobee s«td the «o^rnr/ieniith* decline in semWvitj* s«s- 
cannot only gH-e "tra iiung'' ses-jsioh* 



aecre^r : ief^b6*^n^ : (i4^)^- 
tfative a**i#aj&ia who rw^faw ' 
wwelyed downgtadiaf noifc** 5 



Itevy p$k ! tbe.,u«ittm •» 11* 
: portedvht^e V: ^ : ii. after one 
mtam ankedthjt her job beup* 
graded, Instead, JUvy (not the 
^VJl Service GuMaiwjion) aaid 
the job should hd *ttfcack front 






a Grade Ttvi Grade*. T&en *f. 

teradeskeMit^^^johl^lttw 
decided that 125 ahoajd be de- 



Secretary. Geaeraf ' Semee* 
Administration has a lab (bids 



' *»3M*tt# ^secretary , ; <?a» 



Secretaries at the Navy xtm 
jandfo other government office* 

a^lftitfo^a oyer the downgrade 
ij&fhe y *e* : tt;*ai*bre*t t&& 
their jobs; and wonder *fcen 
somt ^ale-dominated rcwopa-: 



^oteL;priday^ ;fot a : ;(^ade|^ i^nrand grad* ^pJt^flvfilaiiS: 



iMidesllttaty, ^ will receive cat* ol 
the *ni»e magnitude. 



WASHINGTON POST story tells of Nathan Cohen decision compelling Federal workers to submit to 
sensitivity-training sessions, Applying many of the same techniques which were used to brainwash 
American POW's in communist prison camps in Korea and Vietnam, Federal psychologists are able 
to control attitudes and opinions with a high degree of success. These techniques are also being used 
in high schools now to "adjust" White students to a multiracial environment. 



56 






THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

The Law of the Land 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



A nauseatingly familiar 
spectacle of our times is one of 
our elected "leaders," whether 
President Gerald Ford or Boston 
Mayor Kevin White, appearing 
01T television and solemnly an- 
nouncing that he is as opposed to 
the forced racial busing of school 
children as anyone, but that it is 
"the law of the land." The im- 
plication, of course, is that "the 
law of the land" is something 
sacred, which every right- 
thinking citizen must meekly 
accept and quietly obey. 

Now, it is true that the orders 
issued by any old man in a black 
robe who has been appointed to a 
Federal court by the politicians 
in Washington have the force of 
law, regardless of how 
outrageous or immoral or 
socially disruptive those orders 
may be — provided only that 
some other old man appointed to 
a higher Federal court by the 
politicians in Washington doesn't 
overrule him. Under the present 
American system of government, 
Federal judges are the wielders 
of awesome power. 

It is also true that Americans 
have a long and deeply rooted 
tradition of respect for law. All 
the peoples of northern Europe, 
from whom most White 
Americans are descended, have 
similar traditions of obedience to 
the legally constituted 
authorities. It is this tradition 
which is being invoked when the 
politicians urge us to do as the old 
men in the black robes order us, 
like it or not. Either we are law- 
abiding citizens, and we obey, or 
we are lawbreakers — criminals. 

At least, that's the way it used 
to be. But, alas, life is no longer 
so simple these days. Thirty 
years ago, in Nuremberg, Ger- 
many, we and our wartime allies 



donned black robes and ruled 
that there is a higher law than the 
laws written by Congresses, 
Parliaments, and Reichstags. 

Every man, we ruled, is bound 
by this higher law. When it 
conflicts with written laws, then 
we must disobey those written 
laws, On the basis of our ruling at 
Nuremberg we than proceeded to 
hang by the neck until dead more 
than 5,000 law-abiding German 
soldiers and civilians. Their 
"crime" had been to faithfully 
obey the laws of their land. 

More recently the precedents 
established at Nuremberg have 
been applied in this country — 
selectively, to be sure. For 
example, the members of our 
armed forces have been in- 
structed that they must not obey 
"immoral" orders from their 
commanding officers, and they 
are subject to punishment if they 
do. On the other hand, if they 
guess wrong and refuse to obey a 
"moral" order, they will also be 
punished. 

The situation Is at least as 
confusing for civilians. They are 
taught in school that, as 
American citizens, they have 
certain inalienable rights and 
that those rights are set forth in 
the U.S. Constitution, the highest 
law of the land. When a citizen, 
who has noted that the Con- 
stitution assures him that "the 
right of the people to keep and 
bear arms shall not be in- 
fringed," is confronted with a 
myriad of Federal, state, and 
local laws which do, indeed, 
infringe that right, what is he to 
do? Many of those who reasoned 
that the Constitution has 
precedence and then acted ac- 
cordingly are now reflecting on 
their error behind prison bars. 



The same is true of those who 
reasoned, on Constitutional 
grounds, that the Federal 
government cannot legally 
compel them to rent a house they 
own to someone not of their own 
choosing, or to admit someone 
not of their own choosing into 
their lodge or craft guild or place 
of business, or to fill out a Form 
1040 each April. 

Actually, it shouldn't be con- 
fusing at all. There is a very 
simple common denominator 
which resolves all these apparent 
contradictions. It is this: the 
concept of "a rule of laws, not of 
men" is a myth, a fiction 
maintained by America's rulers 
to deceive those who are ruled. 

The politicians and the media 
masters understand this. That is 
why they raised such a fuss a few 
years back when Mr. Nixon tried 
to put a couple of "conservative" 
judges on the Supreme Court, and 
it is why they were so disap- 
pointed when the secret 
wheelings and dealings of Mr. 
Johnson's appointee to be Chief 
Justice, Abe Fortas, came to 
light and forced his resignation. 
They understand that it is not 
what the Constitution says that is 
important, but what the political 
appointees in black robes say it 
says. 

Thus, the victorious democrats 
and communists did not hang 
Germans for obeying German 
laws or for disobeying the ex post 
facto laws passed at Nuremberg. 
We hanged them because they 
lost the war and were no longer 
capable of protecting themselves 
from our hatred and thirst for 
vengeance. We hanged them for 
the same reason we raped their 
women and gave half their 
country away, namely, because 



after the war we had guns and 
they didn't. 

It is for the same reason that 
the Internal Revenue Service 
never has to lose a moment's 
sleep worrying about the in- 
volved Constitutional arguments 
of various tax protestors, so long 
as the IRS is on good terms with 
the various political appointees in 
black robes who sit in the tax 
courts. Simply stated, the In- 
terna] Revenue Service and its 
friends in the courts have more 
muscle than all the "tax strike" 
groups put together, and so it 
really doesn't matter what the 
Constitution says. 

That is why J. Stanley Pot- 
linger, the smirking little Jew 
who heads the Justice Depart- 
ment's Civil Rights Division, can 
strut arrogantly around Boston, 
ordering White children into 
Black schools and arresting any 
parents who raise a fuss about it. 
He has an army of gunmen — 
armed Federal marshals — to 
protect him and to enforce his 
orders for him, and Boston's 
White parents do not. 

And that is why the politicians 
in Washington can calmly go 
ahead with their plans to send 
American "technicians" to the 
Middle East and to empty our 
treasury and strip our arsenals 
for the sake of the Israelis, 
despite the overwhelming op- 
position of the American people 
to these ihings. The people may 
not like it, but the politicians and 
the media masters, not the 
people, are the ones with the 
muscle. 

And is it ever otherwise? Is it 
possible to govern a people by 
Iheir informed consent, to have a 
legal system based on something 
other than superior force? The 



answer is "yes" — when certain 
conditions are met: when the 
written law — the acts passed by 
Congress and the rulings issued 
by judges — corresponds with the 
moral sense of the people, with 
their traditions, with their 
deepest feelings of what is right 
and proper; when it corresponds 
with the people's common law, 
which is the set of unwritten rules 
which has evolved organically 
along with a people over the 
millennia, so that it is an integral 
part of that people's cultural and 
spiritual heritage. Then — and 
only then — can it rightly be 
called "the law of the land," to 
which every man owes 
obedience. 

But these conditions do not 
prevail in America today, and so 
we do not have a "rule of law," 
but a tyranny. Under the present 
System, whoever is in a position 
to give the orders to the largest 
number of hired gunmen is the 
man whose view of what is 
"legal" prevails. So long as no 
one with more hired gunmen 
opposes him, he can order 
children bused and private 
property confiscated and the 
right to bear arms infringed and 
the patrimony of the people 
turned over to an alien power. 

But let us also remember this : 
to defy a tyrant, to refuse to obey 
his edicts, to kill him or his en- 
forcement agents, while it may 
be "illegal," is not contrary to the 
law of our land, in the truest 
sense of that phrase. Indeed, it is 
in harmony with that higher law 
to which we are all subject, the 
higher law under which 
obedience to tyrants and 
collaboration with their ageni> 
are themselves crimes. 

(Issue .\n, 40, 1975) 



Tests Show 
Students Learning Less 







For the thirteenth straight 
year, graduating high school 
seniors in 1975 were dumber than 
those of the year before. Nearly 
one million college-bound seniors 
took the Scholastic Aptitude 
Tests (SAT) offered by the 
College Entrance Examination 
Board this year, and their scores 
were the lowest which have been 
recorded since the SATs were 
first offered more than 20 years 
ago. The scores began dropping 
in 1963 and have fallen each year 
since then, with a particularly 
sharp decline this year. 

The tests measure 

mathematical reasoning ability 
and "verbal skills"— i.e., the 
ability to understand written 
English— and College Board 
staffers who have been studying 
and analyzing the declining 
scores for the past few years are 
convinced the slump is not the 
result of technicalities in the 
tests. 

"There is a decline in the 
verbal and mathematical 



reasoning ability among those 
who choose to take the SATs," 
concluded Carol Hal stead of the 
College Board. Other educators 
across the nation have been 
forced to the same conclusion. 

"The verbal skills of students 
have gone down incredibly in the 
last 10 years," said Dr. Shirley 
Kenny, head of the University of 
Maryland's English department. 

At the University of Wisconsin, 
where prospective journalism 
students are required to take a 
qualifying examination in 
English usage, the failure rate 
has increased from 25 per cent of 
those taking the exam in 1971 to 
60 per cent this year. "Students 
are not convinced they need to 
know how to write," said 
Wisconsin English Professor 
William Lenehan. 

The same, sad story is told at 
the country's prestige schools: 
"There has to be some truth in 
the statements that the writing 
experience of our students is not 
as rich as it used to be,'" said 



Donald Dickason, Cornell 
University's dean of admissions. 
"Our students are following the 
national trends, although at a 
slower rate." 

The sharp national decLine in 
the ability of college-bound high 
school graduates to reason 
mathematically and to read and 
write can be explained in part by 
the increasing number of 
Negroes who are being recruited 
by U.S. colleges and universities, 
under pressure from the Federal 
government. As the percentage 
of Negro students taking the 
SATs has risen, the average 
scores have fallen. It is in the 
abstract mental processes tested 
by the SATs that Negroes suffer 
their most severe genetic 
shortcoming. 

But the scores of White 
students have also been falling, 
and this can only be attributed to 
two things: growing alienation, 
which is affecting every segment 
of our society, and a declining 



habit of self-discipline among 
young people* 

In a sense, however, both these 
factors are related to the racial 
factor. Alienation is the 
inevitable consequence of the 
destruction of a racially 
homogeneous environment, while 
the decline in self-discipline has 
followed the catastrophic 
disruption of external discipline 
in America's racially mixed 
schools. 

The ability for self-discipline— 
the most important and valuable 
ability an individual can 
acquire— is developed most 
readily in an orderly, disciplined 
environment. The disappearance 
of the latter— completely aside 
from racial considerations— is 
not unrelated, of course, to the 
rise of neo-liberalism as the 
dominant factor in the philosophy 
of the American educational 
"Establishment" in recent 
decades. The liberal instinctively 
abhors all authority, structure, 
form, order, discipline. 



But the growing formlessness 
of school curricula and teaching 
methods is being accelerated by 
the influx of Blacks into formerly 
White schools. Since Negro 
children score lower on tests and 
fail courses more often than 
White children, the educators 
have decided that tests are 
"culturally biased" against 
Negroes and that course grades 
are "unfair." 

For a child, Black or White, to 
be given a grade lower than sorr.< 
other child is running the risk of 
damaging the child's self-esteem 
they reason. Thus grows tne 
"fun-and-games" approach to 
education. 

Since Blacks simph are not 
equipped by Nature to cope with 
the abstract reasoning requited 
to solve problems in algebra or 
prove theorems in geometry, 
educators have begun shifting 
away from the former stress on 
problem -solving, with 
requirements for sufficient lR * 



acquire a rigorous mastery of 
subject matter. Instead, the 
emphasis is now being placed on 
such ill-defined qualities as 
student "originality" and 
"creativity," Students are given 



a superficial overview of subject 
matter and misled into believing 
that they have mastered it, 

School courses in the 
humanities are suffering a fate 
similar to the sciences: Since 



Black students find it hard to 
maintain much interest in history 
courses which deal almost ex- 
clusively with White civilization, 
history is being de-emphasized 
for all students. Instead of being 



required to study the past, with 
its vital lessons for the present, 
students are allowed to enroll in 
"Modern Ceramics" or "Art 
Forms in the Cinema." Needless 
to say, Black performance in 




RUSSIAN SCHOOLCHILDREN still have the benefits of order and 
discipline in their classrooms, not to mention a greatly superior racial 
environment. The slack-jawed "do your own thing" philosophy of U.S. 
advocates of race-mixing and permissiveness has been rejected, by 



Soviet educators. They are training a generation of disciplined, hard- 
working, self-confident men and women to take up the role of world 
leadership which America is letting slip from its grasp. 



57 

such "fun" courses much more 
nearly equals White performance 
than in the older curriculum. 

With the same result in mind, 
educators are looking for 
alternatives to the SATs. "If the 
skills demanded by these tests 
(SATs) are what it takes to get 
through college, then maybe it's 
the colleges that ought to 
change," says David Darland, on 
official of the neo-liberal 
National Education Association. 
And so a Federally subsidized 
program has recently developed 
a new set of tests— the National 
Assessment Tests (NAT) — which 
are claimed to be more 
"relevant" than the SATs. 

The NATs have been designed 
to measure student mastery of 
such basic "life skills" as in- 
terpreting highway signs, giving 
correct change, telling time, 
understanding road maps, using 
telephone directories, and 
reading advertisements. Much to 
the disappointment of the NATs' 
designers, however, the gap 
between Black and White per- 
formance on the new tests 
remains nearly as large as on the 
SATs. In 1974, for example, the 
NATs were given to 5,200 17-year- 
old high school juniors. Of these, 
93.8 per cent of the Whites were 
able to achieve a passing score of 
75 per cent, while only 62 per cent 
of the Blacks passed. 

It seems clear that all such 
misguided efforts to establish 
educational "equality" between 
Blacks and Whites are doomed to 
failure by the unavoidable facts 
of biological inequality. The 
professed equalitarian goal of "a 
quality education for all children, 
regardless of race" is being 
exposed as a hypocritical sham, 
as its advocates continue to 
undermine the quality of 
education for all children. 

The truly horrendous result of 
the destruction of America's 
schools by racial mixing and 
permissiveness is that we are 
now raising a generation of White 
Americans who cannot compete 
in an increasingly dangerous and 
hostile world. 

(Issue No. 40, 1975) 



Does America Deserve to Live? 



Elsewhere in this ATTACK! is 
an article about the loss of 
freedom of the press in Britain 
and Canada. These are freedoms 
which were once greatly 
cherished by the ancestors of the 
present inhabitants of those two 
countries. Today, however, their 
passing is hardly noticed. 

The average Englishman may 
be furious with his government 
for insisting- that he admit 
''sambos" and "wogs" into, his- 
social clubs, but he couldn't, care 
less that his government is 
preparing to jail writers who 
warn of the growing power of 
organized Jewry. After all, he 
himself ordinarily reads nothing 
but the results of the latest soccer 
match. And when he is in the 
mood for something more, the 
same paperback romances will 
always be available at the 
nearest book stall. 

While the Canadian police 
launch nighttime raids on the 
homes at citizens, suspected of 
owning "racist" literature, the 



average Canadian remains 
unconcerned. He is sure that the 
victims of these raids are "ex- 
tremists" — odd people who 
make a fuss about the most 
uninteresting things and only 
cause trouble for decent folk. 
Certainly, his daily newspaper or 
the TV would tell him if it were 
anything for him to be alarmed 
about. 

Those Britons and Canadians 
with more insight than the Andy 
Capps, the doctors and the 
lawyers and the other members 
of the educated elite, can see the 
danger — that is, those of them 
who are willing to look. But they, 
too, remain silent. They feel that 
they cannot afford to provoke the 
powers that be. They have their 
investments to think about. 
Besides, they have always looked 
down their noses at the crude, 
physical tactics of those who 
oppose their governments'- racial 
policies. 

Britain is a much older country 
than America. And, in a sense, 



Canada, with her closer ties to 
the mother country, is older than 
America too. But Britain and 
Canada are only a few years 
ahead of America in their slide 
into alien-dominated police 
states, and the gap is shrinking. 
Britain began dismembering 
her empire immediately after 
World War II, having been 
prepared for every sort of folly by 
five years of grotesquely 
demagogic, misrule during that 
catastrophieally fratricidal war. 
It teok the United States another 
quarter of a century to reduce her 
own International position to the 
same shambles. But the 



freedoms which Britons and 
Canadians are giving up today 
without a whimper Will very 
likely be given up by Americans 
with ho more fuss within the next 
four or five years. 

And sofew voices are raised in 
protest! And of those- who do 
protest, are there any, besides 
those in the National Alliance, 
who say qlearly and openly and 
loudly — who shout for all the 
world to hear — that the corrupt 
and racially destructive System 
which rules this nation must be 
overthrown by whatever means 
are necessary, if White America 
is to survive? 



"Should we hold in any less esteem 

the man who does nothing because he 
is brainwashed than the man who is 



enlightened and still does nothing? 



*$ 



No, we are the only ones. 

And yet there are millions — 
yes, literally millions — of 
Americans who understand what 
we are saying and agree with us, 
but who will do nothing, I have 
lost count of the number of times 
someone has come up to me after 
one of our public meetings, or on 
the street, and has said how much 
he liked a certain article in 
ATTACK ! 

"Oh, are you one of our local 
members?" I have answered. 
"No? Then are you an ATTACK! 
subscriber?" 

The response is nearly always 
the same. He is not a subscriber, 
I either; he bought an ATTACK! 
on the street, or a friend showed 
him one. Hecannot.be a member 
or a subscriber, he explains; 
because he .is worried that the 
workers hv the, post office will 
report to the* &Bt that he is 
receiving mail from the National 
Alliance. And he has a family to 
support, Or a government job. Or 
investments. Or something else. 



58 

Sometimes the fear is not so 
well crystallized — just a general 
wariness about becoming "in- 
volved." 

This same gentleman — or lady 
— will then chatter on about how 
stupid Americans are, how 
brainwashed, and how important 
it is for the National Alliance 
(i.e., for us, not the lady or 
gentleman in question) to con- 
tinue reaching more and more of 
these benighted citizens and 
waking them up, 

I usually restrain myself from 
asking what good it is to wake 
someone up, to arm him with the 
truth, if he will not then have the 
moral strength to use the weapon 
We have given him? 

And, in general, should we hold 
in any less esteem the man who 
does nothing because he is 
brainwashed than the man who is 
enlightened and still does 
nothing? 

Should it not be the other way? 

Is it any nobler for America to 



Book Review 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACKS. AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



die of cowardice rather than 
ignorance? 

Inhere are exceptions, of 
course. Some do have the 
courage of their convictions. 
Some are willing to become in- 
volved in a cause in which they 
believe, and the government 
snoops be damned! Some" do 
become members of the National 
Alliance, and in that fact alone 
lies our hope for the future. 

What is profoundly disturbing, 
however, is that there are so 
many who understand, yet so few 
who are willing — so many with a 
factually correct assessment of 
the situation, yet so few with the 
strength of character to stand up 
and be counted among the 
righteous. Even more disturbing 
is the thought that we know how 
to cure ignorance, but we are 
■much less sure that we know how 
to change character, how to 
restore lost manhood. 

A careful reading of the 
histories of other nations teaches 



us that it has always been so. 
There have always been only a 
tiny few who have been willing to 
take the chances and make the 
sacrifices upon which the fates of 
all their fellows have depended. 

So long as those few were 
enough, the nations survived and 
pr6spered. When those few were 
too few, they went under. 

When Rome was young there 
were always enough true 
Romans to assure her success 
and prosperity. Later, however, 
the Romans abandoned the faith 
of their fathers, squandered their 
patrimony, and became corrupt 
and decadent. 

There came a time when the 
descendants of the warrior race 
which built Rome were out- 
numbered by their slaves and by 
the aliens of every hue, from 
every corner of the empire, who 
swarmed in her streets. Even 
those Romans whose blood had 
not been tainted were tainted in 
spirit. Addicted to soft comforts, 



distracted by inane recreations, 

they had grown more skillful at 
the crooked arts of the 
marketplace and the law court 
than at the martial arts, readier 
to calculate a profit or spin some 
legal sophistry from thin air than 
to wield their swords. 

The few Romans who raised 
their voices in warning of. the 
danger brought by this 
decadence were ignored by their 
fellows , who were too muddled by 
the conflicting babble to un- 
derstand their words, too jaded 
and self-centered to care about 
them, and too timid to act on 
them. And so Rome fell. 

And, from the long viewpoint of 
History, that was right and 
proper. Those nations live which 
deserve to live, and those die 
which deserve to die. 

Does America — does the West 
— deserve to live? Does our race 
deserve to live? 

That question has not yet been 
answered, but History is deciding 



the verdict now, and we will know 
it soon enough . We will find out in 
the next few years whether the 
enemies of the West will have as 
easy a time disarming and 
silencing Americans as they are 
now having with Britons and 
Canadians. 

In the days ahead the righteous 
will be separated from the 
unrighteous, and there will be a 
counting of heads. Then we will 
see whether the few are too few. 

And if they are too few, then 
nothing will save us. Our souls 
will have been tried and found 
wanting. Our race will become 
amalgamated with the mud- 
races of this earth, and the Great 
Experiment will be over. And 
justice will have been done. 

(Issue No. 41, 1975) 



Unless we cure ourselves... 




The Camp of the Saints, by 
Jean Raspail, translated by 
Norman Shapiro, published by 
Charles Scribner's Sons, $8.95. 

1 began reading The Camp of 
the Saints after a long and tiring 

day. Although I promised myself 
only a few chapters before 
retiring, I remained in the grip of 
Jean Raspail's forceful, 
apocalyptic narrative until dawn. 
] finished it in one sitting. 

That was almost a month ago. 
Since then I've read several other 
books, all of which I could- have 
reviewed with little or no dif- 
ficulty. A few days ago I was 
drawn back to Raspail's book and 
read it for the second time. Even 
now I am not confident I can 
review it properly. Nonetheless, 
something must be said about 
this book. 

The Camp of the Saints first 
came to my attention a couple of 
years ago while I was traveling 
around Europe. Originally 
published in 1973, this work sent 
violent shock waves through 
France which later reverberated 
across the entire continent. 

Raspail's story, set in some 
unspecified period in the future, 
might, in fact, spring to life some 
time soon. Briefly, The Camp of 
the Saints is the chronicle of 
nea] ly a million starving beings 
from India who have boarded 
ships and headed west. France, 



terminally sick with liberalism, 
falls to their unarmed invasion. 

The average person may feel 
more than a few tugs of doubt 
when considering Raspail's 
vision of the future but still might 
wish to read his book as "en- 
tertaining" fiction, There are 
other readers who simply don't 
care for fictional works and will 
pass it up for that reason. 
However, both categories of 
readers should bear in mind that 
this controversial novel wasn't 
written without considerable risk 
to the career of the author, who, 
as the recipient of the Jean- 
Walther literary prize and a 
columnist for Le Figaro, was well 
known to literate Europeans long 
before the appearance of The 
Camp of the Saints. 

Indeed, Raspail takes his task 
very seriously. In the preface he 
points out that the idea of an 
invasion by the Third World, or 
some part of it, "is no wild-eyed 
dream." He explains, "Even if 
the specific action (i.e., the in- 
vasion), symbolic as it is, may 
seem far-fetched, the fact 
remains that we are inevitably 
headed for something of the 
sort," Raspail reminds the 
reader that by the year 2,000 the 
planet will be populated by seven 
billion people. Of that number 
only 900 million will be White. 

The dust jacket of the 
American edition of The Camp of 
the Saints (published this sum- 
mer) contains an arresting quote 

from President Boumedienne of 
Algeria. In an interview given in 
1974, nearly two years after 
Raspail wrote the book, 
Boumedienne expressed the 
belief that "billions of human 
beings" might someday "leave 
the poor, southern part of the 
world to erupt into the relatively 
accessible spaces of the rich, 
northern hemisphere, looking for 
survival." The way Raspail 
depicts said eruption causes him 
what public-relations types 
prefer to call "image problems." 



The reaction of the French 
media to the publication of 
Raspail's book shouldn't surprise 
regular readers of ATTACK! 
With rare exceptions, both the 
book and the author were 
denounced in the strongest 
imaginable language. Raspail 
became a full-blown "racist," a 
moral monster, a champion of 
everything ugly, sick, and evil. 

The media's sharp response is 
no doubt due to the way they are 
treated by Raspail in the novel. 
For him, they are among the 
chief inner enemies of the nation. 
It is as a result of their urgings 
that France is ultimately 
swamped by invaders. Marxists, 
anarchists, homosexuals, over- 
excited university students, 
hippies, radical clergymen, one- 
worlders, racial equalitarians, 
and neo-liberal members of 
government alsd take a drubbing 
in this book. Black and Arab 
"guest workers" emerge as 
sinister national allies of the alien 
swell of humanity battering down 
France's door. 

The most disturbing thing 
about Raspail's treatment of 
these anti-national characters, 
however, is that he draws many 
of their statements from real life. 
He culled actual editorials, 
speeches, pastoral letters, laws; 
his sampling constitutes a 
veritable treasure trove of neo- 
liberal ravings. 

Evidence of the inner attitude 
of the media masters toward 
Raspail is also given by their 
reaction to another writer on 
racial matters. Wrien Negro 
Communist Frantz Fanon, a 
hater of all things Western (with 
a highly cultivated rancor for the 
French, in particular), packaged 
his undisguised loathing in book 
form, he had no difficulty finding 
a publisher in France. In his Les 
Damnes de la Terre (now almost 
15 years old), Fanon wrote: "For 
if the last shall be first, this will 
only come to pass after a mur- 
derous and decisive struggle ... 



(for) when the native hears a 
speech about Western culture he 
pulls out his knife — or at least 
makes sure it is within his 
reach." 

Fanon also observed that the 
overthrow of the Western world 
"will be carried out with the 
indispensable help of the 
European peoples" who have 
also decided the White man 
should be stamped out. Enter, 
stage left, the lubricous French 
"philosopher," Jean Paul Sartre, 
with the introduction to Fanon's 
book. "Read Fanon," he cries. 
"You will learn how their im- 
pulse to murder is the expression 
of the natives' collective un- 
conscious." We are also told, 
"Fanon is the first since Engels 
to bring the processes of history 
into the clear light of day." 

"Make no mistake about it." 
Sartre pants, "by this mad fury, 
by this bitterness of spleen, by 
their ever-present desire to kill 
us, by the permanent tensing of 
powerful muscles which are 
afraid to relax, they have become 
men ■■• hatred, blind hatred, 
which is yet an abstraction, is 
their only wealth," 

When Fanon's book made its 
debut in France there were few 
jeers or catcalls from the media. 
Instead it was hailed as a 
masterpiece by the decadent 
French intelligentsia. The 
message spread. In New York, 
the Jewish-owned Evergreen 
Publishing Company (longtime 
specialists in the porno trade) 
published the book in English 
under the title The Wretched of 
the Earth. It received generally 
favorable reviews and even a 
plug fYom a former president of 
the United Nations General 
Assembly. 

And at cocktail parties 
throughout the Western world 
sensitive intellectuals shivered 
with delight at the prospect of 
being humiliated — or, better yet, 
savagely punished — for their 



"racism." Sartre had, after all. 
noted that even "our worthies? 
souls contain racial prejudice." 
Masochism and self-hatred are 
now very much in style for 
Westerners. 

Is it any wonder that Jean 
Raspail (or anyone, for that 
matter) should write a novel 
telling us that Western man is on 
the verge of extinction? That we 
have been softened and corrupted 
by a sick and unnatural social 
philosophy concocted by our 
inner enemies? That we are 
losing the will to survive? 

The signs are all around us. As 
this review goes to press the 
European administrators of the 
Spanish Sahara are facing a 
mini-version of Raspail's 
apocalypse, and they are reae 
ting just as he predicts the 
French will react when their time 
comes. 

And as the storm clouds con- 
tinue to gather and Western max. 
moves closer to the abyss, the 
media still howl at Raspail and 
others who underscore the 
danger. The American edition of 
The Camp of the Saints was 
greeted by insult, disgust, and 
opprobrium. "Preposterous," 
snapped the New York Time*. 
"Looney," screamed the In- 
ternational Herald Tribune 
"Trash," brayed Time 
magazine. 

Read Raspail's book and then 
look into the morning headlines 
and editorial sections of our 
leading newspapers. It shouldn't 
be difficult to determine who is 
the enemy. 



Nick Camerol; 



{Issue No. 41, 197$) 




Q. Why don't all the patriotic, 
pro-White organizations unite 
instead of each one trying to win 
the battle against America's 
enemies separately? If we would 
join forces the way those on the 
other side do, we would begin 
winning a few battles instead of 
losing all the time. 

A. The an.swer to that question 
is readily apparent to anyone in 
the leadership ranks of any of the 
organizations in question, but it is 
difficult to explain convincingly 
to someone who does not have 
such a favored view. 

Very briefly, the reasons for the 
disunity among patriots may be 
roughly broken down into dif- 
ferences in motivation, personal!- 
i> problems, and differences in 
idcolag) . 

I nder the first heading we 
should note that the actual 
motivations which various in- 
dividuals or organizations have 
for taking a eenain stand — on 
racial mixing, say, or communist 
influences in the government — 
differ markedly. Some take their 
stand because it expresses their 
genuine convictions and they are 
determined to accomplish some- 
thing in accordance with those 
convictions. 

But there are, unfortunately, 
numerous so-called "patriots" — 
and among them are some of the 
most "successful" — who have 
no convictions at all. They are 



simply businessmen, salesmen, 
and the product they sell is 
whatever patriotic Americans are 
willing to buy at any particular 
time. They hold a moistened 
forefinger up to the breeze of 
patriotic opinion and decide that 
now is the time to push an 
anti-busing amendment, or oppo- 
sition to the Panama Canal "give- 
away" — - or even "patriotic 
unity." 

And when a genuine patriot 
denounces one of these hucksters 
publicly, the response from the 
rank and file is, "Don't attack 
another patriot! We need unity, 
not discord." 

Finally, there are a number of 
individuals — "old fighters" — 
who are sincere enough in their 
convictions but who have given 
up any real hope of ac- 
complishing anything. They have 
a low devoled followers who 
subscribe to Iheir newsletters 
and keep them barely solvent, 
and so they continue churning out 
their broadsides. It is what they 
know how to do, and they feel 
comfortable wkh it, They have no 
interest in anything beyond that. 

Personality problems take 
several forms, There are some 
patriotic leaders who simply 
cannot get along with certain 
other leaders, or who do not trust 
them, or who are intensely 
jealous of them. This, happily, is 
a problem which is not confined 
to patriots. 



The leaders of some 
organizations are on a permanent 
ego trip. Each is thoroughly 
intoxicated with the feeling of 
being the biggest frog in his 
particular pond, and the last 
thing he wants is to jump from his 
pond into a lake, where there 
may be bigger frogs. There are 
probably more than a hundred 
one-man "organizations" of this 
description in the country, and 
'he idea of gaining anything 
Worthwhile by somehow unifying 
i hem is simply laughable. 

Hut, discounting the hucksters, 
the "old fighters," the ego- 
irippers, and a few especially 
sensitive or abrasive per- 
sonalities, why can't the 
remaining minority of patriotic 
leaders get together - the ones 
who believe enough in the cause 
lor which Ihey are fighting lo put 
it ahead of personal con- 
siderat ions'.' Alas, it is usually 
that fervent devotion to a cause 
which itself provides the stum- 
bling block in the path of unity. 

A businessman, whose sole 
interest is maximizing his "take," 
will readily make whatever com- 
promises are conducive to a bigger 
profit. Ideology is simply a 
commodity he sells, and he is 
always prepared to switch to a 
new line of goods when sales 
conditions change — or to take on 
a new partner or to enter into a 
merger. 

For different reasons, the 
organizer of a purely ad hoc 
group, with no vision beyond the 
achievement of an immediate 
and practical goal, will often be 
willing to join forces with 
whoever can help him, regard- 
less of differences in style or 
beliefs. 



On the other hand, the leader 
who has struggled for years — 
giving up his career and any 
semblance of a normal family life 
— in order to advance a cause 
which has a deep ideological 
significance for him will be less 
ready to compromise his beliefs 
for a temporary advantage. He 
takes the long view of things and 
is more concerned with keeping 
his group headed in the right 
direction toward a distant goal 
than he is with negotiating the 
next bump in the road. 

To the exasperated patriot who 
wants immediate relief from 
creeping communism, crime in 
•he streets. and busing, 
Geological quibbles may seem 
mimportant. He simply cannot 
understand why the fervent 
libertarian, who abhors busing as 
a governmental constraint on the 
individual's freedom of choice, 
cannot collaborate to stop. busing 
with the racial idealist, who 
abhors busing as a racially and 
culturally destructive practice. 
He forgets that the libertarian 
also abhors "racism" (as a form 
of "collectivism"), and the racial 
idealist, abhors the egoism, the 
atomistic hyper-individualism of 
the libertarian. Neither is willing 
to signify approval of the 
philosophy of the other by 
collaborating openly. 

Now, all this does not mean 
that patriotic groups do not or 
cannot' collaborate'. They often 
do, and there undoubtedly will be 
more collaboration in the future 
The National Alliance, for 
example, collaborates with 
several other groups and with 
individuals whose beliefs do not 
coincide with our own, even 
though such collaboration is 
sometimes not publicized. But it 



59 

does mean that any sort of close- 
knit patriotic confederation, 
incorporating most of the 
presently existing groups under a 
unified . leadership, is ex- 
traordinarily unlikely. 

This, however, may not be the 
unmitigated catastrophe it 
seems. Combining weaknesses 
does not necessarily yield 
strength, just as eight cripples, 
by joining arms, do not yield one 
gladiator. 

When what is needed is genuine 
strength, not a combination of 
weaknesses, the way in which 
this strength vvill be achieved is 
likely to be through a free play of 
forces- — through a selective 
competition among differen 
groups, from which one wil. 
emerge as the most fit to lead our 
people. It is a wasteful, even 
tragic process, but it has always 
been Nature's way. 

Everything beautiful, noble, 
and of enduring value in this 
world has come about through 
such a process, which has 
ruthlessly weeded. out 

weaknesses, punished mistakes, 
and corrected errors. That for 
which we are now striving will 
only be attained in the same way. 

We must do whatever is 
necessary for us to win — in- 
cluding the joining of forces with 
other groups, when that can 
advance our cause — but we must 
not make the mistake of 
sacrificing our true strength — 
which is the correctness of our 
ideas — for the illusory ad- 
vantage of a more rapid gain in 
numbers. 

(Issue No. 42, 1976) 



HST: No Use for Jews 



The late Harry S. Truman has 
been promoted as a nostalgia 
item by the news media during 
the last year, but he can now be 
expected to suffer a sudden drop 
in media popularity as a result of 
some recently unveiled remarks 
of his concerning the Jews. 

A Missouri farm boy and 
haberdasher who became one of 
America's more colorful 
Presidents, Truman was noted 
for his blunt, earthy language 
and his direct, unassuming 
manner. During the post- 
Watergate wave of revulsion 
against "Tricky Dick" Nixon and 
his slippery crew, the memory of 
Harry Truman as a straight- 
forward "man of the people" was 
especially refreshing. 

The media masters did not 
hesitate to emphasize the sup- 
posed contrast between Nixon 
and Truman as a means of fur- 
ther undermining Nixon's 
popularity. Truman's picture 
was reproduced on the covers of 
national magazines, and T-shirts 
were marketed bearing the 
slogan, "Harry Truman, where 
are you now that we need you?" 

In November, however, the 
diaries of Truman's first 
secretary of commerce, the late 
Henry A. Wallace, were opened 
to public scrutiny. They contain 



many reports of Truman's 
conversations with Wallace. In 
one of these conversations, which 
took place in 1946, Truman ex- 
pressed his exasperation with the 
American Jews who were con- 
tinually pressuring him regar- 
ding American support for the 
Jewish effort to gain control of 
Palestine. Truman did not want 
to jeopardize America's relations 
with the other parties involved, 
namely, the British and- the 
Arabs, but the Jews cared 
nothing for these considerations. 
Reported Wallace: 

"President Truman expressed 
himself as being very much 'put 
out' with the Jews. He said that 
'Jesus Christ couldn't please 
them when he was here on earth, 
so how could anyone expect that I 
would have any luck?' President 
Truman said he had no use for 
them and didn't care what 
happened to them." 



Thus, it appears that Harry 
Truman had the same intense 
dislike of Jews that Richard 
Nixon displayed in the tapes of 
his White House conversations. 
And yet Truman, just like Nixon, 
was forced to give them what 
they wanted, to the great 
disadvantage of America and in 
violation of his oath of office. In 
1946 Truman was supervising the 



hanging of thousands of German 
prisoners of war whose deaths 
the Jews demanded, but they 
were showing him little gratitude 




for this favor. Two years later 
they would force him hrrecognize 
their illegal seizure of Palestine, 
in return for their support in the 
1948 Presidential election. 

(Issue No. 42, 1976) 



(Issue No. 42, J 976) 



60 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Exclusiveness, Belief in Superiority, Hostility 



Zionism I: Theory 



The resolution by the General 
Assembly of the United Nations 
on November LO, equating 
Zionism and racism, has 
provoked a torrent of response in 
the news media. Much of this 
response has been deliberately 
deceptive, and there con- 
sequently exists a state of con- 
fusion in the average citizen's 
mind as to just what Zionism is 
and what its relationship is, if 
any, with racism. 

The Jewish response to the UN 
action -has been to deny that 
Zionism is racism and to charge 
to the contrary that anti-Zionism 
is merely a thinly veiled anti- 
Semitism, Jews maintain that 
Zionism, with its call for an ex- 
clusive Jewish homeland com- 
prising Palestine and portions of 
other Arab countries, cannot be 
separated from Judaism and the 
Jewish people. In the words of 
Chaim Herzog, Israeli am- 
bassador to the UN: 

"Zionism ... is the modern 
expression of the ancient Jewish 
heritage. The Zionist Ideal, as set 
out in the Bible, has been and is 
an integral part of the Jewish 
religion." 

The Jews are essentially 
correct in asserting that one 
cannot be against Zionism 
without also being against Jews. 
Even though many Jews do not 
participate actively in any of the 
numerous Zionist political 
organizations, it is an undeniable 
fact that Jews, non-relJgious as 
well as religious ones, are nearly 
unanimous in their support for 
the government of Israel and for 
the political goals of Zionism, 

Those who oppose Zionism or 
who are totally indifferent to it 
are an utterly insignificant 
minority. As Israel's leaders are 
fond of boasting, "The Six Day 
War (of June 1967, in which the 
Jews seized Egypt's Sinai, 
Jordan's West Bank, and Syria's 
Golan in a surprise assault on 



their Arab neighbors) Zionized 
world Jewry." 

Norman Podhoretz, editor of 
Commentary, the organ of the 
powerful American Jewish 
Committee, says essentially the 
same thing; "It has become 
clearer and clearer that 
something has happened to the 
Jews of America: they have all 
been converted to Zionism." 

But is Zionism equivalent to 
racism? Jews are the very image 
of wounded innocence as they 
hotly deny this. They correctly 
point out that Jews have been the 
Instigators, the financiers, the 
propagandists, the generals, and, 
to a great extent, the soldiers in 
the war against racism, both in 
the United States and in other 
parts of the world. 

As just one example, the most 
important organization in 
America seeking to bring about 
racial mixing between Blacks 
and Whites, the National 
Association for the Advancement 
of Colored People, has been an 
almost exclusively Jewish en- 
terprise from its founding by 
Jews in 1910 until the death of its 
last Jewish president, Kivie 
Kaplan, last year. A Jewish 
lawyer, Jack Greenberg, still 
heads the NAACP Legal 
Defense Fund, which has in- 
stigated most of the moves 
toward court-enforced racial 
mixing in the last 25 years, in- 
cluding the original school- 
Integration decision by the 
Supreme Court in 1954, from 
which all of today's forced-busing 
orders have stemmed. 

And the record of votes by 
Jewish legislators .in the 
Congress and statements by 
Jewish spokesmen in the media is 
clear: they overwhelmingly 
favor all moves, including the 
racial busing of school children, 
which bring about increased 
racial mixing. 

In other countries it is the same 




ISRAELI AMBASSADOR to the UN, Chaim Herzog, sneers at 
"goyim" in the UN General Assembly as he contemptuously tears up 
their resolution condemning Zionism. It Is arrogant behavior like this 
which has earned the Jews the weft-deserved hatred of alt the other 
peoples of the world. 



story. In South Africa, for 
example, the crumbling of the 
government's policy of apartheid 
and the decision to abandon 
Rhodesia are the direct result of 
Jewish pressure. Harry Op- 
penheimer, the Jewish 
multibiltionaire who controls the 
De Beers diamond mines, 
practically all of South Africa's 
gold mines, her uranium in- 
dustry, and a dozen other South 
African industries as well, has 
used his enormous wealth to buy 
control of many of the English- 
language news media in South 
Africa and has made substanial 
inroads into Afrikaans 
newspapers and magazines. He 
uses his media control to 
propagandize for Black-White 
"equality" and eventual Black 
rule for South Africa while 
simultaneously applying more 
direct pressures to government 
officials. He is supported In his 
efforts by South Africa's very 
substantial Jewish community, 

So, if nearly all Jews are 
Zionists and if nearly all Jews 
believe in racial mixing, how can 
Zionism be a form of racism '! 

In trying to answer this 
question, it is helpful to consider 
what a few prominent Zionists 
have had to say about Zionism. 
Moses Hess [1112-18755 is 
regarded as the real father of the 
modern, political form of 
Zionism. In his book Rome and 
Jerusalem, published in 1862, he 
wrote: 

"We Jews shall always remain 
strangers among the goyim 

(Gentiles) .... It Is a fact that the 
Jewish religion Is above all 
Jewish nationalism .... Each and 
every Jew, whether he wishes it 
or not, is automatically, by virtue 
of his birth, bound tn solidarity 
with his entire nation .... One 
must be a Jew first and a human 
being second." 

Hess was more a Jewish 
nationalist than a Jewish racist 
— although he clearly did con- 
sider Jewishness to be a matter 
of birth rather than conviction. 
Other Zionists were much more 
explicit on this point. Louis 
Brandeis, a former U.S. Supreme 
Court justice and a leading 
Zionist, stated it succinctly: 
"Jews are a distinct nationality 
of which every Jew, whatever his 
country, his station, or his shade 
of belief, is necessarily a 
member." 

The Zionist historian Simon 
Duhnow wrote in his book, The 
Foundation of National Judaism 
(published in 1906): 

"Assimilation is common 
treason against the banner and 
ideals of the Jewish people..-. But 
one can never 'become' a 
member of a natural group, such 
as a family, a tribe, or a nation. 
One may attain the rights or 
privileges of citizenship with a 
foreign nation, but cannot ap- 
propriate for himself its 
nationality loo. To be sure, the 
emancipated Jew in France calls 
himself a Frenchman of Jewish 
faith. Would that mean, however, 
that he became a part of the 
French nation, confessing to the 
Jewish faith? Not at all. Because 



in order to be a member of the 
French nation one must be a 
Frenchman by birth, one must be 
able to trace his genealogy back 
to the Gauls, or to another race in 
close kinship with them, and 
finally one must also possess 
those characteristics which are 
the result of the historic evolution 
or the French nation. A Jew, on 
the other hand, even if he hap- 
pened to be born in France and 
still lives there, in spite of all 
these, he remains a member of 
the Jewish nation, and whether 
he likes It or not, whether be is 
aware or unaware of it, he bears 
the seal of the historic evolution 
of the. Jewish nation." 

All three Zionists quoted above 
may be correctly regarded as 
racists, in that they reject the 
prevailing notion of the day that 
only the individual has any real 
Significance and that it is wicked 
even to lake into consideration 
the biological and cultural 
connections of the individual to 
n "natural group" f to use 
Dubnow's term ) of which he is a 
member 

It can be argued, nevertheless, 
that Jewish racism is at least a 
little different from" the racism of 
most other peoples, in that it does 
place relatively less emphasis on 
purely biological connections and 
relatively more on other tribal 
connections: a shared culture, 
history, and altitude toward the 
non-Jewish world. 

But this is to be expected in a 
people who exhibit as much 
biological diversity as the Jews 
do. They have absorbed physical 
traits from many of the other 
races among whom they have 
lived, until today, although most 
Jews still have many racial 
factors in common, they cannot 
be easily classified as a distinct 
race — and certainly not as a 
homogeneous race. 

That which defines the Jews is 
only partly racial. They are also 
a partly national, partly 
religious, partly historical, partly 
cultural entity. 

Indeed, because Jews are 
much more uniform psychically 
than physically, it is very dif- 
ficult to decide whether they are 
more nearly a racial entity or a 
cultural entity. But that may be 
an irrelevant point. The fact is 
that Jews, now and always, have 
regarded themselves as a 
distinct, separate, and very 
special category of people ~ the 
"chosen people," the "people of 
God," and, as such, superior to 
all other peoples of the earth. 

This idea that all Jews, 
whatever the country of their 
birth, are members of a single 
tribe, separate from and superior 
to all others, is the central theme 
of Zionism and of Judaism. 
Nan urn Goldmann, president of 
the World Zionist Organization, 
touched on it when he said: 

"Diaspora Jewry (all Jews 
outside Palestine) has to over- 
come the conscious or sub- 
conscious fear of so-called double 
loyalty. It has to be convinced 
that it Is fully justified in tying y up 
its destiny with Israel's. It has to 
have the courage to reject the 



idea that Jewish community owe 
loyalty only to the states where 
they live." 

Dr. Goldmann expressed 
himself more clearly in ad- 
dressing the Jews of Germany, 
before World War II, attempting 
to persuade them to emigrate to 
Palestine: 

"Judaism can have nothing in 
common with Germanism, If we 
go by the standards of race, 
history, and culture, and the 
Germans have the right to 
prevent the Jews from intruding 
into the affairs of their volk.... 
The same demand I raise for the 
Jewish volk, as against the 
German.... The Jews^are divided 
into two categories, those who 
admit that they belong to a race 
distinguished by a history 
thousands of years old, and those 
who don't. The latter are open to 
the charge of dishonesty." 




\.\UUM GOLDMANN, top 
Zionist leader. He speaks openly 
or a 'Jewish race" and urges 
,lcw,s everywhere to be loyal only 
lo Israel. 

If the racism expressed by 
Goldmann in the above 
statements were all there is to it, 
it would be hard to find fault with 
Zionism. Racism — the feeling of 
belonging to a "natural group," 
of owing loyalty to that group, of 
wanting to preserve its identity 
and promote its welfare, of 
preferring to associate with 
members of that group rather 
than with aliens — is a universal, 
natural, and healthy condition of 
mankind. Indeed, it is a natural 
condition of all living things, in a 
sense, and they all owe their very 
existence to its universality. 

But Zionism — whether one 
prefers to call it Jewish 
nationalism or Jewish racism — 
goes far beyond that. It is a 
distorted racism, a perverted and 
predominantly negative racism, 
expressing itself more in hostility 
toward other peoples than in 
positive aspirations for the 
Jewish people. 

This has been true from the 
tune of Moses, who instructed his 
fellow Jews to massacre without 
pity the Gentiles whose lands 
they wanted to seize, lest they 
later be inconvenienced by the 
survivors*. 

"But If ye will not drive out the 
inhabitants of the land from 
before you. then it sfiall come to 
pass that those which ye let 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

Despite Denials, Zionists Believe in Race 



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remain of them shall be pricks in 
your eyes and thorns In your 
sides and shall vex yota in the land 
wherein ye dwell.'" (Numbers 
33:55) 

The advice was generally 
followed in the old days, and it is 
still followed today. Joshua, after 
capturing the city of Jericho and 
looting it of all its"silver and gold 
and vessels of brass and Iron" ... 
"utterly destroyed all that was in 
the city, both man and woman, 
young and old. and ox and sheep 
and ass, with the edge of the 
sword," 

And, more than 3,000 years 
later, the Haganah and the 
Irgun and the Stern Gang 
massacred the entire populations 
of Palestinian villages in order to 
terrify the other Arab inhabitants 
of Palestine into fleeing the 
country and leaving their homes 
and farms and businesses to be 
taken over by Jews. 

Thi£ hostility toward other 
peoples, this extreme Jewish 
xenophobia and ethnocentricity, 
this contempt for everything not 
Jewish is revealed over and over 
again in the writings of Zionists, 
just as in their actions. It is a 
masochistic sort of racism, which 
glories and revels in the anti- 
Jewish hostility which it in turn 
provokes. 

Theodor Herzl, the Zionist 
leader whose efforts were most 
essential to the founding of the 
state of Israel, wrote in his book 
The Jewish State (published in 
1896): 

"Every nation in whose midst 
Jews live is, either covertly or 
opeftly, anti-Semitic... Anti- 
Semitism increases day by day 
and hour by hour among the 
Gentiles... We are one people — 
our enemies have made us one in 
our despite... Distress binds us 
together, and, thus united, we 
suddenly discover our strength." 

The Zionist Jakob Klatzkin 
(1882-1948) carried the idea 
further in his book Crisis and 



V!!t ^tlTt™. , ^T u^ No J ember "• 1975 ' issu * ^ t^ Jewish "infiltrating" into Israel posing as Jews, thus "desecrating" th P 
Press, which c alms to have the largest circulation of any English- Jewish state and religion. In the eyes of o hlx Z "ill 
language weekly newspaper for Jews, complains that Gentiles are (Gentiies) are mere cattle, no human b lings ' g ° ylm 



Decision, published in 1921, and 
addressed to the German people: 

■ "We are not hyphenated Jews 
(i.e., German-Jews); we are 
Jews with no qualifications or 
reservations. We are simply 
aliens; we are a foreign people in 
your midst, and, we emphasize, 
we wish to stay that way. There is 
a wide gap between you and us, 
so wide that no bridge can be laid 
across. Your spirit is alien to us; 
your myths, legends, habits, 
customs, traditions and national 
heritage, your religious and 
national shrines, your Sundays 
and holidays... they are all alien 
to us. The history of your 
triumphs and defeats, your war 
songs and battle hymns, your 
heroes and their mighty deeds, 
your national ambitions and 
aspirations, they are all alien to 
us. The boundaries of your lands 
cannot restrict our movements, 
and your border clashes are not 
of our concern. Far over and 
above the frontiers and boun- 
daries of your land stands our 
Jewish unity... Whosoever calls 
the foreign (Gentile) land a 
fatherland is a traitor to the 
Jewish people... A loyal Jew can 
never be other than a Jewish 
patriot. ..We recognize a national 
unity of diaspora Jews, no matter 
in which land they may reside. 
Therefore, no boundaries can 
restrain us in pursuing our own 
Jewish policy...*' 

And the "American" Zionist, 
Samuel Untermyer, said in 1933: 
"Other races have come and 
gone. The Je'w has survived. 
Persecution cannot crush him. 
The Jews are the aristocrats of 
the world." 

Such unbridled and reckless 
arrogance, stemming from the 
persistent Jewish notion that the 
children of Israel have been 
"chosen" to rule the world and 
must, therefore, remain aloof 
from the goyim, destined to be 
their slaves when the Messiah 



comes, has led to a great deal of 
friction between the Jews and 
their Gentile hosts throughout the 
ages. And yet even this negative 
and peculiarly Jewish form of 
racism could be tolerated, if that 
were all, 

The Jews could all go off to the 
Middle East and finish but- 
chering the Palestinians, or they 
could all settle on a large island 
by themselves somewhere, and 
they could then indulge their 
narcissist fantasies and their 
hatred of the rest of mankind to 
their hearts' content, and we 
would not care. 

But gathering the Jews of the 
world together in one place is not 
really part of the Zionist scheme. 
They want an exclusively Jewish 
homeland, all right, but they also 
want to maintain their death grip 
on the economies and the 
governments of the Gentile lands 
where they live as minorities. 
Zionism is built not only on the 
ideas of Jewish exclusiveness 
and Jewish superiority, but also 
on the idea of Jewish world 
dominion. 

Not a world dominion achieved 
by force of Jewish arms or by any 
frontal assault on the hated 
goyische world, but a dominion 
brought about by infiltration and 
subversion, by the en- 
couragement of weakness and 
decadence among the Gentiles, 
by the imperceptibly slow in- 
jection of a Jewish spritiual 
poison into the hearts and minds 
of the goyim, destroying their 
will to resist. 

And therein we have the ex- 
planation of the seeming 
dilemma: Jews who have 
devoted all their talents and 
energies to combatting racism 
being themselves charged with 
racism by the world community. 
Yes, Jews are against racism — 
racism among the Gentiles, that 
is, because they want to destroy 
the unity of the Gentile nations. 
And, yes, Jews (or Zionists, if you 



prefer) are racists, because they, 
more than any other people, 
realize the necessity. of main- 
taining their own unity. 




THEODOR HERZL, one of the 
"founding fathers" of Israel. He 
dreamed of an all-Jewish state 
from which the Gentile world 
would be ruled, in fulfillment of 
Jewish "prophecies." 



The condemnation by the 
United Nations of Zionism is, on 
the whole, a welcome move, but it 
nevertheless fails to face the 
issue as squarely as it should. 
The UN has condemned the Jews 
for their behavior in Palestine, 
for practicing both physical and 
cultural genocide against the 
Palestinian people. But that is 
only a negative form of the same 
racism which is practiced by all 
healthy peoples. What the Jews 
are doing to the Palestinians is 
what the Turks did to the Ar- 
menians, what the Serbs did to 
the Croats, what the American 
pioneers did to the Indians, what 
the Germans did to the Jews 
(although hardly to the tune of 
6,000,000 as the Jews claim). It is 



the way of the world, even if, in 
our Western squeamishness, we 
would like to see more positive 
and fewer negative expressions 
of this natural and universal 
racism. 

And so, in this regard, the Jews 
are at least justified in their 
claim that the UN condemnation 
of Zionist racism is hypocritical, 
because most of the members of 
the UN practice their own forms 
of racism. But if the UN were 
really an honest organization, it 
could have issued a denunciation 
of Zionism against which the 
Jews would have no defense. 

The UN could have pointed out 
that Jewish racism is a unique 
evil — a unique danger to the 
world — not because the Jews 
want Palestine all to themselves 
or even because they aspire to 
world rule, but because of the 
truly unique way in which the 
Jews go about Implementing 
their Zionist designs, 

Recognizing more clearly than 
any other people the importance 
of racism as a natural defense — 
as Nature's way of maintaining 
racial integrity — Lhe Jews 
deliberately go about 

neutralizing the racism of their 
intended victims, thus 

destroying their unity, their 
cohesiveness, and their will to 
resist. It is a tactic which has 
proven extraordinarily effective 
in the past, a tactic to which the 
Western peoples in particular 
have proven susceptible. 

It is for this reason that the 
Germans, the one nation in 
modern times which developed a 
defense against Jewish racism, 
named the Jews "der Weltfeind" 
— the world enemy. 

{Issue No. 42, J 976) 



62 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



63 



Aggression, Torture, Mass Murder 



Book Review 






Zionism II: Practice 



The treatment of the Arab 
inhabitants of Palestine by the 
Jewish conquerors of that un- 
fortunate country provides an 
excellent example of Zionism in 
practice. 

After Zionist political pressure 
had resulted in the United 
Nations resolution of November 
29, 1947, calling for the par- 
titioning of Palestine and the 
handing over of a large portion of 
Palestine to the Jews as a 
"homeland/' war broke out. The 
Jews quickly moved to seize as 
much of the Arab portion of 
Palestine as they could, in ad- 
dition to the portion awarded to 
them in the UN resolution. 

In the Jewish land-grabbing 
campaign which followed, 
unrestrained terror was used to 
induce Palestinian villagers to 
flee their land, leaving it to be 
taken over by Jews. The oc- 
cupants of entire Arab villages 
were massacred by the Jews for 
this purpose. 

The Jewish terrorists invoked 
the Talmud to justify their 



atrocities against the. Arabs. 
According to the teachings of the 
rabbis, they pointed out, "the 
earth was created only for the 
sake of the Jews," (Vayikra 
Rabba 36). Therefore, it was 
permissible to slaughter the 
goylm (non-Jews) like the cattle 
they were, if the Jews might 
benefit thereby, 

One of the more infamous in- 
stances of the application of this 
theory is the massacre at Deir 
Yassin. On the night of April 
9 10, 1948, under the cover of a 
truce between Zionist and Arab 
forces in the area, Jewish 
terrorists occupied the 
Palestinian village of Deir Yassin 
and began systematically 
murdering all the Arab men, 
women, and children on whom 
Lhey could lay their hands. Many 
of the victims were horribly 
mutilated by the sadistic Jews, 
and their corpses were afterward 
thrown down the village well to 
poison it. Altogether 254 Arabs 
were murdered in Deir Yassin 
that night. 




DOZFNS of Palestinian refugee children were killed when Israeli 
terror-fliers — in U.S. -supplied Ft Phantom jets — bombed this 
refugee housing project in Lebanon last year. Jews Consider the 
Palestinians whose land they stole a nuisance to he exterminated. 
Although the Zionist-controlled I \S. news media often give brier 
reports of-lhe Israeli terror-bombing of the refugee camps and even 
show pictures of damaged buildings, they never let Americans see 
things like the Arab refugee children burned by napalm (below) or the 
mutilated victims of Zionist murder squads. 




:^^ 




ARAB POLITICAL PRISONERS stand at attention under barbed-wire nets, in one of dozens of 
Israeli concentration camps for Arab dissidents. Arabs, having virtually no political rights in Israel, 
are often imprisoned for indefinite periods without a trial. The only country in the world with more 
political prisoners than Israel is the Soviet Union. 




NAZI concentration-camp victims? No, these are the corpses of Arab villagers butchered by Jewish 
terrorists at Deir Yassin. 



When morning came the Jews 
rounded up more than 100 Arabs 
who had survived the massacre by 
hiding in cellars or in the 
surrounding orange groves. 

These Arabs were tied together 
and taken to the Jewish quarter 
of Jerusalem, where they were 
forced to take part in a Jewish 
"victory parade." As the roped 



Arab prisoners were led through 
the streets, Jewish mobs spit at 
them and showered them with 
stones — in a manner reminiscent 
of the way they had treated 
another prisoner more than 1,900 
years ago, as he was being led to 
his execution. 

The Arab survivors of Deir 
Yassin were not executed, 



however, but were turned loose 
and hastened on their way with a 
volley of small arms fire directed 
at their feet, so that they could 
spread the story of the massacre 
io other Arabs and terrify them 
into abandoning their land. 

(Issue No. 42. 1976) 



Marxism's Essence Bared 




The Gulag Archipelago: Part 
II, by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, 
published by Harper and Row, 
$15. 

To many of us, Aleksandr 
Solzhenitsyn is as much an 
enigma as present-day Russia. 
A.S. (he is famous enough for 
elevation to the "initials only" 
caste) seems, at times, a con- 
tradictory ideological amalgam. 
Consequently, he has used — or 
has been used by — a variety of 
political interest groups. 

America's "responsible con- 
servatives" (Buckley and the 
National Review crowd, Ronald 
Reagan, the Hoover Institute 
gang) ecstacise over A.S.'s 
much-vaunted anti-Communism. 
At the same time, members of 
the Establishment Left (the New 
York Times, a clutch of labor 
leaders, and trendy-left lights of 
lesser renown) have treated 
Solzhenitsyn with a certain 
deference. They haven't bothered 
themselves much about A.S.'s 
anti-Communist panoply; 
beneath it they see a "dissident" 
(how they love that word) writer 
whose anti-Soviet stance 
sometimes serves their purposes. 
Even the crazy-left Ramparts 
magazine and the Trotskyite 
Pathfinder Press, quick to bark 
at anything they perceive as 
Stalinoid, have found some 
limited uses for A.S. But they, 
along with most of the Establish- 
ment Left, find a richer blend of 
disserjt brewed by the brothers 
Medvedev, Yevgeny Yev- 
tushenko, and Andrei Sakharov 
(a heady mixture of philo- 
Semitism and communism) more 
to their taste. 

The Soviets, of course, aren't at 
all taken with A.S. and his anti- 
detente antics. They attempted a 
counter-attack through the 
Novosti press agency, a govern- 
ment appendage with close ties to 
the KGB, by selling the rights to a 
book by A.S.'s first wife, Natalya 
Reshtovskaya, to the American 
publishing firm of Bobbs-MerriJJ. 
In her tortured confessional, 
entitled Sanya: My Life With 
A.S., she accuses her former 
husband of every manner of 
moral turpitude. And, 

significantly, Natalya's account 
smears A.S. with the tarbrush of 
anti-Semitism. The Soviets, 
mindful of the Jewish control of 
America's communications 
media, sought to destroy the 
emigre author by charging him 
with the one "sin" the flaccid 
Western world presently finds 
unpardonable. 

Long before the release of 
Natalya's book there had been 
rumblings in the Jewish com- 
munity that A.S. might, in fact, 



be an anti-Semite. However, the 
November 13, 1975, issue of the 
influential New York Review of 
Books seems to exonerate 
Solzhenitsyn. In a lengthy article 
on A.S., Leonard Shapiro notes: 

"In the case of Soviet Jews, 
Solzhenitsyn has expressed 
sympathy with those who 
genuinely seek a new home in 
Israel ... Those who are 
determined to see Solzhenitsyn as 
an anti-Semite will no doubt be 
reinforced in their prejudices by 
the fact that in his rogues' gallery 
of Gulag torturers Jews play a 
very prominent part. Is he to be 
blamed for recording a fact of 
history, when the evidence shows 
that a very disproportionately 
large number of Jews, until the 
Great Terror of the Thirties, did 
indeed serve in the ranks of the 
Soviet secret police?" (emphasis 
added) 

Case closed? Hardly. Shapiro 
hasn't had the last word, and the 
debate among members of his 
tribe proceeds. Meanwhile, 
Solzhenitsyn continues his 
obeisances to the Jews — and 
drops a few more "facts of 
history" which cause certain of 
their number no small amount of 
anguish. But enough has been 
said of this unsavory subject. 
Here we are chiefly concerned 
with Gulag Two as a chronicle of 
A.S.'s spiritual struggle. 

Solzhenitsyn writes about the 
horrors of the Gulag "solely from 
a sense of obligation." He ex- 
plains that "too many stories and 
recollections have accumulated 
in my hands, and I cannot allow 
them to perish." 

Once a devout Marxist, A.S. 
underwent a profound 

metamorphosis during his im- 
prisonment in the Soviet 
destructive-labor camps. For it 
was there he experienced 
communism's real essence. No 
Marxist dialectical shield could 
protect his body or intellect from 
the excruciating pain and mind- 
numbing brutality of that doc- 
trine's practical application. He 
views the camps as a cancer 
which metastasized and spread 
throughout the entire country. 

Solzhenitsyn makes it clear 
that Stalin, far from being the 
"distorter" of the communist 
system he is portrayed as today, 
merely followed the master plan 
drawn by that system's chief 
architect, Lenin. A.S. also points 
to a program of extermination 
methodically plotted by the 
creators and overseers of the 
Gulag. It is among the major 
ironies of the epoch that such 
creatures as Naftaly Frenkel, the 
Jewish communist who was the 
planner of the slave-labor 
system, fell victim to their own 
creation. 

A.S. provides the reader with 
graphic descriptions of camp life. 
He demonstrates, through 
numerous examples, the 
animalization of the inmates 
(especially the younger ones), 
the suffocation of their spirit, and 
the annihilation of all human 
emotion. For others, however, 
the camps offered the possibility 
of spiritual rebirth. Part four of 
his work, "The Soul And The 
Barbed Wire," is extremely 



impressive. I fear reprinting 
extracts; I might end up quoting 
me whole of it. 

In some respects, Gulag Two is 
nearly impossible to review. As 
A.S. suggests: "No one can tell us 
the most important thing about 
these camps ... (and) the whole 
scope of this story and this truth 
is beyond the capabilities of one 
lonely pen." 

One thing is obvious; A.S. not 
only preserved his humanity but 
emerged from his struggle a 
stronger man, one who offers the 
Gulag a blessing for fortifying his 
spiritual resources. Moreover, he 
writes with little bitterness 
toward his keepers. "Our tor- 
turers," he remarks, "have been 
punished most horribly of all : 
they are turning into swine, they 
are departing downward from 
humanity." 

But Solzhenitsyn makes no 
attempt to spare himself from 
criticism. He once accepted an 
offer from camp authorities to 
turn informer, and he signed his 
pledge with the code name 
"Vetrov." "Those six letters," he 
reflects, "are branded in 










Prisoner Solzhenitsyn 



shameful grooves on my 
memory." 

Although I highly recommend 
Gulag Two (despite its choice as 
one of the ten best books of 1975 
by the New York Times), a 
certain amount of criticism is 
due. For one thing, Solzhenitsyn 



propounds essentially con- 
servative ideas. His sweeping 
condemnation of all revolutions 

— and his mistaken notion of 
National Socialism, in particular 

— will (and should) distress the 
most politically aware segment 
of our people . It must be borne in 
mind that the fire of revolution 
can also purify. But the 
revolutionaries A.S. most 
frequently excoriates are those 
who have escaped from the inner 
pages of Dostoevsky's The 
Possessed — and whose 
brooding, alien spirits must seek 
only destruction in order to 
justify themselves. 

Gulag Two is a stern rebuke to 
the Marxist mythmakers and 
certainly ranks as an important 
contribution to our understanding 
of communism. Americans would 
do well to read it. 

Nick Camerota 

(Issue No. 43, 1976) 





lO.AronSolts 



U. Naftaly Frenkel 





12. Yakw Rappoport 



13. Matvei Berman 





14. Lazar Kogan 



15, Genrikh Yagoda 



On page 79 of Gulag Two, Solzhenitsyn gives us the photographs of six top administrators of the 
Soviet slave-labor system during the 1930' s — the only six Gulag commissars portrayed in the book. 
All six are Jews. Is Solzenhltsyn trying to tell us something? 



64 



























THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

Jews, the USSR, 
and Communism 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



It is an article of faith among 
the members of the so-called 
"radical right" that the Soviet 
Union today is as firmky under 
the thumb of a ruling minority of 
Jewish commissars as it was in 
the years immediately after 
the Bolshevik revolution of 1917. 
All the wails by world , Jewry 
about "Soviet anti-Semitism," 
just as the lukewarm Soviet 
backing of Israel's Arab op- 
ponents, are seen as pure sub- 
terfuge aimed at deceiving the 
Gentile West as to the true stale 
of affairs behind the Iron Curtain. 
If is, on the other hand, an 
article of faith among nearly 
everyone else — from 
"responsible conservatives" to 
ihe AFL-CIO's George Meany to 
those who take their ideological 
cues from the New York Times or 
Ihe Washington Post - that the 
Soviet Union is run by fanatical 
anti-Semites who single out 
Soviel citizens of the Jewish faith 
for especially harsh persecution. 
To question the first article of 
faith is to lay oneself open to the 
suspicion of being in cahoots with 
Ihe Jews, while to question the 
second is to bring down on one's 
head the immediate charge of 
being an anti-Semite. 

The fact is that neither article 
of faith has any correspondence 
with reality, as we shall see in 
what follows. Before we can 
understand the true situation of 
Lhe Jews in the Soviet Union 
today, however, we must un- 
derstand how that situation has 
developed and changed during 
the last few decades. Indeed, it 
will be helpful for us to look much 
further back than that. 

The Jews of Eastern Europe 
trace their origins to two prin- 
cipaJ sources. One of these 
sources — and by far the more 
important one for the Jews of 
Russia — was a Tatar tribe, the 
Khazars, who moved from Asia 
into the area north and northwest 
of the Caspian Sea in the second 
century. In the eighth century the 
Khazars converted en masse to 
Judaism, after their king, Bulan, 
came under the influence of a 
traveling Jewish merchant. 

Two centuries later the Khazar 
kingdom was destroyed by 
Varangian warriors from 
Scandinavia, who established 
their hegemony over the Slavic 
peoples of Russia, Poland, and 
the Ukraine, but communities of 
Khazar ' Jews had already en- 
Irenched themselves solidly 
throughout this area, 

The other source was the Jews 
repeatedly expelled from vir- 
tually every country of Western 
Europe throughout the Middle 
Ages. During the various ex- 
pulsions (from England in 1200, 
from Germany in 1298 and 
numerous subsequent occasions, 
from France in 1306, from 
Austria in 1421, from Spain in 
1492, from Portugal in 1497. etc.) 
the evicted Jews filtered into 
other countries which, for the 
moment, would have them. One 
of those countries was Poland, 
which in those days comprised a 
vast territory including much of 
Qie Ukraine and western Russia. 



The incoming trickle of part- 
Semitic Jews from the west 
amalgamated with the non- 
Semitic Khazar Jews already in 
Poland, with the Khazar element 
predominating. Thus, when 




JEW OF RUSSIA 

Russia annexed huge sections or 
Poland in the 18th century, she 
also acquired a substantial in- 
festation of these racially mixed 
Polish Jews. 

Both Jewish elements were 
racially, culturally, and 
spiritually alien to the Gentile 
Russians, and a deep-seated 
hostility between Jews and 



Russians was established from 
the time they first came in 
contact. Relations between the 
two races were not helped by the 
tendency of the Jews to 
monopolize trade, to ingratiate 
themselves with the nobility at 
the expense of the peasantry, 
and, in general, to soak up all the 
available money of the country. 
Remembering that prior to the 
l8lh century much of what is now 
Russia was Poland, we can get an 
idea of Jew-Gentile relations 
there from the Jewish historian 
Abram Sachar's widely read 
History of the Jews, Sachar 
writes: 

"... All through the twelfth 
century Jews (in Poland) 
prospered as merchants, traders, 
and ti\x-farmers. Many of them 
were in charge of the mints, and 
the Polish coins sometimes bore 
the names of tht? princes In 
Hebrew characters! After ... the 
middle or the thirteenth century 
... the Jews ... became the only 
commercial class in a country of 
landlords and peasants." 

Four hundred years later, in 
the 17th century, "Jews con- 
tinued to serve the nobles as tax- 
collectors, tax-farmers, finan- 
ciers, and particularly stewards 
and overseers of their estates. 
But these positions, while adding 



the Just before the first World War the economic sicua- 

rion of the Jews was as follows: in 1913 the Jewish 
population of Russia amounted to 6,946,000, or 4.07 
' • per cent of the total. According to the census of 1897, 
'* ^ four out of every five Jews lived in cities smd towns. 
r j t j cs and since then the crowding in die urban centers haa 
;olu- increased. A smalt number gained a living from the 

in- i n ifr-n r y rynr^rr d r^nnmi'i'iillv aatffi bap 

..i agriculture was 2.4; later it increased somewhat In 

the professions the Jews were strongly represented. 

Seven rimes as many Jews as non-Jews were in that 

|?prtatk yfc and communication,, d omestic 

sw£t**e^;ina nirscellancnus occupaiion\s""AWo l lTl!lWi fUI" 

^Psnme :.n per cent of those gainfully employed. O'er 

Jjjr one-third (37.5 per crnt) of the population belonged 

{ xc tn the commercial class (including inn- and saloon- 

■■p-r.A-A^Mi'hahiH^ f) ir | l( vr'* merchants in the 

UNIVERSAL JEWISH ENCYCLOPEDIA reveals virtual monopoly 
Jews established in the professions in Russia, holding seven-eighths of 
all professional positions. This was at a time when they were crying to 
the world about how the tsars were "oppressing" them! 



to their power, increased popular 
animosity. The peasants, who 
were being exploited by the 
nobles, haled the tools of tyranny 
more than tyranny itself." 

Indeed, the Russian peasantry 
hated the Jews so intensely that, 
for the sake of keeping down 
public unrest, the tsars strictly 
limited the area of the country 
within which Jews were allowed 
to settle. That area, the Pale of 
Settlement, comprised much of 
western Russia and was the 
scene of nearly continuous 
conflict between its Jewish and 
its Russian inhabitants. 

Throughout the 19th century a 
series of tsars attempted to 
alleviate Russia's festering 
Jewish problem by assimilating 
the Jews into Lhe mainstream of 
Russian society. The Jews. 
however, bitterly resisted every 
effort to "Russianize" them. 
They refused to work on the land 
or to engage in manual labor, and 
they continued to use two 
languages: Russian for doing 
business with Gentiles, and 
Yiddish for talking to one 
another. 

The efforts of lhe tsars — 
notably Alexander I ( 1801-1825), 
Nicholas 1 (1825-1B55), and 
Alexander II (1855-1881) - did 
have two important effects, 
however. One of these effects was 
a great increase in revolutionary 
activity among Russia's Jews. 
One conspiracy after another was 
hatched against Lhe Russian 
government. leading to 
numerous public disturbances 
and assassination attempts. In 
IB81 one of these conspiracies 
culminated in the successful 
assassination of Tsar Alexander 
II, 

By the end of the 19th century, 
virtually every Jew in Russia 
was committed to one or the 
other ■- or both — of two far- 
reaching movements intended lo 
upsel the existing order and 
replace it with one more 
congenial to Jews. These 
movements were Marxism and 
Zionism. 



The other effect of the tsars' 
efforts — which included com- 
pulsory schooling for Jews -— was 
that the Jews began extending, 
their range of activities to include 
the professions (medicine, law, 
leaching) as well as commerce. 
In accord with their usual 
practice, they attempted to 
monopolize these new fields of 
endeavor for themselves, and 
they very nearly succeeded. The 
Russian census of 1897 revealed 
that Jews occupied seven out of 
every eight professional 




V. I. LENIN, the infamous 
"Russian" revolutionary, had at 
most one Russian grandparent. 

positions. This insured a 
passionate anti Stjinitism on the 
pari of the small but growing 
number of middle-class 
Russians, who found their sons 
elbowed out of the admission 
lines to Russia's medical and lav* 
schools by Jews. 

As the 20th century dawned. 
Russia found herself saddled with 
approximately half of lhe world's 
Jews — nearly seven million of 
them — all bitterly opposed to the 
government and in turn bitterly 
hated by the great masses of 
Russian people among whom 
they lived. The Russian secret 
police — the Okhrana — made 
strenuous efforts to halt Jewish 
subversive moves, but the Jews 
used their connections with Jews 




THE GRAVE DIGGERS OF RUSSIA were overwhelmingly Jewish. 
This 1917 photograph of a meeting of communist leaders in Petrograd 
(previously St. Petersburg, now Leningrad) is typical, with four of the 
five top communists seated at the table known to be Jews. They are, 
from left to right: Moses Uritsky, Petrograd Cheka boss ; Lev Trotsky 



(Bronstein), later Red Army commissar; Yakov Sverdlov, second 
president of the "Soviet Republic'**, and Grigori Zinoviev (Ap- 
felbaum), president of the Petrograd Soviet. The ethnic affiliation of 
the fifth man at the table Is unknown. 



outside Russia to great ad- 
vantage in this regard. As just 
one example, Iskra (which 
means "spark"), Lhe newspaper 
of the Russian Social-Democratic 
Labor Party, which later became 
the Communist Party, was edited 
and printed by Jews in Munich, 
Germany, and then smuggled 
into Russia. Other Jews from 
Russia carried on their 
revolutionary activities in 
Switzerland, the Netherlands, the 
United States, and other places 
beyond the reach of the tsars' 
police. 

Prior to 1900 nearly all the 
adherents of the various Marxist 
revolutionary factions in Russia 
were Jews. Because of the strong 
hostility which existed between 
the Jews and the Russian 
population, the overwhelming 
Jewishness of the revolutionary 
movement constituted a major 
obstacle to the spread of 
Marxism among Russian 
workers. With Lhe delegates to 
lhe various Marxist congresses 
which were held between 1900 
and 1907 more often addressing 
their audiences in Yiddish than in 
Russian, it is easy to understand 
why not many Russians were 
attracted to the movement. 

After the events of 1905, which 
included a tfreat deal of popular 
unrcst stemming from Russia's 
humiliating defeat in the Russo- 
Japanese War, a conscious effort 
was made to bridge Lhe gap 
Ik? t ween Jewish Marxists and 
their potential Russian recruits 
by promoting those few Russian 
Marxists already in the 
revolutionary ranks to leading 
positions. One who benefited 
some years later from this effort 
was Josef Djugashvili (actually 
not a Russian, but a Georgian), a 
young man unknown outside 

spniM ro rit*i • iwth MMMftnetft 
LONDONf <»'N8)-To *huw t*i*t 

RooaU trtmtn tt» Jrrwr* well* Soviet 
rrasa^r NtfclU Khru-trhev thbt 
wnk remark-*! *t * reoapttMl »t 
thft Polish ftrub**sy that not only 
he himtclf and Soviet PretMent 
KlemenM Voroshlkx.', but ulao 
"half bt the member* or the 
PraakHum,* U« governing body of 
RuaaU, haw JewL»h wive*. 

MR. KflBUSCHKV *■**• fltU 
remark to Xaraelt Amhatwidor 
Joaaph Avidar, who waa among: 
Lhe guest*. The Soirtet Premier 
told AvMftf that Dowager Qu**n 
Bllxabeth of Bi>ijt»um. on a recent 
vi«it to Moecow, -had- raiaad the 
que*Uoa of a apecial Soviet atti- 
tude toward Jewc tn a talk with 
President Voroahllov and that 
Voroahllo* had told her thai the 
Ruaaiao leaders did have a ipeciat 
attitude toward* Jew* sine* ao 
many of them had Jewish wives. 

THIS OLD CLIPPING from the 
B'nai B'rlth Messenger, a Jewish 
newspaper, reveals something 
which very few Americans 
realize: the very close 
relationship between the Gentile 
rulers of the Soviet Union and the 
Jews. Not only were Khrushchev 
and "halF the members of the 
Presidium*' married to 
Jewesses, but also Krushchev's 
successor, Leonid Brezhnev. And 
in the past this relationship was 
even closer, Lenin's wife, 
Nadezhda Krupskaya, was a 
Jewess, and Stalin was married 
for a time to Rosa Kaganovich, 
the sister ot one of the USSR's 
most powerful Jewish com- 
misars. Furthermore, Stalin's 
daughter Svetlana, now in the 
United States, was once married 
to Mikhail Kaganovieh, her step- 
mother's nephew. 



communist ranks even as late as 
1917, but who would later be 
known Lo the world as Josef 
Stalin. 

A much more important 
Marxist than Stalin in the early 
years was another man generally 
regarded as a Russian, although 
he was actually one-quarter 
Jewish, at least one-quarter 
Kalmuck (Mongol), one-quarter 
German, and at most one-quarter 
Russian, with his Kalmuck 
heritage showing up most 
strongly in his face. His name 
was Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, but 
he is much better known by his 
underground pseudonym, 
"Lenin." 

A number of competent 
historians have recorded the 
struggles between the various 
Marxist factions, in Russia and 
between the Marxists and the 
Russian government which led to 
Lhe eventual triumph of Lenin's 
Bolshevik faction over all his 
competitors and, finally, over the 
government. No attempt will be 
made here even to summarize 
these struggles. Frank L. Brit- 
ton's little booklet, Behind 
Communism, is recommended to 
Lhe reader who wants to delve 
further into this interesting 
subject. 

Despite the efforts to 
"Russianize^" the Communist 
Party, both before and after the 
1917 revolution, the leadership 
cadres remained over- 
whelmingly Jewish until the late 
1930's. One organ of the Soviet 
regime in particular which was 
notoriously non-Russian was Lhe 
secret police, known by a 
sequence of acronyms and 
initials which soon came to strike 
terror into the heart of every 
Russian: Cheka, GPU, OGPU, 
NKVD, NKGB, MGB, KGB. 

The masses of the Russian 
people, in fact, were so much 
outsiders to the various Marxist 
factions squabbling over the 
corpse of tsarist Russia that the 
greatest danger faced by the 
early Bolshevik commissars was 
a bullet in the back from another 
Jew — not from a Russian. Thus, 
Moses Uritsky, the bloodthirsty 
Cheka boss of Petrograd, was 
murdered on August 30, 1918, by 
lhe Jew Kanegiesser, a member 
of Lhe Social Revolutionary 
faction. And on the same day 
Lenin was critically wounded by 
bullets fired at him by Fanny 
Kaplan, another Social 
Revolutionary — and a member 
of a long line of Jewesses who 
have turned to political 
assassination, the latest in this 
line being Sara Kahn (usually 
identified in the controlled news 
media by her pseudonym, "Sara 
Jane Moore"). 

Lenin recovered from Fanny 
Kaplan's bullets, but he died on 
January 21, 1924, from a stroke, 
following a long illness. During 
Lenin's last years the most 
powerful communist in Russia 
was easily Lev Trotsky (born 
Bronstein), the Jewish com- 
missar of the Red Army. 

Trotsky's chief rival was to be 
Stalin, who became General 
Secretary of the Communist 
Party in March 1922. Stalin was a 
cleverer political infighter than 
Trotsky. In order to bring down 
Trotsky he allied himself with 
Jewish Politburo members Lev 
Kamenev (born Rosenfeld) and 
Grigori Zinoviev (born Ap- 
felbaurn). Within .a year after 



outflanked 

Zinoviev 
the time of 



Lenin's death the Stalin- 
Kamenev-Zinoviev triumvirate 
had successfully 
Trotsky. 

And, although 
outranked Stalin at 
Lenin's death, it did not take 
Stalin but a few months after he 
and his allies had undermined 
Trotsky's position for.him to gain 
Lhe upper hand over both 
Kamenev and Zinoviev. By 1927 
Stalin had emerged as the virtual 
dictator of the Soviet Union. 

Stalin's rise to supremacy did 
not go undisputed, however. 



Even after 1927 various in- 
dividuals and coalitions of 
communists made the fatal 
mistake of attempting to unseat 
him. Stalin was able to maintain 
and consolidate his power only 
because he possessed ex- 
traordinary skill m the cut-throat 
game of conspiracy and counter- 
conspiracy which raged in the 
Communist Party hierarchy for 
more than a decade after the 
revolution. In cunning, 
ruthlessness, suspiciousness, and 
deviousness he was a match for 
any Jew in Russia, 



65 

The attitudes and patterns of 
thought formed during the early 
years of vicious infighting stayed 
with Stalin all his life. He never 
lost the feeling that he was 
surrounded by enemies who were 
conspiring against him, and until 
his death he continued to employ 
the divide -and -rule tactics which 
enabled him to claw his way to 
the top. 

The series of arrests and show 
trials of the late (93Q's, known as 
"the Great Terror," were 
primarily a manifestation of 
Stalin's paranoia. During the 




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ahorn ara anuaroWata.. *t would be grave mditeke on our i>art to official!) 



reoogriiaa Bolati*r$k >^^ p^ *<^ °t Rusaiaa 

DURING THE LAST DAYS of World War 1, when the Bolsheviks were taking over Russia, U.S. 
diplomatic and military officials in Russia sent many reports back to Washington, Both the above 
telegrams Are in the U.S. National Archives. The upper one. State Department document 
861.00 / J757. was sent on May 2, 1918, by the U.S. consul general in Moscow, Summers. The lower one, 
State Department document 861.00 / 2205, was sent from Vladivostok on July S r 1918, by U.S. consul 
Caldwell. Both describe the predominance of Jews among the Bolsheviks. 









66 

years of the Great Terror Stalin 
more-or-less continuously purged 
and repurged the Communist 
Party, destroying in the process 
all enemies, both real and 
imaginary, and liquidating all 
factions, actual or potential, 
which might conceivably 
challenge his rule. 

It is true that during the years 
1937-1939 a great many Jewish 
communists were killed, and that 
when the smoke had cleared 
there were fewer Jews and more 
Russians in the upper ranks of 
the party than before. Stalin's 
purges can in no way be in- 
terpreted as an anti-Semitic 
move, however. Jewish party 
members were liquidated, not 
because they were Jews, but 
because every party official was 
regarded as a potential threat by 
Stalin. More often than not the 
secret police official who fired 
the fatal bullet into the back of 
the Jewish victim's head in the 
cellars of the NKVD was himself 
a Jew. 

And Russians also were killed 
in droves during the purges — in 
far greater numbers, in fact, than 
Jews. And, although the 
liquidation of so many high- 
ranking officials brought a flux of 
non-Jews up from the lower 
ranks of the hierarchy as 



TH E BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



67 



replacements, Jews still 
remained by far the largest 
ethnic group in the Soviet power 
structure at the outbreak of 
World War II. 

When Hitler launched his 
blitzkrieg attack on the Soviet 
Union in June 1941, determined to 
stamp out the menace of Jewish 
Marxism once and for all, 
Stalin's worries turned in a new 
direction. The Jews, not only in 
Russia but everywhere, had 
suddenly become his most im- 
portant allies in the death 
struggle with Hitler. 

As soon as the Germans in- 
vaded the Soviet Union Stalin 
could count on the moral backing 
of Jewry everywhere. More 
importantly, with their enormous 
power of the press and of the 
purse, they could insure him the 
material support of the United 
States government. 

The behavior of the Jews in the 
USSR in the early days of the war 
caused him considerable worry, 
however. As the Germans ad- 
vanced, tens of thousands of 
Russia's Jews loaded their 
suitcases with currency and 
headed for the Far Easteyi 
provinces, where they im- 
mediately went into business as 
black marketeers. This had a 



The Jewish 



ommunal Register 



of New York City 



t 



1917-1918 



i I. I ll H III H - 



n " f s. rl 



- 



KchlWi (Jewish Cbwimtiuii) } <i| New York C>ry 

£56. SECOry) AY£Ntm 



,'. 



new York err* 



■ 



&&Xft< tf&cofc Hews-, wm Wru in i$4t. at tfrauktad;- 

$e-t&~M«lae> Germany. He received Ms educate* In tN 

*eltf$©J» of Frealcfoli, In 1 W he eame to ATue#<&, -*&**# 

: m settled in *&rw York City, Here* be joined tfce tttaff or 

m- Hoking house. In 18lS» he returned to Eurppe wliere 

he made connections with some ot the chief German fcanElng 

houses. • P&on returning to the United States, he entered 

the banking firm of Kittui, hwb and Company, New York 4 

of- which be later hecaeae the bead. His ftrat became the 

BDanctat rscGoa trustors ot the Union Pacific Eailroad. and 

ettice then is etrongiy interacted in American raUrna^s- 

Mr, Sehift'a principle of ''community 'of interests" among 

the chief railway comhlnatlons led t^o the formation of the 

North«ra SocttrlUes Coinpany, thus eupptessing rnfaona 

competition. The iirm of Kuhn, to«h A Co., floated the 

Large Japanese, War Loans of ISM-fr, tbu» making ^sett>|e 

the Japanese vtefory over RhB»ta, Mr. SehJJK Iw ^ireotor 0| 

a^meroae financial com paniea, among them the Oentrnl 

■■*&m Company, Western Xteion Telegraph Company, the 



very bad effect on the morale of 
the Russian masses, who were 
being exhorted to sacrifice 
everything in the fight against 
the fascist invaders. 

Stalin kept the problem in 
check by having a few hundred 
Jewish currency speculators and 
black market dealers publicly 
shot, but he could hardly afford to 
take any stronger measures 
against them, or the Jews in 
America and Britain might 
simply call off the war, and he 
would be left alone to deal with 
Hitler. 

World War II convinced Stalin 
of one thing: he could never again 
feel safe against external 
enemies with the Soviet 
bureaucracy in the grip of a 
people who had no fundamental 



loyalty to Russia. Like the 
pharaoh who "knew not Joseph," 
he asked himself whether it 
might not happen that "when 
there falleth out any war" — a 
war against a philo-Semitic 
power instead of an anti-Semitic 
one next time, perhaps — 
Russia's Jews would "join also 
unto our enemies," He began 
taking steps to remedy this 
dangerous situation as soon as 
the war was over. 

Acting with great discretion at 
first, Stalin started weeding Jews 
out of the upper levels of the 
Soviet hierarchy. It was 
necessary to proceed slowly for 
two reasons. 

First, Jewish communists in 
the United States, Canada, and 
Britain were still funneling very 



valuable atomic and military 
secrets to him. Like U.S. atom- 
spies Julius and Ethel Rosen- 
berg, Jews everywhere still 
regarded the Soviet Union as a 
Jewish paradise. 

Second, Soviet society was 
utterly dependent upon its Jewish 
managers and technocrats for its 
continued functioning. For three 
decades Jews had virtually 
monopolized the bureaucracy 
and the professions, and it was 
necessary to train a new 
generation of Russians to replace 
them. 

After the Zionist seizure of 
Palestine in 1948 — which was 
immediately given an official 
blessing by the Soviet Union — 
Stalin greatly accelerated his 
weeding-out program Zionism — 



_ „-..*: V«'- -■ 



* ,,-Mr. Scbin* has alwaya nted hie weattfe and «ia lnfiuetiee 
in the feeat interest? of nis people, He financed in* enemies 
djf autocratic Buaaia and used ais 6n$nd*l inftaeae* to 
keep JLuwiat- Trcna the money markel of %e .United -grates, 
, When last Jean Mr. ScftttE celebrated M* Seventieth 
^irtoder, all tae -i EWtioa* of Jewry in tne tfnited SSatea i! ;d 
eisewnere unJted tn pay int trinnie .to.- feint. 

JACOB SCHIFF, described here on pages 1018-1019 of New York's 
Jewish Communal Register for 1917-1918, was one of the wealthiest 
Jewish capitalists in America. He headed the powerful Wall Street 
banking firm of Kuhn, Loeb. Yet Schiff, after first bankrolling the 
Japanese against the Russians In 1904. gave Trotsky and other Jewish 
communists $25 million to launch the Bolshevik revolution of 1917. And 
some Americans still believe that there is a fundamental antithesis 
between Jewish capitalism and Jewish communism! 












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EEAD^ARTMS, WIERICAI 3TOI3>11;ia»Al^ FORCES # SIBERIA 




June 9th » IW*. 



&J$^ 



f «t The Chief of 9t«ff 



3, ♦ In compliance with order a uf tHe Command ing aenerel 
(Secret) 0oteber 25th ^ 19X8 , I lef % VXadlvofttofe on Hovembar 
20th, *£t& mid prooa*dad to Omak whioh I reached on Decem- 

modeiri government into the ooutftryv fheae nopea were f nia- 
trated by the grad.u/a gaine in po^e.T of the more irreepon- 
alwe and socialistic alement si of- the population guided oy 
thie ^e^a and otney ant|^§uaeian xacea, A table made in 
AH|ll Hta by Robert Hilton, the correspondent of the London 
tfiia inHuiaia!. mowi Jh-xl .at that time there we*e 364: 
* oosffQiaaer a* including 2 negroee, 13 Rue siane, 15 Chinanten, 
%% At peniaiia and more than ofcO Jew*. Of the latter number 
%M W& come to Rueeia fxbm tUe United Statea ainca the 
diWnf all of the Imptial aoTejitment^ ft la only einoa the 



■■mi, 



t 




BOTH THESE MILITARY INTELLIGENCE REPORTS are in the U.S. National Archives in 
Washington. They were written by Captain Montgomery Schuyler, U.S. Army. The first was sent 
from Omsk on March 1, 1919, and the second from Vladivostok on June 9, 1919. Both describe the civil 
war then raging between the Russians and the Jewish-led Bolsheviks, in which the Bolsheviks 
carried out terrible massacres of Russian civilians and prisoners of war. Such information was 
carefully suppressed by the U.S. news media. Schuyler, like all other U.S. observers then in Russia, 
was appalled by the idea of the whole Russian nation falling into the hands of a vicious and sadistic 
gang of greasy Jewish cutthroats. 









Stalin Concern about Jews Grew after WWII 



loyalty to a foreign power — was Between 1948 and 1953, Stalin's 

equivalent to treason, and every changed attitude toward the Jews 

Jew, whether he professed filtered down to the Russian 

loyalty to Israel or not, was masses. On the law books anti- 

regarded as at least a potential Semitism was still equivalent to 

Zionist. anti-Sovietism — an equivalence 



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ill III • ■■'!■ ll \ ll ' l "^ Vl """ v ^';--"M^. 1 -.t Vl l1. 



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■ i l . i ■ 1 1 I f I U I 1 1 1 1 1 1 M I I JM | il »*H > un 



; THE SOVIET EMBIRE • 
A Stwdy in Discrimination and Abyse ol Power 



LE015LATIVB KEJFTEEENCK SERVICE 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

SUBCDMMITTEJS TO IHTOSTiaA^B : TJIE:'' . 
ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 
ACT ANP Omm INTEENAb SECURITY LAWS 

' 0*'- : Wt&" : ' 

: ; COMMITTEE OK THE JTOICiABY 
UNITED STATES SENATE 




Pririibd for tt>f? ti«? at the Committee on the Jt^ojt(M~, 



tCLWO 






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■ 1 , 1 l u ! . « . < i ii j i m i 1 1 i t l . i i '.m 1 1 > h i .n i . i 1 1 1 1 }' t 1 4 1 1 1 1 * ******* i i nn Mil l ww > » m i Vh /n i i n i 



IHIMI I I H I H i I I I II M II M I W I I I I DU I 



* xftl'';;,*.:<X>v,»AW^ v, - , 



Thnf Khru^h^hfiv's aititndes toward Soviet Jewry sua refleot^il in 
Soi-i^t policy and ptactire is i^sdily p^vuived by th ic redurfion 

of the nntnter ol .J&u-s .in the partly and Govw-rin^nt org^mxation^. . As 
Hvm h known thwe ar<* no Je^- \ in the upi r uchelor >f the pa itv < ^ 
Government with the oarocption of Y. E. Dimrhif/, Fit-st Deputy 
r 1 hftirmAn of the i'lawung Oftlet- Before Work! War 11„ 41.1 nwttit : 
of the deputies to the Supuwoo So\ kt ot the 17.S..S.R. were Jewish; by 
idn% the ftgjire had dropped to Qs2& piurcpnl. Jews were alao unde^'- 
represented m the Supreme Soviet ->f mow t'lwm Repubti^^ ^p^d* 

THE SENATE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE issued the above report in 
1965. Its purpose was to show that the Jews are being "discriminated 
against" by the Soviet government, but in doing so it inadvertently 
revealed that the Jews had formerly constituted more than 40 per cent 
of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR! The extract is from page 63 of the 
report. 



established by Lenin's infamous 
edict of August 9, 1918 — and, as 
revealed by Solzhenitsyn in his 
First Circle, an ordinary Russian 
could still be given a 10-year 
sentence at hard labor for 
casually using the word "zheed" 
(kike) — but, at least, one was no 
longer shot for such an offense, as 
was the case before the war. A 
few bold Russians defied the law, 
and poems, short stories, and a 
few pamphlets began circulating 
surreptitiously, which reflected, 
for the first time in 30 years, the 
deep-smouldering resentment of 
the people against the Jews. 

In Romania, Poland, 

Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and 
other Soviet satellites Stalin's 
program was also underway. The 
Soviet-puppet governments 
which had been installed in these 
countries in the wake of their 
"liberation" by the Red Army 
were almost completely 
"kosher." Now the Jewish party 
bosses and commissars — Ana 
Pauker in Romania, Rudolf 
Slansky in Czeehoslavakia, 
Matyas Rakosi in Hungary — 
were being summarily deposed 
and replaced by Poles, Czechs, 
Hungarians, etc. 

It was in this period — the 
period of the "Cold War" - that 
Jews began their public wailing 
about "Soviet anti-Semitism." In 
fact, there is a fundamental 
connection between Stalin's 
weeding-out program and the 
onset of the Cold War. It was the 
postwar recognition by the 
Jewish masters of America's 
mass media that their fortunes 
had changed in the USSR that led 
to a deliberate effort on their part 
to shift American public opinion 
and governmental policy away 
from the pro-Soviet stance which 
they themselves had generated 
during World War II. But that is 
another story in itself. 

Stalin died on March 5, 1953. 
There are persistent rumors that 
his death came just on the eve of 
a planned roundup of all the 
remaining Jews in the Soviet 
Union — and that it was Stalin's 
plan for this "final solution" of 
Russia's Jewish problem which 
led to his death by poison at the 
hands of one of his associates or 
doctors. At this time we have no 
way of knowing the truth of the 
matter. We do know, however, 
that Stalin's program to Russify 






. ■__■__- ii^. . . A 1 » « T W-*. W it 



JEWS HAVE BEEN WAILING for 25 years about how they are being "persecuted" in Russia — just 
as they were "persecuted" in Germany before that, and in Poland, and in Romania, and in Hungary, 
and in Spain, and ... This race of professional martyrs regards any Gentile resistance to Jewish ef- 
forts to take over a country as "persecution." And there always seem to be plenty of gullible Gentiles 
in other countries to believe them. 



the upper ranks of the Soviet 
bureaucracy had been largely 
accomplished by the time of his 
death. 

With Stalin dead the Jews of 
Russia were out of any danger of 
being abandoned by the Soviet 
government to the wrath of the 
Russian people. During the 
period of "de-Stalinization" 
which followed, most of Stalin's 
measures against the Jews were 
relaxed. But the government was 
not handed back over to the Jews. 
Russian communists were in the 
saddle now, and they intended to 
stay there. 

And thus it has continued to the 
present. And the Jews in the 
United States and other Western 
countries maintain their nonstop 
serenade of the Gentile public 
with tales of woe and persecution 
in the USSR. 

Undoubtedly, many Jews 
actually believe they are being 
persecuted by the Soviet 
government. After all, are they 
not God's "chosen people," who 
by right should rule over the 
Russians? Is it. not "persecution" 
to deny them this right? 

In any event, believed by the 
Jews or not, this serenade is 
largely believed by their gullible 
Gentile audience, and it serves as 
a very useful means of main- 
taining the pressure of Western 
public opinion against the Soviet 
government. As long as the 
Soviets are dependent upon trade 
with the West, they are obliged to 
tread lightly where Soviet Jews 
are concerned. 



Thus, Henry Kissinger's policy 
of detente (rather, partial 
detente, the prospect of detente), 
which is facetiously attacked by 
many American Jews and their 
Gentile henchmen (Senator 
Jackson, for example) actually 
serves the Jews very well. It 
insures that their present position 
in the Soviet Union will not 
deteriorate further, as it did 
under Stalin. And what is that 
position today 9 

Jews, who today account for 
just under one per cent (0.9) of 
the total population of the Soviet 
Union, occupy approximately the 
same percentage (0,8) of senior 
parLy and government positions 
in that country. 

But Jews constitute 1.9 per cent 
of all students and 5.5 per cent of 
all faculty members at Soviet 
institutions of higher education. 
They account for 7 per cent of all 
Soviet scientists. They hold 14 per 
cent of the doctoral degrees in the 
Soviet Union. And they make up 
more than 20 per cent of the 
highly paid members of the 
performing arts, entertainment, 
and mass communications 
professions. These figures (ex- 
cept the last) are from the May 
1974 issue of Commentary, a 
magazine published by the 
American Jewish Committee, 
which is in the forefront of those 
organizations lamenting the 
"persecution" of Soviet Jews. 

The truth is that Jews are not 
now and never have been per- 
secuted by a communist 
government. They constitute a 
privileged minority in the Soviet 



£M 





I 






68 

Union today, a minority which 
holds a higher percentage of soft 
jobs and enjoys a higher standard 
of living than any other ethnic 
group — including Russians — 
and which is the only minority 
which has been allowed to 
emigrate. 

It is also true that Jews in the 
Soviet Union are not as privileged 
a group today as they were before 
World War II. But Stalin did not 
persecute Jews when he curtailed 
some of their privileges; ha 
simply set out to correct the gross 
inequity which existed in the 
Soviet Union between the power 
wielded by Jews and that wielded 
by Russians and other ethnic 
groups. It is this long-overdue 
correction which the Jews of the 
world so indignantly refer to as 
"persecution." 

Today's Soviet leaders are not 
passionate men, not idealistic 
men, not religious men. They are 
not the sort of men burning with a 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



69 



sense of justice, with a craving to 
right old wrongs and settle old 
scores. They are not the sort of 
men, in short, to persecute Jews, 
for what, is the profit in that? 

They are cold-blooded 
businessmen-gangsters, not 
basically unlike the sort we are 
familiar with in this country. 
They do what is necessary to 
protect their power, but they do 
not waste their time and energy 
on such trifles as justice. 

But the day may come when 
the Russian masses will rise up 
and throw off the communist 
yoke which was put on their 
necks nearly 60 years ago. If that 
day does come, then the Jews will 
really have something to scream 
about. 

(issue No. 43, 1976) 



Drifter's Story 



Ali's 
Wisdom 



In this era of falsehood and 
corruption, it is refreshing to 
hear a little simple wisdom on 
racial matters from a well-known 
public figure. It is embarrassing, 
however, that that wisdom should 
have to come from a Black rather 
than someone of our own race. 

In a recent interview published 
by Playboy magazine, 
Muhammed All, the Black 
heavyweight-champion boxer, 
who is a devotee of the Black 
Muslim religion, made the 
following comments: 

" If I could be President of 

the U.S. tomorrow or be in an 

all-black country of 25,000,000 
Negroes and my job would be to 
put garbage in the truck, I'd be a 
garbageman . And if that included 
not just me but also my children 
and all my seed from now till 
forever, I'd still rather have the 
lowest job in a black society than 
the highest in a white society. If 
we get our own country, I'd 
empty trash ahead of being 
President of the U,S 







MUHAMMED ALI 

"Before I was a Muslim , I had 
one white girlfriend for two days, 
that's all. I wasn't no Muslim 
then, but I just felt it wasn't right, 
..... Black men with white women 
just don't feel right. They may 



think it's all right and that 
they're in love, but you see 'em 
walking on the street and they're 
ashamed — they be ductdn' and 
they be cold. They're not proud. 
Once you get a knowledge of 
yourself you see how stupid that 
is 

"Man, I was in Chicago a 
couple of months ago and saw a 
white fella take a black woman 
into a motel room. He stayed with 
her two or three hours and then 
walked out — and a bunch of 
brothers saw it and didn't even 
say no thin'. They should have 
thrown rocks at his car or kicked 
down the door while he was In 
there screwing her — do 
something to let him know you 
don't like It. How can you be a 
man when another man can come 
get your woman or your daughter 
or your sister — and take her to a 
room and screw her — and, 
nigger, you don't even protest?,... 

"A black man should be killed 
if he's messing with a white 
woman ... Raping, patting, 
abusing, showing our women 
disrespect — a (White) man 

should die for that We will kill 

you, and the brothers who don't 
kill you will get their behinds 
whipped and probably get killed 
themselves if they let it happen 
and don't do nothin 1 about it," 

In response to a question from 
his interviewer as to what should 
be done about a Black Muslim 
woman who goes out with a White 
man, All answered: "The she 
dies. Kill her too." 

And, although Ali didn't say it, 
the same should apply to the 
White woman who betrays her 
race. Kill her too! 

(Issue No. 45, 1976) 



Spandau: The Secret Diaries, 

by Albert Speer, translated by 
Richard and Clara Winston, 
published by MacmiUan, $13.95. 

When the July 20 conspirators, 
who sought to murder Adolf 
Hitler on that date in 1944, put 
together a proposed list of 
cabinet members who would 
assume control of Germany after 
the assassination of the Fuehrer, 
they included Albert Speer, the 
minister of armaments and war 
production. However, the 
question mark placed after 
Speer 's name by the conspirators 
probably spared him the much 
deserved justice meted out to the 
others. After reading Speer 's 
first work, Inside The Third 
Reich, and now his Spandau 
diaries, the question mark of over 
thirty years ago assumes a feu- 
greater significance in my mind, 

Speer 's disgraceful conduct at 
the Nuremberg "war crimes" 
trials can never be forgiven, He is 
not a man like the martyred 
Alfred Rosenberg, a philosopher 
— one lit from within by Idealism 

■for whom truth must always be 
more important than con- 
sequences. Nor does he resemble 
his fellow prisoner Rudolf Hess, 
the lone Inmate of Spandau, a 
man with no power but the moral 
force of his firm beliefs, who still 
remains unbroken* Con- 
sequently, Speer is Incapable of 
taking the full measure of such 
outstanding historical per- 
sonalities, no matter how well he 
knew them. 

Perhaps the single most 
revealing insight into Speer 's 
character is found In his diary 
entry of July 28, 1949, which 
reads, in part: "I cannot talk 
myself out of it; I am faithless. 
And this is not only because 
Hitler has forfeited all claim on 
my loyalty; loyalty to a monster 
cannot be. But I sometimes ask 
myself whether there is not some 
Inexplicable Instinct within me 
that always, whether I want it or 
not, makes me succumb to the 
spirit of the times; as though the 
prevailing current always 
carried me along. My feeling of 



guilt at Nuremberg was certainly 
completely sincere, but I wish I 
could have felt it in 1942. I would 
have more confidence in my own 
judgment if today, at least from 
time to time, I were in opposition 
to the Zeitgeist, which now 
condemns Hitler." (emphasis 
added) 

Speer's prison diaries are filled 
With other remarkable flashes of 
essentially honest introspection. 
He provides fairly generous 
samples of his nocturnal dreams, 
as well as some rather telling 
daydreams (in my view, these 
are the more important). 

Because the diaries were 
written surreptitiously and at odd 
intervals, certain of Speer's ideas 
are never fully elucidated. Even 
his sententious moral debates 
never actually come close to a 
resolution of key issues. Early 
entries are often quite lengthy. 
As the years In prison pile up and 
Speer's mood shifts, he writes 
much less. Streaks of bitterness 
frequently appear in the more 
laconic entries, and, all con- 
sidered, it is sometimes difficult 
to read Speer's words without 
being overtaken by a sense of 
melancholy. 

The diaries contain many 
worthwhile historical anecdotes. 
One conversation between the 
German Leader and Field 
Marshal Keltel, which Speer 
transcribed on December 26, 
1950, is especially noteworthy. In 
it Hitler says: "You know my 
opinion of Franco. Two years 
ago, when we were about to meet, 
I thought he was a true leader, 
but I met a fat little sergeant who 
couldn't at all grasp my far- 
reaching plans. We ought to keep 
these Red Spaniards on the back 
burner — there are many 
thousands of them, after all. 
They're lost to democracy , and to 
that reactionary crew around 
Franco too. We have real 
chances there. I believe you to 
the letter, Speer, that they were 
impressive people. I must say, in 
general, that during the civil war 
the idealism was not on Franco's 
side; it was to be found among 




Speer with Hitler 

the Reds. Certainly they pillaged 
and desecrated, but so did 
Franco's men, without having 
any good reason for it .,. When I 
think of that I understand a good 
many things." 

The Spandau diaries certainly 
make fascinating reading. 
However, Speer, a deeply flawed 
individual, can be alternately 
engaging and repulsive. Since 
one can never be entirely sure of 
his motives, the reader is urged 
to use a certain amount of caution 
in approaching either of his 
books. For Speer seems, at times, 
excessively poised, too eager to 
confess his "guilt" and settle old 
scores by slandering safely 
departed comrades. Yet, a 
discerning eye will see a side of 
Adolf Hitler that hasn't been 
shown in many histories of the 
Third Reich, and it is not 
altogether bad. But Speer is a 
man too much given to tem- 
porizing — and shooting for In- 
ternational bestsellers — to be 
deeply concerned with bringing 
forth the whole truth. And that is 
why the same question mark of 
long ago still remains after his 
name. 

Nick Camerota 

{Issue No. 45, 1976) 



Prisoner of Peace 



On May 10 an 81-year-old man, 
sitting In a solitary prison cell in 
Berlin, will complete his 35th 
year of confinement as a political 




RUDOLF HESS 



prisoner — a longer period than 
any other political prisoner in 
modern times. His name, is 
Rudolf Hess, and the "crime" for 
which he has been imprisoned so 
long was trying to stop the Second 
World War. 

On the night of May 10, 1941, 
Hess, who was Adolf Hitler's 
deputy, made a solo flight to 
England in an effort to establish 
personal contact with British 
leaders and initiate a peace 
settlement between Britain arid 
Germany. He hoped that his 
dramatic peace mission would 
capture the imagination of the 
English people and bring an end 
to the war. 

Instead, however, Churchill, 
who throughout his political 
career was a puppet of Jewish 
interests, immediately had Hess 
arrested and held in solitary 
confinement. Churchill's backers 
were determined that nothing 
should halt the war until the 



German people had been 
crushed. 

After the war Hess was 
cynically tried and condemned to 
lifelong imprisonment for 
"crimes against peace" by the 
infamous Nuremberg Tribunal. 
Sitting as members of this 
tribunal were representatives of 
the U.S. and Soviet governments* 
neither of which had even been at 
war at the time of Hess's peace 
mission and subsequent arrest! 

Now, as Hess begins his 3&th 
year of imprisonment, the dark 
forces whose eternal hatred he 
incurred back in 1941 when he 
tried to halt their war are 
determined that he shall die in his 
prison cell. 

(Issue No. 45, 1976) 



Equalitarian Theorists Worried 

Bassou: 
Man- Ape Hybrid? 



Film Review 



A Close Look 
at Hell 




BASSOU, so named by the local 
Berbers, is an embarrassment to 
those who insist that every 
animal which qualifies as 
"human" is "equal" to every 
other such animal. 



Bassou lives in the Valley of 
Dades, near the town of Skoura, 
in Morocco. He sleeps in the trees 
there and subsists on dates, 
berries, and insects. He wears no 
clothes (although he was per- 
suaded to don a burlap sack for 
the photographs which appear 
here), uses no tools, and speaks 
only in grunts. 

The local Berbers have been 
aware of Bassou 's presence for at 
least the past 25 years, but they 
shun him in superstitious fear 
and have been unable to give any 
clue as to his origin. Western 
scientists have also been aware 
of Bassou for a number of years, 
but, for the most part, they too 
shun him in superstitious fear. 
For Bassou's existence raises 
some very troubling questions for 
the true believers in the TV 
religion of universal human 
equality. It has been hard enough 
for them to try to fit Blacks and 
Whites together into that scheme, 
without having to worry about 
Bassou. 

What is Bassou? No one really 
knows. He displays both ape-like 



and manlike characteristics. 
Those who have studied him, 
however, have been reluctant to 
accept the suggestion that he is 
the product of a mating between 
a human being — Negro or 
Berber — and an anthropoid ape, 
all three of which Morocco has an 
abundance. 

Yet, Bassou is clearly 
something special, and not just a 
deformed human being. With 
arms so long his fingers hang 
below his knees when he stands 
upright; with massive, bony 
ridges above his eyes and a 
sharply receding forehead; with 
jaws, teeth, chin, and cheekbones 
ali showing pronounced ape-like 
characteristics, he is a true ape- 
man. 

There have been rumors for 
centuries — ever since Africa 
was opened to European ex- 
ploration — of apes raiding 
African villages and mating with 
Negro women. Thus, the King 
Kong legend. Scientists have 
never been able to confirm these 
rumors, and it has been assumed 
that, even if such matings did 
occasionally take place, there 
would be no offspring. 

But there has never been a 
scientific effort — largely for 
religious reasons —■ to actually 
determine whether a union 
between some human sub-species 
— a Negro, say — and some 
species of ape, might be fertile. 
Numerous other examples of 
inter-specific matings which 
yield hybrid offspring are known. 
The mule is a cross between a 
horse and a donkey, and the liger 
is a cross between a lion and a 
tiger, for example. 

If Bassou is indeed such a 
hybrid ~- and no other plausible 
explanation for him has yet been 
brought forward — then his 
existence throws a real monkey 
wrench into the neo-Jiberal 
theory of the separateness of man 
from the rest of Nature. It forces 
us to face the continuity of 
Nature's hierarchy. And it makes 
us ask some questions. 

What is human? Where shall 
we draw the line? Shall we in- 
clude Bassou and begin worrying 
about whether his "human 
dignity" has been abused? And if 
we include Bassou — and if he is a 
hybrid — what of his parents? 
Shall we include one but not the 
other? If we include both, are we 
to turn loose all the chimpanzees 
and gorillas now in our zoos and 
register them to vote? 

Perhaps we need to re-examine 
the whole myth of racial equality 
and begin to face reality. 

(Issue No. 44, 1976) 




Taxi Driver, directed by 
Martin Scorsese, screenplay by 
Paul Schrader, a Columbia 
release. 



There are a good many things 
wrong with Taxi Driver; the 
worst is that the flick attempts 
entirely too much. Martin 
Scorsese, the frail and un- 
disciplined director (never a big 
favorite of mine), could have 
made at least five separate films 
out of Taxi Driver. The doleful 
and appropriately neurotic 
musical score which snakes 
through the film makes the whole 
event harder to take. 

A native New Yorker, Scorsese 
is a lapsed Catholic and ex- 
seminarian who, to his credit, 
supplies a certain moral vision 
without becoming didactic. He 
claims there is much religious 
symbolism in Taxi Driver. None 
of it is evident to me, but, what 
the hell, it's his film and he can 
say whatever he chooses about it. 
Somehow I just can't see Cybill 
Shepherd as the Virgin Mary. 
(I've had this long-smoldering 
thing for Cybill which probably 
prevents me from seeing her 
through Scorsese's eyes.) 

I saw Taxi Driver after reading 
a panegyric to New York City by 
a recently retired N.Y. Times 
reporter who, in his neo-liberal 
wisdom, wrote off all the rest of 
America as a backwater blighted 
by racism and infested with 
Birchers and Babbitts, all haters 
of Fun City's delightful ethnic 
aroma. Very cute stuff. However, 
Martin Scorsese's New York City 
is the real one, and, for that 
reason alone, Taxi Driver is 
worth seeing. For all its short- 
comings, this film is a forceful 
guided tour through an urban 
cesspool, an unflinching look at 
life at the bottom, and, most 
importantly, a finely realized 
portrait of alienation. 

The central character, an in- 
somniac hack driver named 
Travis Bickle, is ai> isolated and 
fractured personality lost in the 
oversized, alien Babylon, and he 
aches for some kind of human 
relationship. Most reviewers I 
have read lack any real sym- 
pathy for Travis (played 
superbly by Oscar winner Robert 



DeNiro). Admittedly, Travis is a 
marginal sort with few interests; 
however, they dismiss him all too 
quickly as a lone psychopath who 
simply gets nuttier as the film 
progresses. Travis is far more 
than this: his insanity is the 
natural result of a profound 
alienation produced by a cracked 
social order, and, as such, he is 
part and parcel of the whole 
mess. He is the unseen danger 
lurking just outside society's 
door. Under too much stress he 
may gain entry and pay off the 
System in the only currency he 
has been able to accumulate: 
rage and violence. 

Midway through the film, 
Travis spies a lovely campaign 
worker (Cybill Shepherd) who is 
hustling for a vacuous, Jimmy 
Carter -type Presidential can- 
didate. He offers to take her out 
for an afternoon snack, and, after 
some hesitation, she accepts. He 
turns on the charm and im- 
presses her with the sort of in- 
sights only loners and outsiders 
seem to possess. Yet he fails to 
see her as she is: beautiful, yes, 
but as simple as a sheep, given to 
quoting snatches from Kris 
Kristofferson records, bound up 
in the politics and mores of a 
sinking System. Predictably, the 
relationship doesn't get far. 

Before their bust-up, Travis 
accidentally winds up chauf- 
feur Lng Cybill's candidate to a 
posh Manhattan hotel, 
Recognizing him, Travis tells the 
carpetbagger that he has another 
vote. Pleased, the slick fellow 
asks the cab driver what he, as 
President, should do about New 
York. Travis ponders this awhile 
and answers by calling the city 
"an open sewer" inhabited 
mostly by "scum" and suggests 
flushing "the whole fucking thing 
down the toilet." The proposal is 
greeted by an uneasy silence. 

The loss of fair Cybill, an at- 
tempt to rescue a raffish, 12-year- 
old girl (Jodie Foster) from 
prostitution, the filth and cruelty 
of the city, and the hopelessness 
of his own existence all combine 
to drive Travis around the bend. 
The searing and brutal 
denouement and the film's ironic 
finish (right, I won't reveal 
either; be sure to bring a strong 
stomach if you view it) make 
Taxi Driver an experience which 
won't be easily shrugged off. 

A question frequently asked — 
and seldom answered — is what 
to think of those like Travis who 
attempt acts of "propaganda by 
deed"? Perhaps Elisee Reclus, a 
French anarchist, provided a 
partial answer when he wrote: 
"If an isolated individual filled 
with rage takes his revenge on a 
society which brought him up 
badly, fed him badly, advised 



him badly, what can I say? It is 
the result of terrible forces, the 
consequences of deep passions, 
the eruption of justice in its 
primitive phases. To take sides 
against the unfortunate man and 
so justify, however indirectly, the 
system of humiliation and op- 
pression that weighs on him and 
millions of his fellow men — 
never 1" 




Director Scorsese and actor De 
Niro (In cab) take a break during 
filming of "Taxi Driver." 



A concluding note: the 
quotation from Reclus should not 
be taken as a personal en- 
dorsement of anarchy. I tend to 
side with another writer who once 
suggested that our choice is not 
one of anarchy vs. true authority ; 
instead, it is likely we will have 
anarchy — and then true 
authority. 



Nick Camerota 



(Issue No. 45, 1976) 




(Issue No. 45, 1976) 






70 



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THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



71 



White Survival Is at Stake 



Crisis in Rhodesia 



The White government of 
Rhodesia is "illegal" and 
"racist," U.S. Secretary of State 
Henry Kissinger told a meeting of 
the World Affairs Council in 
Dallas on March 22, and the 
United States must do more to 
force the White Rhodesians to 
turn their country over to the 
Black terrorist groups now at- 
tempting to "liberate" it. 

What Mr. Kissinger wants for 
Rhodesia is a repeat of what took 
place in Angola a few months 
ago. Except that he doesn't want 
the Cuban and Soviet forces now 
in Africa to actually invade 
Rhodesia the way they did 
Angola, he says. He wants it to be 
an all-Black enterprise, 

The destruction of White 
Rhodesia has been Kissinger's 
goal throughout his public 
career. In September 1973, 
during the public hearings on his 
nomination to be Richard Nixon's 
secretary of state, he told the 
members of the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee that his 
policy would be to bring the 
United States into full com- 
pliance with the United Nations 
trade embargo designed to starve 
Rhodesia into submission. 
(ATTACK I Assistant Editor Nick 
Camerota testified against 
Kissinger during those hearings, 
calling Kissinger's anti-White 
and anti-American record to the 
attention of the U.S. Senate.) 

And last month one of 
Kissinger's subordinates, 
William E. Schaufeler, assistant 
secretary of state for African 
affairs, told the Senate Foreign 
Relations African Subcommittee 
that the United States is backing 
those who are fighting for Black 
rule in Rhodesia, whether they 
are communists or not. On March 
19 he testified that the United 
States is preparing to send aid to 
Mozambique as a reward for 
"implementing United Nations 
sanctions" against Rhodesia. 

Mozambique, which borders 
Rhodesia on the east, is ruled by 
Black Marxist dictator Samora 
Machel. That country has been 
the principal haven for Black 
terrorists waging guerrilla 
warfare in Rhodesia. On March 3 
Mozambique sealed her border 



£&- ' ' : ,■--■'■ - :': •'■ . ' v ; ' ■ - 



-. . 



\ . 







RMQDLStAN MIMISTHV OF INfOMMiATiON 



SALISBURY is the modern, clean, and decent capital of Rhodesia; 
With a mild climate, nearly three times the area of England, Scotland, 
and Wales combined, and much land suitable for agriculture, 
Rhodesia attracted Its first White settlers in the lSSO's. Unlike the 
Boers, who encountered no Blacks when they first settled South Africa 
In the middle of the 17th century, Rhodeslan Whites had to contend 
with hostile, warring Bantus from the beginning. Their experiences 
paralleled those of the American pioneers, who, during the same time 
period, faced Indian raids as they settled the West. 

Rhodesia today has 270,000 White citizens, primarily of English and 
Dutch ancestry, and nearly six million Negroes. White Rhodesians, 
although they have maintained their racial pride and avoided mixing 
with Blacks, have gone to great lengths to improve the lives of the 
Blacks in their country, providing them with vastly better schools, 
medical care, housing, and employment opportunities than they enjoy 
elsewhere in Africa. 



But when the decaying British Empire perversely began betraying 
the White citizens of its African dominions after World War II, turning 
one territory after another over to undisciplined Black majorities, 
Rhodesians acted to preserve what they had built at such great 
sacrifice. Following the example set nearly 200 years earlier by the 
American colonists, they declared their Independence of Great Britain 
In lfMJ5. 

In a shameful betrayal of its own traditions, the U.S. government 
has bowed to minority pressure and has refused to recognize 
Rhodesia's "illegal" declaration of independence, instead joining the 
efforts of the non- Whites in the United Nations to starve Rhodesia into 
capitulation by a trade boycott. The Rhodesians have tightened their 
belts and are successfully weathering the boycott, but now America Is 
joining Britain and the Soviet Union in providing direct aid to Black 
terrorists attempting to destroy Rhodesia. 



with Rhodesia, halting all 
Rhodeslan rail traffic to the 
Indian Ocean port of Beira, and 
seized 16 Rhodeslan train 
crewmen. Nearly 25 per cent of 
Rhodesia's exports formerly 
flowed through Mozambique. 



Mr. Kissinger is encouraging 
the interpretation of his policy in 
southern Africa as one designed 
principally to limit the expansion 
of Soviet power. His recent 
rhetoric against Cuban and 
Soviet intervention in Rhodesia 



support that interpretation. But 
U.S. aid to the pro-Soviet 
government of Mozambique is 
harder to understand. And, of 
course, there remains the fact 
that the White Rhodesian 
government Kissinger is trying 




TYPICAL KINDERGARTEN classroom in Salisbury. These healthy, 
racially superior, well-behaved children represent not only the future 
of Rhodesia but also of the White race everywhere. If White 



so hard to wreck is staunchly 
anti-Soviet. 

But these contradictions are 
certainly no more confusing than 
the ones presented us by 
Kissinger's policy during the 
Vietnam war. Then he portrayed 
himself — with the convenient 
collaboration of the controlled 
news media — as a "hardliner" 
and a "hawk," while all the while 
he was secretly working to 
scuttle the American war effort 
and arrange a shameful 
surrender to the communists. 

Nor do other explanations put 
forward by supporters of the 
present U'.S. policy toward Africa 
make any sense. 

Some try to justify the anti- 
White stance of the United States 
in terms of matter-of-fact 
reatpolitik. If we support the 
"racist" regimes of Rhodesia 
and South Africa, they say, all of 
Black Africa will be our enemy 
and will turn to the Soviet Union 
or China .for aid. On the other 
Americans stand by and allow the Kissinger policy to succeed in band, if we support the Black 
destroying these children, the* our own children will one day pay the "liberation" movement*, then 
price, the Blacks will be our friends, 



will block Soviet influence In 
Africa (in gratitude for our 
support, presumably), will allow 
us to trade with them, and will 
give us other unspecified ad- 
vantages. 

The events of recent years 
hardly confirm this naive view. 
Although the U.S. government 
has been consistently hostile to 
White governments in Africa 
since World War II and has given 
billions of dollars in aid to various 
"emerging" Black nations, it 
would be difficult to name a 
single one we can truly call a 
"friend" today — and harder still 
to think of a single concrete 
benefit all our efforts at friend- 
ship have* gained us. 

We gave moral support and 
encouragement to Jomo 
Kenyatta's "Mau Mau" butchers 
when they were murderirig 
English farmers in Kenya. We 
participated in the United 
Nations bestiality in the Belgian 
Congo, which plunged that out- 
post of White civilization back 
into Black savagery. And, most 
recently, we applauded the 
bloody expulsion of the Por- 
tuguese from Angola. Yet, all this 
anti-White activity and sentiment 
on our part has resulted only in a 
vast increase in Chinese and 
Soviet influence in Africa, with a 
parallel decline in American 
influence. A glance fit the voting 
record of Black Africa in the 
United Nations General 
Assembly should be proof enough 
of this. 

It would probably be an over- 
simplification of the truth to say 
that the U.S. government ac- 
tually planned R that way from 
the beginning. After all, until last 
month's statement of U.S. sup- 
port for Marxist Mozambique, 
American aid was funneled 
preferentially to Black terrorist 
groups who claimed to be anti- 
communist or, at least, anti- 
Soviet — as in Angola, for 
example. And our CIA did make a 
number of bumbling attempts to 
have anti-American African 
leaders assassinated and to steer 
the course of the yarious Black 




THESE RHODES! AN BOYS are fishing near Bulawayo, Rhodesia's terrain similar to many areas of the United States, and Rhodesians 
second-largest city. Of rugged, predominantly Nordic, pioneer stock, treasure the natural beauty and wildlife of their country, guarding it 
most Rhodesians enjoy outdoor sports. Rhodesia has a climate and against the thoughtless plundering common elsewhere in Africa. 



"liberation" factions in a pro- 
Western direction. 

Still, it is difficult to understand 
how any secretary of state In his 
right mind could actually believe 
that the security and welfare of 
the American people would 
benefit by helping to scuttle all 
the White, Western, solidly anti- 
communist governments in 
Africa — every one of them an 
ally of ours. In competing with 
China and the USSR to win the 



favor of the Black governments 
which replaced them, we have 
always been at a distinct 
disadvantage. In the first place, 
what- nation — even a Black ofie 
— needs as a "friend" a country 
with so little sense of where its 
own interests lie that it habitually 
stabs its allies and co-racialists in 
the back? 

Even after all they have wit- 
nessed in Africa in the last 30 
years, the American people still 



might find it within the realm of 
reason if the policy of their 
government toward' Africa in 
general and Rhodesia in par- 
ticular at this time were one of 
non -involvement. Still angry and 
confused about what happened in 
Vietnam, not really un- 
derstanding who betrayed them 
or why, they might reasonably be 
willing to let the politicians in 
Washington adopt an isolationist 
policy and tell the White 



Rhodesians that they will have to 
solve their own problems — we're 
keeping our hands off. That 
would not be a wise or a good 
policy, but it might be un- 
derstandable. 

But non-involvement is not Mr. 
Kissinger's policy. He is in- 
volving America in Africa as 
deeply as he can — on the side of 
the Black terrorists ! He is giving 
America's support, both moral 




THE RHODESIAN ARMY is small, but it is of exceptionally high quality and is regarded as the best 
counter-terrorist force In the world. Its 5,000-man (White) strength is supplemented by reserve 
forces which could bring the total number of Rhodeslan men — and women — under arms in an 
emergency to more than 20,000. Rhodesia's soldiers are motivated by the knowledge that if they fail 
in their task their wives and children will be exposed to Indescribable horror at the hands of the 
Staete> 




RHODESIAN WOMEN are volunteering for the Women's Service 
Corps, which will serve as a backup unit for the regular army. Here a 
volunteer trains with a 9-mm. pistol at a range in Salisbury. She will 
not he butchered by Blacks without putting uj a good fight! 



72 



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THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



73 



















BLACK> "FREEDOM FIGHTERS" IN ANGOLA Celebrate their 
victory over the Portuguese. Henry Kissinger wants to turn the 270,000 
Whites of Rhodesia over to the tender merciesof a gang like this. 

During the long guerrilla war In Angola, the Blacks perpetrated 
hundreds of unspeakable atrocities, news of which was suppressed by 
the controlled media In America. One of the Black terrorist bands in 
Angola which was backed by the U.S. government was led by Holden 
Roberto. The following is an account of an attack by Roberto's gang on 
a Portuguese experimental agricultural station at M'Bridge, in north- 
western Angola. It was related by one of the few survivors of that 
attack, a Portuguese subforeman named Manuel Lourenco Neves 
Alves: 

"...At six o'clock that morning I woke up with the noise, and when I 
came to the window of my room I saw the house of the manager being 
attacked by hundreds of Blacks, maybe 400 of them ... I grabbed my 
hunting rifle and started to shoot at them from my Window, but I was 
running short ol ammunition, and my African (Negro) houseboy, 
Joao, made a dash for the house next door to collect more ammunition. 
He never made it. A band of terrorists caught him, killed him with 
catana (machete) blows, and then cut off his head and sexual organs. 
Then the crazy savages lifted those things in the air like trophies, and 
they began jumping about in a dance, yelling and whistling and 
laughing. 



"They were bringing out the other captured men onto the ground In 
front of the installations, and they started slaughtering them \n the 
most horrible ways. The screaming victims were still alive when the 
beasts cut their eyes out of their sockets, cut their hands off. castrated 
them, and cut their bellies open and pulled their Lnsides out.... 

"Oh, God, what they did 1 to my old friend, Jose, truly the kindest 
man Who ever lived. The terrorists skinned him alive .... I can still 
hear (his) pftnrcmg screams. ... 

"Then came the turn for the women and the children. The beasts 
made no color discrimination. They slaughtered White,- mulatto, and 
Negro alike. They would throw the smaller children high Into the air, 
let them drop on the soil to break their bones, and then the bastards 
would play a brutal game of football with the bodies of those dying 
children. ... 

"Afterwards they started on the women... They were disrobed" and 
raped savagely by scores of those beasts. I refuse to describe some of 
the horribly obscene things they did to those poor women before they 
finally killed them. ... The savages cut the breasts off practically each 
one of them and pushed sticks of wood through their lower parts as 
they died. Almost like cannibals they abused the body of a pretty 
White girl of 18, and then they tied her to a tree, crucified her, cut off 
ner breasts, and put one in each of her outstretched hands..." 




and material t to the Marxist-led 
Bladk murder-gangs whose 
openly avowed aim is to drown all 
the White men, women, and 
children of Rhodesia in their own 
blood. He is using our resources 
to help African Negroes kill our 
White kindred, our blood brothers 



and sisters. And we, if not ac- 
tually cheering him on, are sit- 
ting on our hands and letting him 
get away with it. This is simply 
beyond all reason, beyond all 
understanding. 

For an explanation of what is 
happening, we must look outside 
the realm of reason. We must 



forget about realpolitik; at 
least, we must conclude that if 
Mr. Kissinger is practicing 
realpolitik in Africa, it is for the 
benefit of someone other than the 
American majority. We must 



turn from the phony and deceitful 
masters of realpolitik to their 
entranced followers, whose 
motives are altogether different. 
They are the pious believers in 
democracy, who mindlessly 



BELGIAN CHILD being 
evacuated from Stanleyville, 
Belgian Congo, after Belgian 
paratroopers temporarily broke 
a Black reign of terror In that 
city, following the UN-imposed 
"liberation" of the Congo. This 
10-year-old girl was raped 
repeatedly by Black "freedom 
fighters" before her rescue, but 
she was luckier than hundreds of 
other White women and children, 
who were savagely murdered 
when the "slmbas" had finished 
with them. Americans may have 
conveniently forgotten what 
happened in the Congo, but the 
Rhodesians have not. 

chant their mantra, "One man, 
one vote!" 

They are the soul-sick devotees 
of the religion of universal 
equajitfj, the self-flagellating 





THESE RHOB\ESIAN farm children are as determined as their 
parents not to be pushed off the land they have worked so hard to make 
productive. They must carry arms at all times, since Black terrorists 
are stepping up their attack? on White farms, 



THIS PORTUGUESE WOMAN was raped and butchered by Blacks in Angola. It is harder to sym- 
pathize with the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese followed the same 
colon la Lpollcy In Angola that they did in Brazil, namely, a policy of racial mixing with the non-White 
natives. Angolese Blacks were not only educated in the same schools as- the Portuguese, but were 
allowed to intermarry with them. Thlsohurch-promoted policy of miscegenation and "equality" did 
not help the Portuguese in Angola when their government back In Lisbon turned Marxist and 
betrayed them to the Blacks, however. 



moral degenerates whose spirits 
are too small and mean to accept 
and uphold with pride their racial 
birthright. 

They are the eager and short- 
sighted scramblers for favor in 
the eyes of the high priests of the 
New Orthodoxy, the ones who 
smugly and self-righteously 
parrot the words they have been 
taught as a justification for the 
present policy of national and 
racial suicide: "Because it's 
right." 

There are none so blind as 
those who will not see, none so 
deaf as those who will not hear. 
To those who find it convenient to 
assert that America's present 
policy in southern Africa is 
"right," facts have little 
meaning. It does little good to ask 
them if it is "right" that the 
Whites of the Republic of South 
Africa, who were there before the 
Negroes moved into that part of 
the continent, should abandon all 
that their pioneer ancestors so 
laboriously built up from the 
wilderness, just because they are 
now outnumbered by Blacks who 
were later brought into the 
country from the north as 
laborers. 

And is it "right" that the 
Whites of Rhodesia, whose an- 
cestors found the Black 
aborigines of the region between 
the Limpopo and the Zambezi 
eating one another when they 
arrived, should feel guilty for 
having tried to lift these Blacks 
out of the Stone Age? 

Is it "right" that, having freed 
these Blacks from tribal slavery 
and given them a vastly higher 
standard of living than they 
previously enjoyed — or than is 
now enjoyed by the "liberated" 
Blacks of Angola, Zambia, and 
Mozambique — - White 

Rhodesians should feel obligated 
to also turn over to them their 
farms, their cities, their mines 
and factories, their schools and 
hospitals, their roads and 
railways, and all the other 
creations of White effort and 
genius? 

Is it "right" that White 
Rhodesians, having seen what 
happened — and is still hap- 
pening — to Portuguese women 
and children in Angola, to 
Belgian women and children in 
the Congo, to British women and 




HENRY KISSINGER IAN 

JEWISH PRESSURE is squeezing Ian Smith, Rhodesia's prime 
minister, from two directions. It is the anti-White foreign policy of the 
United States, dictated by Kissinger, which sets the pattern for the 
rest of the Western world, thus Isolating Rhodesia economically. And 
it Is the anti-White domestic policy of Harry F. Oppenheimer which is 
slowly but surely cutting off the Republic of South Africa's support for 
Rhodesia. Oppenheimer, the Jewish multi-billionaire who controls 85 
per cent of the world's production of diamonds and a substantial 
portion of the world's gold production, virtually owns South Africa . His 



SMITH 



HARRY OPPENHEIMER 



immense Anglo-American Corporation has tentacles grasping at 
every knob and lever of South Africa's booming industrial machine, 
Among his many holdings are the De Beers diamond fields. Op- 
penheimer's foremost goal in life Is to destroy South Africa's White 
society and replace it with a Black one. It is his influence on the South 
African government which is primarily responsible for domestic 
racial-integration measures and for the withdrawal of military 
backing for Rhodesia. In the South African Parliament the Jewish-led 
Progressive Party has already moved to deny Rhodesia other benefits. 




HOLDEN ROBERTO led one of 
the terrorist factions which 
butchered Portuguese settlers in 
Angola. For some unfathomable 
reason, U.S. Secretary of State 
Henry Kissinger declared that 
Roberto's F.N.L.A. faction was 
"pro-Western," and he arranged 
for our CIA to supply the 
F.N.L.A. with money, weapons, 
and advisers. In view of the 
results of Mr. Kissinger's policies 
in Vietnam and elsewhere, 
perhaps we should not be sur- 
prised that Roberto's Un- 
equipped terrorists were very 
efficient at murdering White 
Portuguese, but failed miserably 
at stopping the takeover of 
Angola by Cuban and Black 
Marxists. 



children in Kenya and 
Tanganyika after they foolishly 
handed over the reins of 
government to Blacks, believing 
the assurartces that White 
minority rights would be 
protected, should believe the 
same lies themselves and 
surrender their own women and 
children to the same fate? 

Is it "right"- that White 
Rhodesians should meekly 
surrender to manifestly evil and 
regressive forces rather than 
stand and fight those forces with 
all their strength, regardless of 
the odds against them? 

No, none of these things are 
right, but it does little good to 
argue that with Mr. Kissinger's 
admirers. They have been in- 
fected with a spiritual virus 
which is immune to reason. It is a 
virus which has run rampant, not 
only in America, but throughout 
Europe and the rest of the White 
world, even in South Africa, 

It is a disease which confuses 
the minds, drains the spirits, and 
saps the wills of those it touches. 
It brings with it guilt and shame 
and self-hatred, where there is no 
reason for these things. It robs its 
victims of the determination to 
survive and instills in them in- 
stead a death-wish. 

We can see its ravages around 
us everywhere. The White race, a 
race of conquerors and masters, 
a race of law-bringers and 
civilization-builders, has lost 
faith in itself. We are unwilling 
any longer, most of us, to face the 
challenges of life, to struggle, to 
overcome. 

We shrink in horror from 
conquest. We blush at the 
prospect of rule. We stand 
paralyzed by self-doubts, as 
aliens pervert our laws and 
savages destroy our civilization. 

We are willing to accept every 
humiliation, always ready to turn 
the other cheek. We have been 
persuaded that we can no longer 
prevail, by reason of our natural 
superiority, over the colored 
swarms of this earth and must, 
therefore, seek their favor. We 
tremble at the thought of how we 
have "wronged" them in the 
past, and we hope that, after 



sufficiently punishing us for the 
transgressions of our parents, 
they will deign to let us share this 
overcrowded planet with them 
and will, perhaps, even throw us 
a few crumbs as a reward for our 
penitence. 

We humble ourselves before 
monkeys we have outfitted in 
judges' robes, invested with the 
authority of mayors, or promoted 
to the highest ranks of our armed 
services. We have lost — we have 
voluntarily renounced — our 
manhood. We grope, on our hands 
and knees, for the womb to which 
we long to return. 

Yet, the disease has not in- 
fected all of us. Rhodesia is one of 
the last bastions of the White 
world which has not fallen. In 
Rhodesia there are still White 
men and women who understand 
what it means to be White. And 




JOHN VORSTER, the prime 
minister of the Republic of South 
Africa, is a puppet who takes his 
orders from Harry Oppenheimer. 
Vorster's administration, while 
keeping up an outward show of 
support for the policy of apar- 
theid (separate development for 
Blacks and Whites) has quietly 
begun introducing racial in- 
tegration into South Africa at the 
same time it has been with- 
drawing its commitments to 
Rhodesia. With South Africa's 
wholehearted support, Rhodesia 
could whip all the Blacks in 
Africa, but Vorster has made it 
clear that this support will not be 
available. 



they understand v above all, that if 
they bare their necks to the 
enemy, as their soul -sick kins- 
men in other lands are urging 
them, they will not, like beaten 
dogs, save their lives, but will 
have their throats ripped open. 

Therefore, they will stand their 
ground and fight, while 
everywhere else we are 
surrendering. And that is why it 
is so important to us — and to our 
children and to their children, 
forever — that White Rhodesia 
prevail over her enemies. 

And it is also why it is so im- 
portant to Kissinger and his tribe 
that White Rhodesia perish. 
Rhodesia is a symbolic obstacle 
to the final humiliation and 
subjugation of the hated White 
race. One can feel the venom of 
their Talmudic hatred in vir- 
tually every news dispatch about 
Rhodesia which appears in the 
controlled media. 

Despite the heroism of the 
Rhodesian people and their 
qualitative advantages over their 
enemies, their numerical 
disadvantage is so severe that 
they are now in extreme 
jeopardy. As their one natural 
ally, the Republic of South 
Africa, gradually backs away 
from them, that jeopardy grows. 

White South Africans, under 
the influence of the same virus- 
spreaders who have poisoned us 
here in America, may think that 
by throwing Rhodesia to the 
wolves they can placate the 
hordes howling for their own 
blood, but they are mistaken. If 
Rhodesia falls, then South Africa, 
despite her immensely greater 
resources, will be only a few 
years behind her, 

And, though the danger may 
seem much more remote here, 
America's fate also hangs on the 
same side of the balance with 
Rhodesia's. If we once more 
betray our racial kinsmen, we 
shall not escape the ultimate 
retribution of a just Nature for 
that unnatural act. 

The time has come for White 
Americans to make some dif- 
ficult decisions: 

Do we want to throw off the 
disease now afflicting us and 



become whole once again? 

Can we face up to the fact that 
we are still living in a world 
where the inflexible rule is "kill 
or be killed"? 

Can we face life's challenge 
once again, or will we remain too 
soft-minded to do the hard, un- 
pleasant, even brutal things 
which must be done — thus 
making a more brutal future 
certain by our inaction? 

Is there left in us a residue of 
will to survive as a race — or has 
that task become too difficult for 
us? 

Will we keep retreating, keep 
surrendering, until there is no 
place left to retreat, no surrender 
to make but the final one — or 
will we draw the line now and 
make our stand with our brothers 
in Rhodesia? 




SAMORA MACHEL, communist 
dictator of "liberated" 
Mozambique, preaches death and 
destruction for all Whites in 
Africa. Formerly, he was obliged 
to allow land-locked Rhodesia to 
use the Mozambican port of Beira 
and a rail line across Mozam- 
bique for her exports and im- 
ports, because his desperately 
poor country needed the revenue 
which this brought from 
Rhodesia. But promises of 
compensation from Britain and 
the United States led him to seal 
his border. Machel has already 
received $30 million from 
Britain's Labor government for 
this action, and Kissinger is 
promising more. 

(Issue No. 45, 1976) 



74 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



75 



Churches Bent on Suicide 















There is no more striking 
symptom of the terrible illness of 
Western civilization than the self- 
destructive behavior of the 
Christian churches in recent 
years. And that behavior is 
displayed nowhere more starkly 
than in the attitude and actions of 
the churches relative to the 
Black-White conflict in Africa. 
It was six years ago that the 
World Council of Churches, 
representing 267 different 
Protestant and Orthodox 
denominations from many 
countries, established its Fund to 
Combat Racism. Each year since 
then money from the Fund has 
been awarded to various non- 
White groups, engaged in 
"liberation" struggles against 
"White racists." 

In 1974, for example, at the 
annual convention of the WCC in 
Geneva, $450,000 was handed out, 
the bulk of it, $322,000, to Black 
"liberation" groups in southern 
Africa. Of this sum, $197,000 was 
given to various guerrilla fac- 
tions then waging war against the 
Portuguese presence in Africa, 
including $60,000 to the Marxist 
"Frelimo" group in Mozam- 
bique. Another $30,000 went to 
two Black terrorist groups in 
Rhodesia. 

Black gratitude for this support 
has been less than overwhelming. 
Now that the Frelimo terrorists 
have driven the Portuguese from 
Mozambique and their leader, 
Black Marxist Samora Machel, 
has become dictator, Christian 
missionaries In Mozambique are 
being rounded up and put into 
forced-labor camps. Diplomatic 
sources in Maputo (formerly 
Lourenco Marques, the capital of 
Mozambique) say that as many 
as 150 missionaries and church 
workers are also being held 
without formal charges in the 
central prison there and in a jail 
in the port city of Beira. 

Mission schools and churches 
have been nationalized by the 



communist government of 
Mozambique and converted to 
stables and warehouses. There 
are many reports of imprisoned 
priests being tortured and 
executed. 

Nor is the situation in 
Mozambique an exception to the 
rule. Similar treatment has been 
dealt out to the Christian chur- 
ches and their representatives in 
Uganda, the Congo, and other 
African countries which have 
recently gained their in- 
dependence with church help. 
The churches can expect the 
same fate shortly in newly 
"liberated" Angola. 

And yet the churches' frenzy 
for self-destruction continues. 
Their commitment to, and 
support for, anti-White terrorists 
in Africa and elsewhere is 
stronger than ever. 

Nor is this activity limited to 
the World Council of Churches. 
The Roman Catholic Church, 
anxious not to seem less anti- 
racist than its Protestant 
competitors, has also taken an 
activist role. Roman Catholic 
Bishop Donal Lamont, of Umtali, 



Rhodesia, has spent more time in 
recent years acting as a mouth- 
piece for Black terrorist groups 
than he has preaching the gospels 
to his White parishioners. One of 
Bishop Lamont's pet projects is 
the repeal of the Byrd Amend- 
ment, which allows Rhodesjan 
chromium ore to be imported into 
the United States. 

As might have been expected, 
there has been a certain amount 
of protest from individual White 
Christians, who have objected to 
the money they drop in the 
collection plate each Sunday 
being used to buy weapons to kill 
White Rhodesian and Portuguese 
farmers. In the case of the World 
Council of Churches the lame 
excuse has been offered that their 
grants are intended for 
"humanitarian" purposes only: 
medical supplies and social 
services, but not weapons. 

In other statements, however, 
WCC leaders have left little doubt 
that they have no real objections 
to terrorist activities — as long as 
the terrorists are Black and their 
victims are White. After its 
meeting in Uppsala, Sweden, in 
1968, the WCC's official report of 




ANGLICAN BISHOP defies South African tradition and law, preaches 
integration to racially mixed crowd in Cape Town. 



the proceedings contained the 
statement : "Some of us hold that 
Christians may well participate 
in a violent struggle for 
liberation, if there appears to be 
no other way left. Others of us 
would argue that as Christians 
we are committed to non-violence 
under all circumstances. Despite 
this difference of opinion, we are 
agreed that as Christians we 
cannot condemn liberation 
movements which take recourse 
to violence as a last resort 
against oppressive systems." 

The commitment of the 
member churches of the WCC 
and of their Catholic coun- 
terparts goes far beyond 
financing Black guerrillas in 
Africa and then abstaining from 
condemning their terrorism 
against Whites. For example, Lhe 
Christian churches have been in 
the forefront of efforts in the 
Republic of South Africa to un- 
dermine racial separation 
(apartheid) there. 

White priests, ministers, 
bishops, and deacons have defied 
the laws against racially mixed 
public assemblies by holding 
integrated worship services. 
They have filed lawsuits against 
the government and issued in- 
flammatory statements to the 
press. And, most important, they 
have tirelessly agitated directly 
among the Blacks, urging them 
to rebel. 

It almost seems that the 
Christian churches in general, 
both inside and outside the WCC, 
are now giving expression to a 
deeply ingrained death-wish. 
They are, as a whole, betraying 
the race which has nurtured them 
and are baring their throats to 
alien races who have neither 
understanding nor sympathy for 
Christian doctrines. 

There has been, of course, a 
great deal of subversion of the 
Christian religious community in 
the last century. Jewish in- 
fluence has spread through both 



the Catholic and Protestant 
churches, resulting in radical 
changes in church doctrines, 
Seminarians are exposed to this 
influence and later transmit it to 
their congregations when they 
become priests. 

But deliberate subversion 
appears to account for only part 
of the problem. There is also a 
large element of natural 
decadence present. This 
decadence is showing up not only 
in the Christian churches in 
America and Europe and in the 
"progressive" Catholic and 
Protestant denominations of 
southern Africa, with their 
largely English-speaking 
members and their substantial 
Marrano contingents, but also in 
the much more conservative and 
fundamentalist Protestant 
churches in southern Africa. 

The Dutch Reformed churches, 
composed of three Calvmist sects 
which represent most of southern 
Africa's Afrikaans-speaking 
Whites and which were formerly 
considered bastions of resistance 
to the forces of racial suicide, are 
showing definite symptoms of the 
same disease afflicting other 
Christian churches. One 
prominent Dutch Reformed 
minister, the Reverend D. F. 
Malan, has recently joined the 
priestly chorus in South Africa 
calling for Black "equality." He 
is the son of the former 
Nationalist Party leader, Daniel 
F. Malan, whose name is most 
closely associated with the 
apartheid system. 

At the rate the churches are 
headed downhill now, it will be 
surprising if Christianity sur- 
vives its second millennium as a 
significant force in the life of the 
West. Our principal concern must 
be to see that it does not succeed 
in pulling the race down with 11. 

(Issue No. 46, 1976) 



LunatioLiberal Assault on White Housing is Worldwide 

Briton Jailed for 'Sale' Sign 



'•:-• 




,.■■■■ ■■■'■■ 



f. &£ 



ROBERT RELF and his sign are shown in this photograph from the 
May 8 issue of the London Times, After he was jailed Relf announced.^ 
"We have come to a sorry pass where an Englishman has been jailed 
for putting England first. ... If they think for one moment I will go 
down on my hands and knees to apologize, then they have another 
think coming. For the past 30 years Germany has been embarrassed 
by Rudolf Hess; from today England is going to be embarrassed by a 
man named Relf, because I shall never apologize." (Rudolf Hess is the 
National Socialist leader who flew to England on a solo peace mission 
in 1941, hoping to halt World War II, and has been held in prison, at 
Jewish insistence, ever since.) 



Last month Robert Relf, a 51- 
year-old homeowner in War- 
wickshire, England, was sent to 
prison for refusing to take down a 
sign in his front yard which read 
"For Sale to an English Family,'' 

The British government's Race 
Relations Board, whose function 
is to secure enforcement of 
Britain'^ infamous Race 
Relations Act, earlier brought 
charges against Mr. Relf because 
of the last two words in his sign. 

According to Mr. Michael Beloff, 
the Race Relations Board's 
Jewish counsel, the sign 
discriminates against potential 
buyers who are ethnically non- 
English. 

When the judge of the Bir- 
mingham County Court ordered 
Mr. Relf to remove his sign, he 
refused and told the judge that he 
thought, the Race Relations 
Board, which he described as 
composed of "White renegades," 
was attempting to hand Britain 



over to a minority of Black im- 
migrants. 

"The 'For Sale' board wiU 
remain until it rots and falls 
down, If it does, I shall replace it 
with another one," Relf said. The 
judge then ordered him jailed. 

A closely related court decision 
restricting the rights of White 
homeowners in advertising their 
property, was handed down in the 
United States just a few days 
before Mr. Relf was jailed in 
England. On April 28 the U.S. 
Court of Appeals for the Third 
Circuit, in Philadelphia, upheld a 
law which totally bans the 
display of "For Sale" or "Sold" 
signs in Willlngboro, New Jersey. 

The law was passed in 1974 as 
Blacks began moving into for- 
merly White areas of the com- 
munity of 45,000, and Whites 
began moving out. A forest of 
"For Sale" signs sprang up, and 
this, in the eyes of the neo-liberal 
town council, prompted "panic" 



selling by other Whites. To halt 
the White outflow from 
Willingboro, the council forbade 
the public display of all such 
signs, thus making It much more 
difficult for Whites to sell their 
homes, 

"We consider the limited denial 
(of free speech) to result from a 
reasonable exercise of the police 
power in furthering the public 
welfare by forestalling panic 
selling and its offspring, 
segregation," said the court in its 
April 28 decision. 

(Issue No. 46, 1976) 







aaaaijftrtK-aoooaacrtitiMWftvwftiflrtflflw 



i Nick Camerota 

1 X„ ,.- 






Recpiiem for the Right 



Conservatism is dead. Long 

before hanging itself like Judas, 
Conservatism recruited the 
pallbearers for its own funeral. It 
committed racial suicide by 
pressing Jews like Allen Stang, 
Nathaniel Weyl, Victor Lasky, 
and Morrie Ryskind to its bosom. 
It feted tired, old Oreos like 
George Schuyler, who married a 
White woman, in an attempt to 
counter charges of "racism." 
Thus, Conservatism's craving for 
"respectability," a balm for 
timid souls, made it possible for 
all and sundry — regardless of 
race — to gain full membership 
in The Club. It wasn't long, of 
course, before Conservatism's 
countenance began to change. 

Again following the example of 
Judas, Conservatism became 
excessively concerned with 
matters of the purse. Profits 
edged people out of the Con- 
servative Weltanschauung, and 
the latter-day advocates of 
laissez faire picked up the 
cudgels of class warfare as 
deliberately as the Marxists. But 
the promised Armageddon never 
came to pass; the contestants, it 
turned out, were brothers under 
the skin. Conservatism's 
economic theorists, the Fried- 
mans and Rotbbards, belonged to 
the same race of materialists 
that spawned Marx and Marcuse. 
Some Rightists, itching 'for a 
somewhat different sort of ac- 
tion, followed another New Moses 
of Conservatism, Ayn Rand, into 
the far-flung spiritual deserts of 
"objectivism" — a euphemism 
for runaway egotism. 

The so-called "hard right" 
wing of Conservatism, with its 
talk of "Insiders," was no better. 
Their malleus maleficarum, a 
paperback entitled None Dare 
Call It Conspiracy (authored by a 
man of uncertain pedigree), 
attacked National Socialism by 
poaching the theories of Leon 
Trotsky. Those who read and 
believed this gospel dwelled in a 
fright-filled nether world light- 
years away from reality. 
"Rockefeller," they whispered, 
huddled together in safe, 



suburban homes, "will soon drop 
the mask and take over com- 
pletely. Our freedoms will be 
annulled by a fascist-socialist 
dictatorship." Such individuals 
could not recognize "freedom" or 
"fascism" if it bit them on their 
hind quarters. They were utterly 
useless for real political struggle. 

Conservatism's belly-crawling 
fear of the Enemy (real or 
imagined), its senile retreat into 
a largely mythical past, its in- 
sistence on seances to call back 
from the dead all that once was — 
these were some of the symptoms 
of a species on its way to ex- 
tinction. And, by following a 
program of weakness and 
compromise, Conservatism 
finally killed itself. 

Can we mourn the death of 
Conservatism in good con- 
science? Are we required to shed 
tears for those who suckled the 
worst enemies of our race at their 
breasts, the same tribe which 
obligingly helped Conservatism 
fasten the noose around its own 
neck? Must we say kind words for 
those who placed their faith in 
collapsing political institutions 
instead of in a race capable of 
creating new institutions to 
better serve its purpose? 

Of course not. But the real 
struggle for national liberation 
demands that our people dispose 
of the Conservative carrion and 
push ahead into the future 
without fear. For, as a great seer 
once wrote: "(We) know that 
with this conception we stand as 
revolutionaries in the world of 
today and are also branded as 
such. But our thoughts and ac- 
tions must in.no way be deter- 
mined by the approval or 
disapproval of our time, but by 
the binding obligation to a truth 
which we have recognized. Then 
we may be convinced that the 
higher insight of posterity will not 
only understand our actions of 
today, but will also confirm their 
correctness and exalt them." 

(Issue No. 46, 1976) 




135 projectiles of .25 caliber each 
in about two seconds. 



Such a lethal hail of lead is be- 



lt is hoped that the information For the citizen who wants to 
provided in this series may be of avoid illegality as long as he can, 
some benefit to those of our two weapons are specifically re- 
people who, in the face of in- commended: the semiautomatic, 
creasingly erratic and hostile .30 caliber, U.S. Ml carbine, with 
behavior from their government several 30-round magazines (in a yond the capacity of any sub 
and the minorities it serves, still 
have a modicum of racial pride 
and self-reliance and the desire to 
survive until, through an 
organized effort, we can make an 
end of the plague which now 
besets us and restore sanity and 
order to our land once again. 




U.S. M1 Caffeine 



Self-Defense I 

The average American, in 
choosing a weapon or weapons to 
be used for the defense of his per- 
son, his family, and his property, 
should consider several factors 
carefully before making a decis- 
ion. 

The most important factor is 
effccllveness. A weapon must be 
chosen which is fully adequate for 
the situations in which its use is 
anticipated. Here we will consider 
Lhe defense of a home or apart- 
ment from either individual intru- 
ders or bands of marauders, such 
as might be expected during a 
Negro riot or other large-scale 
breakdown of law and order. 

If one is concerned only with 
burglars or other individual intru- 
ders, almost any firearm — either a 
long gun or a handgun — may be 
adequate. But the citizen who 
wants to be prepared for the con- 
ditions of life toward which our 
government is inevitably leading 
us needs a weapon with firepower, 
Who wants to look forward to 
having to use a handgun or a bolt- 
action .22 to defend his family 
from a rampaging mob of 40 or 50 
Blacks bent on rape and pillage? 

To handle such a situation one 
needs a submachine gun, an auto- 
matic or semiautomatic rifle or 
carbine, or a semiautomatic or 
pump-action shotgun. (All fully 
automatic weapons have already 
been outlawed by the govern- 
ment.) 



few jurisdictions, the use of this 
weapon with a 30-round magazine 
may already be illegal); and the 
12-guage, semiautomatic or 
pump-action shotgun, with a 
minimum capacity of five car- 
tridges (preferably seven). 

The Ml carbine is to be 
preferred over heavier and more 
powerful semiautomatic weapons, 

such as the .30-06 Ml Garand and 
various semiautomatic .sporting 
rifles, primarily because it offers 



machine gun and will make an 
awful lot of Black mincemeat. An 
experienced shotgunner can do 
nearly as well with a pump-action 
weapon. 



One advantage of a shotgun is 
its flexibility. Although No. 4 
buckshot is recommended for 
general usage, giving a four-foot- 
diameter killing pattern at 40 
yards, any 12-gauge cartridge that 
is handy can be used in a pinch. 




Autoloading Shotgun 



greater firepower. Its ballistics are 

adequate for human targets at all 
ranges which are likely to be 
encountered in purely defensive 
situations. Furthermore, its tight 
weight, small size, and negligible 
recoil recommend it for use by a 
woman or any inexperienced 
shooter. 



A 12-gauge shotgun (don't even 
consider a shotgun of smaller 
bore) sawed off to the legal limit 
of 18-inch barrel length and 
loaded with No. 4 buckshot is a 
formidable weapon for dealing 
with a mob. Since each cartridge 
contains 27 pellets, with a five- 
round autoloader one can lay 
down a well-dispersed barrage of 



The 12-gauge rifled slug extends 
the effective range of the shotgun 
to well over 100 yards; it will 
practically tear a man in half at 
that distance and will penetrate 
automobile bodies and wooden 
walls as well. 

Finally, shotguns, because of 
their widespread use for sporting 
purposes, will probably be the last 
firearms to be banned by the 
government. 

(Issue No. 48, 1976) 



Black Delusions Encouraged 



APIUL iS,lWS 




WLMX AN mm ! 



Beethoven and Haydn 



By Dr. Abd H^i -Hakim 

Muhammad 



CHICAGO-Be^thoven and 
Haydn were Black. Many of 
the great figure* in European, 
American* 1M Indeed world 
history * were? Black 
descendants of Mtim. Every 
Biialian ought to know this 
fact know about- these great 
men, and identify with 



them— not simply because of 
oar eommon origin; but ..ever- 
more because of thefc 
contributions to human 
advancement; 

Why should we study, 
Beethoven so we can nop ijqwn * 
ghetto streets saying >*Yea^V 
Beethoven was Black ;. too, m\ 
we is bad*' One day, we ought J 
to he able to set Beeth^Veh's 
bual in the lobby of our coheeft 



haU> erected by ua on our^!ot| 

oh ottr way to perlormances of : 
Ellington's -'Black aftd fan 
Fantasy/! William <|raht 

jSyrnnhjbny, M anol spmfe #iore 
contemporary - sytnp^nle 
works by Bfialjans, we can 
s£yf 'Beetfcoven war great, * 



BILAJJAN NEWS (formerly "Muhammad Speaks") is the publication of the Black Muslims. They 
have concluded that the historically correct name lor Negroes is "Bilallans." Don't ask why. 



The public schools have real) 
gone overboard in the la 
decade, trying to instill a sense 
self-pride in Blacks. BU 
students may not have lear 
much else, but they certi 
think they have learned that 
belong to a race of great 
plorers, inventors, philosoph 
etc. 

White liberals taught them tha 
a Black explorer discovered the 
North Pole (Admiral Peary's 
valet, whom he took along on his 
1909 Arctic expedition, was a 
Negro), and the Blacks have 
taken it from there. The 
newspaper clipping reproduced 
below represents the latest Stage 
in this galloping delusion of Black 
grandeur. 

(Issue No. 47, 1976) 



76 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



"No Conspiracy," Media Masters Claim 



The July/ August issue of 
MORE, a five-year-old New York 
publication which bills itself as 
"the media magazine," carried a 
long article titled "Does a Zionist 
Conspiracy Control the Media?" 
The article, after posing the 
question already answered af- 
firmatively by former Vice Presi- 
dent Spiro Agnew, arrives at a 
conclusion rather different from 
Agnew's. A great deal of fasci- 
nating information is divulged 
along the way. 

After first admitting somewhat 
bashfully that, well, yes, there are 
an awful lot of Jews in the news 
media — in fact, the media are 
positively lousy with them — the 
article goes on to argue that this 
staggering preponderance of Jews 
really doesn't mean anything, 
because: I) most media Jews are 
not all that Jewey, and 2) they 
hate each other's guts. 

In support of the first argu- 
ment, it is pointed out that the 
tendency among media Jews is 
assimilationist rather than Zion- 
ist. A number of them are 
name-changers: for example, CBS 
chairman William Paiey (Palin- 
sky) and New York Times editor 
John Oakes (Ochs). Some married 
non-Jewish spouses: for example, 
Washington Post owner Kather- 
ine Graham (nee Meyer). And 
some claim they wouldn't be 
caught dead inside a synagogue: 
for example, New Yorker publish- 
er Peter Fleishmann. 

Some media Jews are so 
assimilationist-minded they are 
even anti-Zionist. In support of 
this contention MORE lists the 
New York Times as an anti- 
Zionist newspaper! 

Media Jews don't like each 
other, claims MORE, for several 
reasons, the most important of 
which is simple social snobbery. 
"Old tine" Jews from Germany 
(New York Post owner and 
publisher Dorothy Schiff) look 
down their noses at more recently 
immigrated Jews from Poland 
and Russia (Paley, Sarnoff, 
Newhouse), whom they consider 
"too pushy." The Schiffs referred 
to late RCA chairman David 
Sarnoff as "that Russian radio 
man." 

Thus, the article lamely con- 
cludes, the idea that the Jews who 
control America's mass media 
could form any sort of "cabal" or 
"conspiracy" is preposterous. 
The overwhelming Jewish pre- 
ponderance in the media is simply 
a coincidence and certainly no- 
thing for the Gentile public to 
become excited about. 

On the other hand, MORE 
laments, all too many Americans 
may not see it that way, and the 
Jewish media masters are plainly 
worried by Agnew's recent 
charges: "The reaction among 
Jews in the media seems to be one 
of deep uneasiness, coupled with 
resentment and a kind of fear." 
Oh, and, by the way, the editor 
and publisher of MORE is 
Michael Kramer; the associate 
publisher is Arthur Sachs; the 
executive editor is Ron Rosen- 
baum; the managing editor is 
Claudia Cohen; the associate 
editor is Richard Poliak; the two 
senior editors are Philip Nobile (?) 
and David Rubin; and the 
business manager is Ann Epstein. 
That's obviously just a coinci- 
dence too. 




Henry Grimwakt 

Managing Editor 
Time 



William Shaw* 

Editor-in-Chief 
New Yorker 



Jann Wr WW r 

Editor/Founder 
Roiling Slant 



Barbara Watt«ra 

Co-aiKiwrptrson 

ABC News 

^^..^]^^:-^aa: g ^tr."■^■ > v,^■^,' ' '.',■ ' ' v.', 1 . 1 ' se 



Rr>nNess*fi 

Presidential Pre** 

Secretary 




XjJJU 



Joseph Kraft 

Syndicated Newspaper 

Coiumn'm 



lAwrejK* Grosimaa 

President 
Puhlk Broadcasting Service 

4 IHI I ■ ■ * » < ■■■■ I ■ ■.«■■>■ — J . ... .■■■—, — ».. > ■■ J. M 'PJ ■■!■»! 

>H<HMImHIUH t » 'I I MW*W* *** *4 **** **♦-. t+.. .. - .. - . - ■ • 



Dorothy Setoff 

Publisher 
New York Post 



S.I. Newhouse 

Publisher 

Newhoitse Ne wpapers ' 



Howard Simons 

Managing Editor 
Washington Pvsf 



SSSK 




Anthony lewis 

Columnist 
New York Times 



David Broder 

PoJitieai C'oJymmsi 
Wa$hfo$t<>n Post 



Tfeoifcas % M organ 

r *F Vtifagi Voice 



STRAIGHT from the horse's mouth. This compilation of 25 prominent 
Jews In the news media, complete with photographs, came from the 
July/Aagust Issue of MORE, a media-oriented magazine with an 
all-Jewish management. MORE was trying to prove that the news 



A.M, Rosenthal 
Managing Editor 
New York Times 




mm parabellum, and many detec- 
tives and Federal police agents use 
this cartridge. 



77 

Wesson's new 9 mm M59, with its 
double-action feature and its 
J5-round capacity, giving it twice 
the firepower of most other 
semiautomatics. 




survival tips for the American jungle 



Self-Defense II 

The three principal criteria 
which we shall consider in 
choosing a handgun for self-de- 
fense are effectiveness, practical- 
ity, and concealability. 

Effectiveness is largely a factor 
of the cartridge, rather than the 
gun which fires it. We want a 
cartridge with enough powder and 
a heavy enough bullet to give us a 
reasonable probability of kil- 
ling — or, at least, quickly incapa- 
citating—anyone we shoot. 

On this basis we can tentatively 
classify certain cartridges as 
acceptable and others as unaccep- 
table. Acceptable are: .357 mag- 
num, .38 special, .44 special, and 
.44 magnum in revolver car- 
tridges; and 9 mm parabellum, .38 
super auto, and .45 ACP in 



semiautomatic pistol cartridges. 
Generally unacceptable, except 
where other criteria outweigh 
effectiveness, are all .22 and .25 
caliber cartridges. And in a 
borderline category are the .32 
ACP (7.65 mm) and .380 ACP (9 
mm short) cartridges. This listing 
is, of course, far from complete, 
and many readers undoubtedly 
have a favorite handgun which 
handles an effective cartridge not 
listed above, perhaps the high- 
velocity 7.63 mm Mauser or the 
powerful .44 auto magnum. 

But this brings up our second 
criterion: practicality. No hand- 
gun is practical unless ammuni- 
tion is readily available for it. 
Today this is a minor considera- 
tion, but in the near future, when 
an ordinary citizen can no longer 
simply walk into a sporting-goods 



media 
proved 



are not controlled by a Zionist conspiracy, but it pretty well 
just the opposite. 

(Issue No. 48, 1976) 



In September the U.S. Immi- 
gration and Naturalization Ser- 
vice announced that it intends to 
begin proceedings to revoke the 
U.S. citizenship of a number of 
Americans of German, Polish, 
Hungarian, Latvian, Lithuanian, 
Romanian, Ukrainian, and Croa- 
tian descent, so that they can be 
deported. 

The purported reason for the 
attempt to denaturalize and 
deport these citizens is that they 
committed "war crimes" in 
Europe more than 30 years ago. 
The real reasons, however, are 
altogether different. They have 
their roots in a massive, self-serv- 
ing propaganda program organ- 
ized by the extraordinarily power- 
ful Jewish minority in this 
country. This program antedates 
World War II by many, many 
years and profoundly affects the 
lives of all Gentile Americans. 

The active participation of the 
U.S. Immigration and Naturaliz- 
ation Service in this Jewish 
program goes back to 1963. 
Jewish groups demanded — and 
were granted— the privilege of 
surveying the naturalization do- 
cuments of non-Jewish Americans 
who had immigrated to this 
country grom Germany and a 
number oi~ other. European na- 
tions in which Jews have been 
historically detested by the local 
populaces. The primary job of 
surveying and investigating these 
documents is handled by the 
Anti-Defamation League of B'nai 
B'rith (ADL), the sinister Jewish 
secret-police force which has 
compiled secret, computerized 
files on literally millions of 
law-abiding Americans. When the 
ADL turns up a promising lead, it 
is forwarded to Tel Aviv, Israel, 
where even more extensive files 
are maintained, for a follow-up 
investigation. 



store and purchase a box of 
handgun cartridges, it will be very 
important. 

How much better it is, then, to 
choose a cartridge which will 
always be available! That means a 
cartridge used by police or 
military personnel. Even after all 
handguns and handgun ammuni- 
tion have been outlawed, there 
will certainly be a black market in 
standard military and police 
cartridges. 

There are, for all practical 
purposes, just four such car- 
tridges: .357 magnum, .38 special, 
.45 ACP, and 9 mm parabellum. 
One or both of the first two are 
used by 95 percent of the civilian 
policemen in the United States, 
and the third is standard for 
military policemen. A few police 
departments have adopted the 9 




.357 Magnum Revolver 



A number of different manu- 
facturers make handguns for 
these four cartridges which are 
reliable and accurate. If you are 
considering purchasing a new 
weapon and money is not an 
urgent consideration, stick to 
Smith & Wesson or Colt. 

If you choose a revolver — and 
if you are not concerned about 
concealability— then your best 
choice is a weapon chambered for 
the .357 magnum cartridge, 
because it will also handle the 
slightly shorter .38 special car- 
tridge (which is of the same 
caliber, despite the nomencla- 
ture), whereas a .38 special 
revolver will not accept .357 
magnum cartridges. 

If you choose a semiautomatic 
pistol, it is hard to beat Smith & 



When concealability becomes 
an important criterion, it is 
difficult to avoid compromising 
the first two.criteria. There are a 
number of ,25 caliber semiauto- 
matic pistols which are extremely 
compact and are popular for this 
reason alone, but there are also 
.38 special revolvers which have 
been designed especially for 
concealability. One notable ex- 
ample is Smith & Wesson's 
aluminum-frame, shrouded-ham- 
mer, 5-shot "Bodyguard" model. 

(Issue No. 49, J 976) 



'Holocaust' Myth 
Being Revived 



In 1963 the Jewish snoopers 
turned up the name of a 
43-year-old New York housewife, 
HermineBraunsteiner Ryan. Mrs. 
Ryan is a German who married an 
American serviceman and came to 
this country with him in 1958. In 
1963 she became a naturalized 
U.S. citizen. But when the ADL 
ran her citizenship papers through 
their computer, they discovered 
thai in 1943 she had been a guard 
in a German prison camp for 
Jewish females, where commu- 
nists, black marketeers, and other 
Jews were interned; i.e., she was a 
"war criminal." 

The Jews began a 13-year 
program of persecution of Mrs. 
Ryan which continues to this day. 
During the first phase of the 
program the U.S. Immigration 
and Naturalization Service initia- 
ted proceedings to revoke her 
citizenship, These proceedings 
were stretched out for years as the 
Jews produced witness after 
witness, all flown in from Israel at 
government expense, who claimed 
to have been beaten or otherwise 
mistreated by Mrs. Ryan some 
thirty years earlier. The controlled 
news media gave continuous 
coverage to the lurid stories told 
by these Jewish witnesses. 

Finally, a New York Jewish 
judge, Jacob Mishler, ordered 
Mrs. Ryan deported to Germany 
to be tried for "war crimes." Her 
trial is now in its second year and 
is being given the same non-stop 
coverage by the controlled media 
in Germany that the denaturaliz- 
ation and deportation proceedings 
were given here. 

Their spectacular success in the 
Ryan case encouraged the Jews to 
pressure the Immigration and 
Naturalization Service to proceed 
against other alleged "war crim- 
inals" in the United States. The 
pressure was applied by two 



Jewish legislators who are mem- 
bers of the House Judiciary 
Committee's subcommittee on 
immigration, Joshua Eilberg (D- 
PA) and Elizabeth Holtzman 
(D-NY). Eilberg, the chairman of 
the subcommittee, also enlisted 
the aid of U.S. Attorney General 
Edward Levi, a long-time officer 
of the ADL. 

Under this pressure, the Immi- 
gration and Naturalization Ser- 
vice compiled a list of more than 
90 persons, most of them 
naturalized Americans in their 
60's and 70's who came to this 
country after World War II, 
against whom it said it intends to 
initiate proceedings after further 
investigation. 

Is this continued harassment 
and persecution of the conquered 
enemies of a long-past war merely 
an expression of the eye-for-an- 
eye ethic of vengeance which is 
basic to Judaism? In any other 
race such persistent hatred would 
be strange indeed, but we must 
remember that the Jews still 
celebrate, in their annual Purim 
feast, their vengeance against the 
ancient Persians, led by Haman, 
who were opposed to Jewish 
subversion in Persia. During 
Purim the Jews ritually pound to 
pieces, amid shouts of glee, 
specially baked cookies called 
"Hainan's ears" and gloatingly 
read aloud the passage from the 
Old Testament Book of Esther in 
which the hanging of Haman and 
the murder of 75,000 Persian 
patriots is described. And that 
happened 2,500 years agol 

But, as a matter of fact, the 
continuing Jewish obsession with 
rooting out and punishing 70- 
year-old ex-Nazis goes far beyond 
a mere desire to inflict more 
suffering on their enemies. 

The Jews have, in addition to 
their peculiarly long-lived brand 



of hatred, three perfectly sound 
reasons for their vendetta against 
their World War II enemies. 
These reasons have been coldly 
and soberly expounded in num- 
erous Jewish publications (i.e., 
those not intended for Gentile 
eyes), excerpts from several of 
which are reproduced here. 

First, it must be remembered 
that the Jews were given a really 
good scare by the Germans. Hitler 
completely smashed the power of 
the Jews in Central Europe. He 
closed down their pornography 
mills and their trade in female 
flesh. He broke their death grip 
on the German education system, 
just as on the German legal 
and medical professions. He 
drove them from their counting- 
houses with a whip. He put an end 
to their monopoly of the German 
news media. 

After the war started, Hitler 
also rooted the Jews out of the 
political, economic, social, educa- 
tional, and cultural lives of 
Poland, Hungary, Romania, and 
the Baltic states, generally with 
the eager assistance of the local 
populations. And if the United 
States had not come to the rescue 
of the Soviet Union, there can be 
no doubt that Hitler would have 
achieved his goal of destroying 
forever the menace of Jewish 
bolshevism in Europe. As it was, 
he dealt the Jews the most 
devastating blow they have suf- 
fered in modern times, killing 
somewhere between quarter of a 
million and a million of them in 
the process (not six million, as 
they still insistently claim). 

Infinitely more dangerous to 
the Jews than being forced to flee 
German-occupied Europe with 
only a portion of their wealth or 
being thrown into a labor camp 
was the idea Hitler gave to the 
world, the example set by him and 



his fellow National Socialists. If 
the Germans could free them- 
selves from Jewish influences — 
could take back their schools and 
their newspapers and their banks 
— why not the French? Or the 
British? Or even the thoroughly 
Judaized Americans? 

The thought of such a devel- 
opment passed over world Jewry 
like a cold chill. It must be 
stopped at ail costs! Any inclina- 
tion of the Gentiles to rebel must 
be nipped in the bud! The terrible 
vengeance they wrought upon 
Germany, using America as their 
weapon, was not enough. There 
were still too many Gentiles who 
might think that, even though 
Hitler had failed, they might 
succeed. These daring and rest- 
less souls must be so thoroughly 
intimidated that they would not 
dare follow their inclinations to 
oppose the Jews in deed or in 
word or even in thought. It was 
with this motivation that the 
American Hebrew, in its edition 
of March 1, 1946, raged: 

"We must fill our jails with 
anti-Semitic gangsters. We must 
fill our insane asylums with 
anti-Semitic lunatics. . . we must 
harass and prosecute our Jew- 
baiters to the extreme limits of the 
law. We must humble and shame 
our anti-Semitic hoodlums to such 
an extent that none will wish or 
dare to become (their) 'fellow- 
travelers'." 

This campaign of intimidation 
continues to the present day, in 
the current actions of the Immi- 
gration and Naturalization Ser- 
vice. And the young Jews who 
picketed outside the Ryans' 
residence in Queens, New York, 
day after day, for months, 
screaming obscenities and spitting 
on Mrs. Ryan whenever she came 
outside; her long ordeal at the 
hands of the Jewish-manipulated 



78 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



79 



courts in New York; and, finally, 
the revoking of her citizenship 
and her expulsion from her 
adopted country— these things 
served as a warning to other 
Gentiles of what happens to those 
who raise their hands against "the 
chosen people." 

But there are two other reasons 
for the Jews' behavior in this 
regard, and they are even more 
compelling. One of them is, like 
the fright engendered by Hitler, 
proximate and specific, while the 
other stems from more general 
considerations of long standing. 

The proximate reason is Israel. 
This bandit-state, such a thorn in 
the side of all the Western nations 
since its misbegotten birth just 
three years after the end of World 
War II, owes its existence to one 
thing: an imagined "guilt" on the 
part of the West for the so-called 
"Holocaust" which supposedly 
snuffed out the lives of six million 
Jews during the war. 

The way the Jews explain it, 
the West could have stoped Hitler 
before he had a chance to begin 
de-Judaizing Europe— //the West 
had really wanted to stop him. 
The implication is that, the West, 
deep down, was not at all sorry to 
see the Jews getting their Jumps. 
Therefore, all the Gentiles of the 
West must share with Hitler (also 
a Gentile) a collective guilt for the 



"Holocaust." 

But, the Jews quickly add, there 
is a way the West can be absolved; 
namely, by supporting Israel. 
Each new billion-dollar grant in 
foreign aid to Israel, each new 
shipment of tanks or jet aircraft, 
will wash away some of the West's 
guilt for not really caring — even 
for being secretly glad — about 
what was happening to the Jews 
during the war. 

Finally, there is a reason which 
stems from the general problem of 
the peculiar Jewish mode of 
existence as privileged minority 
among a non-Jewish majority in 
every country except Israel. 
Throughout their 4,000-year his- 
tory the Jews have faced two 
threats as a consequence of this 
peculiarity: assimilation or ex- 
termination by the majority. 
Sometimes the first threat has 
been greater and sometimes the 
second, but they have both always 
been present, and the Jews long 
ago developed a unique and 
typically clever way of dealing 
with both of them simultaneously, 

To combat assimilation, Jewish 
leaders deliberately built a wall of 
hostility separating the Jews from 
the rest of mankind. They 
deliberately fostered paranoia 
among their own people, instilling 
in them, a sort of persecution 
complex which, together with 



their religious teachings of the 
inherent superiority of Jews to all 
other peoples, served to increase 
Jewish solidarity at the same time 
it encouraged a suspicious aloof- 
ness toward Gentiles. 

But this carefully inculcated 
Jewish attitude of hostility, suspi- 
cion, and aloofness, necessary to 
maintaining the Jews' separate- 
ness and minimizing the danger of 
assimilation, has always had the 
effect of generating a reciprocal 
hostility on the part of the Gentile 
majority against the Jewish min- 
ority and thus raising the other 
danger— that of extermination. 
To forestall that, the Jews have 
traditionally used a public rela- 
tions approach designed to con- 
fuse the Gentiles and keep them 
off balance. 

It is a remarkable fact that the 
key to both these defensive 
efforts — against the dangers of 
assimilation and extermimation — 
has always been, for thousands of 
years, the maintenance of a 
continuous din in the ears of both 
Gentiles and Jews about the 
"persecution" of Jews by Gen- 
tiles. And for the last 35 years or 
so the principal theme in that din 
has been Hitler's move to solve 
Europe's Jewish problem in the 
period 1933-1945, a theme dubbed 
by Jewish propagandists "the 
Holocaust." 



There is reason to believe, 
however, that the Jews are now 
looking for a new theme to take 
the place of, or at least supple- 
ment, the "Holocaust." Yitzhak 
Shargil, a news staffer for the 
Jewish Telegraphic Agency, in a 
story titled "Anxiety and Gloom 
Mark Assimilation Symposium" 
which has been carried by most 
Jewish-community publications in 
this country, reported on an 
emergency conference which was 
held in Tel Aviv, Israel, in July. 
The conference, attended by 
Jewish leaders in banking, educa- 
tion, the news media, and politics 
from all over the world, was 
called to explore new ways to halt 
assimilation. 

The problem facing the con- 
ference was summed up by 
Shmuel Ettinger of Hebrew 
University in Jerusalem: "Mem- 
ories of the Holocaust and the 
hostility of the Gentile environ- 
ment are not strong enought to 

'■':;*« ....... 

I^ l ll ' ■ ■ ■ !*»■■ il ^ |l| 1 1 l| | ll # 1 1 P j l| 4 ' 'IMHi m il H » hlilll H I||i|l|l nlWMW 




MRS. HERMINE RYAN, a naturalized American 

married to a New York City electrical technician, 

was the first victim of the new Jewish campaign to 

keep the myths of World War II alive a little longer. 

After years of vicious harassment by New York 

Jews, Mrs. Ryan was deported to Germany in 1973, 

where she was immediately imprisoned. Under 

Jewish pressure the West German government in 

1975 put her on trial in Duesseldorf, along with 14 

others. This massive "show trial** is expected to last 

at least another year. Mrs. Ryan's husband, Russell, 

has spent all the family's savings on seven trips to 

Germany since 1973 and on medical expenses for his 

wife after she became ill in prison. He says the strain 

of the Jewish harassment has aged his wife 20 years 

and made life a nightmare for both of them. But the 

Jews are not satisfied with what they have done to 

the Ryans, and they are loudly clamoring for more 

victims. At a Washington conference in January, 

Nahum Goldmann, president of the World Jewish 

Congress, warned other Jews: "The postwar *guilt 

complex' among Western nations for failing to halt 

the Nazi slaughter of Jews— a factor which 

heightened sympathy and support for a Jewish 

state — has diminished." Goldmann and other 

Jewish leaders see more "war crimes" trials as a way 

of rejuvenating this Gentile "guilt complex/' which 

has been so useful to the Jews for the last 30 years. 




BISHOP VALERIAN TRIFA, head of the 
Romanian Orthodox Church in America, Is one of 
the naturalized Americans the Jews are trying to 
have deported for "war crimes." Bishop Trifa*s 
"crime" is that in 1941, as president of the National 
Union of Romanian Christian Students, he made a 
speech denouncing Jewish subversive activities in 
Romania. The Jews' hatred of Bishop Trifa is 
especially venomous because his 45,000-raember 
church, like the Russian Orthodox Church in exile, is 
one of the very few organized Christian groups 
which have resisted all Jewish attempts to force a 
revision of their doctrines in a direction of the Jews' 
choosing. If the Jews are successful in forcing the 
U.S. government to deport Bishop Trifa to 
communist Romania, he will face a death sentence 
there. 



prevent cultural and social assim- 
ilation," he said. It is clear From 
this that the Jews have an 
ambivalent attitude toward Gen- 
tile hostility: they need it, and 
they worry when it is not strong 
enough to keep Jews and Gentiles 
apart — but they are always in fear 
that it may get out of hand again, 
as it did in Germany. 

It can truly be said that the 
Jews are the world's only race of 
professional martyrs — a unique 
breed, indeed, and one which 
other races seem unable to 
comprehend and, therefore, to 
cope with. Upon first studying the 
matter one is inclined to attribute 
the Jewish success in hoodwinking 
the rest of the world to a long and 
diligent practice of the art of 
deception, which has gradually 
been brought to a state of near 
perfection over the centuries and 
is handed down from generation 
to generation, a bit more polished 
and refined each time. 



— * i i¥m * iWWMHw < » l I l 



U.S. Attorney Versus 

Nazis In U.S. 

By Dr. Hiilei Scidman 



..»»• <i..ii.«..i... 



maua serves today as an en- 
couraging example for {he 
Arafats. Idi Amins and Jacob 
Maliks. Therefore, if we will 
relinquish the demand for punish- 
ment of thei German murderers, 
this wilt be another encourage- 
ment for the would-be murderers. 

The threat spelted out by Camil 
B&roudi, the Saudi-Arabian, at the 
United Nations General Assembly 
November 10th, that "What 
happened may. happen 
again," (and it was clear' what fee 
referred * v to. . . ! ) wae na tu rail y 
prompted because of "what 
happened '\ the mass murder of 
the Jews by the Germans — un- 
punished. 

So to accomodate the Germans' 
deair$ to "forget the whole 
business*' will cause the crime to 
be forgotten. (Again, if they are 
doing anything for Israel it is 
because of the fee J big of guilt of 
which some inklings *UU remain 
with them .) If the crime's will be 
totally forgotten, (hen they will be 
entirely free of any guilt ana of 
their duty to do something in 
order to recompense — if con> 
pensition is possible at all — the 
remnant* of the murdered people. 

Dr. Nabum Goldman told me, 
"1 rjever said that the Germans 
are decent, good. On the contrary, 
if they are, we owe them thanks 
for each favor they are doing for 
m We tell them: You did what 
you ,dtd f therefore, you have a 

special duty toward Israel, 
toward Jew*/' 

Therefor*, every fraternisation 
with the Garmana Is detrimental 
for the ,fewWi claims from them;- 
and «v*ry reminder of Uhi un- 
speakabk crimes and of the guilt 
of all of them, strengthens our 
claims toward, them. 

The trlala against the^aiis are 
fuch a reminder. 



the trial presently held in 

Dusaeldorf , Germany of Her mine 

Braunsteiner-Hyan and fourteen 

other bestial wardens of the 

German death camp at Maldanek, 

Poland, is described as the last 

one against the Germans, mass 

murderers of- Jews. 
Would this mean that the bloody 

account between us and the Ger- 
mans is about to be closed? 
Would this be tantamount to tet 

the jsroven . German murderers 

run free in their land and the '' 

world over? 

It is for us, Jews, and par- 
ticularly for the survivors of the 

death camps — the victims and 

the witriessea -*■' to answer this 

question. 
But first, a word on why we 

should; not give «p the recjuest to 

bring the murderers and torturers 

before the courts. 
1 True, the ridiculous and:often 
: fictitious sentences renderjed by 

tbe^rman courts against thees- 

tablished German criminals, 
• d&ute the immense monstrosity - 
1 of their guJlt/ln spite of this these 

tr [ als a re a nede sail ty ev^ when 

the pjmishment is hot commeri- 

surat* with the crimen ['$$ there 

possible at all ah adequate punishr 

merit fot' : theae crimes? 5 } 
Because to give up this request 

— the call forpuni shmeitt, means 

to forget and forgive thj mass 

killings of Jews in Europe by the 

.Germans,,. 

:; iSome people maintain that 

because West German^ voted 

against the Arab-Communist 
'l^pjution condemning ^io^sm as 

"racism ■' t and because they we 

supporting Israel In some other 
',*rays, -m have to let them forget 
: ;w1»at:yiey did to us. ^ • 

~ The revsrse is ttae^ , 
Firstly, the precedent of n>ass 

killings or the Jews ay the iter* 

JEWISH LEADER explains to fellow Jews the need to continue 
harping on 35-year-old events of World War If and to continue staging 
phony "war crimes" trials: *'...if they [the Germans] are doing 
anything for Israel it is because of the feeling of guilt.. .every 
reminder.., of the guilt of all of them strengthens our claims..." Note 
the emphasis on the word "all." Jews claim all Germans, even those 
born after World War II, are collectively guilty. This is quite a different 
attitude toward the concept of collective guilt than the Jews have shown 
when that concept has been applied to them— in connection with the 
crucifixion of Jesus, for example. But the Jews like the idea of collective 
guilt for the Germans, because it pays— and how! They have milked the 
West German People for $22 billion since World War II, or $7,000 for 
every Jewish man, woman, and child in Israel, and they are still greedy 
for more. 



One can also see a relationship 
between this art and the tradi- 
tional Jewish skill in bargaining 
and in the other arts of the market 
place. And the same consideration 
applies lo the uncanny aptitude 
Jews have shown for mimicry and 
to their extraordinarily high 
concentration in the theater 
world. 

But there is also disturbing 
evidence that the Jewish practice 
of deception in the martyrdom 
profession is a biological phe- 
nomenon rather than a cultural 
one — i.e., that it is in their genes. 
For one thing, it has been 
remarkably constant throughout 
recorded history, rather than 



showing a continuing improve- 
ment, as one would expect of 
something practiced. 

A century and a half ago the 
German philosopher Arthur 
Schopenhauer referred to the 
Jews as "the great masters of lie." 
But Martin Luther, the Great 
Reformer, said exactly the same 
thing of them more than 300 years 
earlier. 

And we can trace their record 
back for 1900 years, to the writers 
of antiquity. The Roman histor- 
ian Tacitus, in fact, writing in the 
first century A.D., implied that 
the Jews had always been 
mistrusted by the other Asiatic 
peoples among whom they lived. 



t ■ 



Priority project 
is a memorial 
to Six Million 



It H ututomandab]* that people : *n> 
gagod in political activity should bc> 
lt«v© in its efficacy, b«rt tko 
p#lmcall y-mmded often attribute the 
Effects of (ton political influence* to 
; t^&0wjfc.ef)%t&. 

The Mro** pro-fsric* feeling in 

Mmkmn pfttie optn**j« *»# oftc* 
attributed $di|iy to the "Jewish vote" 
and M Jew^3&«lot*y♦'• and tfeirw 'i#; 
pressed that a decline in the Jewi&lt 
vote and a minimisation of financial 
contribution* as a factor in elections 
may erode pro-Israel sentiment , 

Tbe greatest danger, however, Mtfce 
receding awareness of Hie Holocaust, 
The growing generation does not see 
Hitler as vividly at the older generation 
sew him — a personification of all to at 
is worst lit Human nature. The growing 
generation does not have the **m 
sense of gaift a* the older |eneratk«S 
over the fact that the civiJtetxJ wmW 
abandoned the Jew to Hitler and did not 
oppose Hitler until he began to overrun 
the nations of Europe md dtreatcn the 
security «# Aiiiedc*,-:-; £v : K' : -M %- : 

It was not politic* *s mock as fie* 
morse for the unresctwd Six Miflkm 
Am aroused the support of Ajttertcssi 
: pubtk optoJo* far Israel, ft was not 
; pontic* is rnt*ch at shame over sharing ; 
in Hitkr's bigotry that anm*4 mttliotts 
■ of Americans awav ftons atat h s- W. at* 
: titKJe* towards a snore otttm society.;- ■ - 

Tweret* wo lestsun way efforts rt.tjSa' 
• political areaa should be dropped or 
fessetteoY b*t there should he a* 
awareness that as the m emor y of HidcT 

wflt"**^^ni'*S; WI^T' WlWI ^^S^^Bfc*!. a^^SBt^SrV^VflL Pf^^:' . 

thefmbik achieved « the Hitter era is 
also recttHrtg. That is w$y owe of the 
airsaf w neecn ot me lewtsttsCorninMn" : 
Ityli to create a Ya4 Vaster** aneffec* 1 
ove memorial to the Six Million in the 
: edition's capita), where k*der$ o( 4* 
nation aod vwHors will be encottrafed: 
to leam a great lesson of hi «ory, 
. Soch a fhemwial .sltouio occuiiy-a^i 
'choice site mil too distant from Capitol 
Kill and the Whhe rjouse- Whatever 
the awl, it W0«kibe money well spent, 
it co«kt do more far Jewish Wehtity 
and aurvfval, as well is for non*Jewish; 
awliehess of the viciousoess of aatif 
Semstbm' than far nrnp expensive amt 



And there is, of course, the 
judgement of Jesus the Galilean, 
as recorded by his disciple John. 
To the Jews Jesus said: "Ye are of 
your father the devil... he is a liar 
and the father of liars." 

Indeed, the more one studies 
the behavior of the Jews the more 
one leans toward a biological 
explanation. Consider, for ex- 
ample, the matter of "genocide," 
a term of which Jewish writers 
seem to be excessively fond these 



GENERATE GENTILE GUILT 

is the idea behind this project, 
plugged in an editorial in the May 
27, 1976, issue of The Jewish 
Week. In the June 6; 1976, issue 
of the same newspaper the editor 
wrote: "Important as it is to make 
Jewish youth aware of what a 
callous world allowed to happen 
to Six Million of their co-relig- 
ionists, it is equally important to 
confront non-Jewish people with 
the world's guilt. It is important 



also to counteract the consider- 
able propaganda of anti-Jewish 
interests who seek to create the 
Impression that the Holocaust 
never happened. The non-Jewish 
public should be confronted by a 
permanent memorial-museum do- 
cumenting the unbelievable bes- 
tiality of the Hitler regime and to 
drive home the point that the 
world might have prevented much 
of it." 



days. It is a well-documented, if 
not publicly recognized, fact that 
the Jewish people have distin- 
guished themselves as master 
practitioners of genocide through 
the ages, 

The great English historian 
Edward Gibbon wrote, in his 
History of the Decline and Fall of 
the Roman Empire: "Humanity is 
shocked at the recital of the horrid 
cruelties- which (the Jews) com- 
mitted in the cities of Egypt, of 




"BIG LIE" propaganda technique is Jewish, and Hitler warned against 
it in Mein Kampf, published in 1925. But the Jews, through their 
control of the news media, have successfully convinced most Americans 
that Hitler invented the "big lie" technique and advocated its use. In a 
pamphlet published by the ADL, sections of which are 
photographically reproduced above, they even have the brazenness to 
quote part of Hitler's warning, taken out of context, in a deliberately 
deceptive attempt to pin the "big lie" on him. And they have used the 
"big lie" with equal success in convincing Americans that Jews, 
actually unwelcome troublemakers and exploiters among every Gentile 
people on whom they have settled, have been the sensitive and blameless 
"victims" of Gentile "persecutions" through the ages — most recently 
the "Holocaust" — and that Gentiles consequently should tolerate 
continued Jewish depredations without complaint and should continue 
to lavish money and arms on the bandit state of Israel. 



A page from Mein Kampf 



232 



Mein Kampf 



It required the whole bottomless falsehood of the Jews and 
their Marxist fighting organization to lay the blame for the col- 
lapse on that very man who alone, with superhuman energy and 
will power, tried to prevent the catastrophe he foresaw and save 
the nation from its time of deepest humiliation and disgrace. 
By branding Ludendorff as guilty for the loss of the World War, 
they took the weapon of moral right from the one dangerous ac- 
cuser who could have risen against the traitors to the fatherland. 
In this they proceeded on the sound principle that the magnitude 
of a lie always contains a certain factor of credibility, since the 
\ great masses of the people in the very bottom of their hearts tend 
; to be corrupted rather than consciously and purposely evil, and 
that, therefore, in view of the primitive simplicity of their minds, 
they more easily fall a victim to a big lie than to a little one, since 
they themselves lie in little things, but would be ashamed of lies 
that were too big. Such a falsehood will never enter their heads, 
and they will not be able to believe in the possibility of such 
monstrous effrontery and infamous misrepresentation in others; 
yes,- even when enlightened on the subject, they will long doubt 
and waver, and continue to accept at least one of these causes as 
true. Therefore, something of even the most insolent lie will al- 
ways remain and stick — a fact which all the great lie-virtuosi 
and lying-clubs in this world know only too well and also make 
the most treacherous use of. 

The foremost connoisseurs of this truth regarding the pos- 
sibilities in the use of falsehood and slander have always been the 
Jews; for after all, their whole existence-is based on one single 
great lie, to wit, that they are a religious community while 
actually they are a race — and what a race! One of the greatest 
minds of humanity has nailed them forever as such in an eternally 
correct phrase of fundamental truth: he called them 'the great 
masters of the lie.' And anyone who docs not recognize this or 
docs not want to believe it will never in this world be able to help 
the truth to victory. 



Cyprus, and of Cyrene, where 
they dwelt in treacherous friend- 
ship with the unsuspecting na- 
tives... In Cyrene they massacred 
220,000 Greeks; in Cyprus 
240,000; in Egypt a very great 
multitude. Many of these un- 
happy victims were sawed asun- 
der, according to a precedent to 
which David had given the 
sanction of his example. The 
victorious Jews devoured the 
flesh, licked up the blood, and 
twisted the entrails like a girdle 
round their bodies." 

And the Old Testament is full 
of gloating reports of genocide 
practiced against the non-Jewish 
inhabitants of Palestine, as well as 
King David's fiendish treatment 
of the Gentiles who fell into his 
hands, as mentioned by Gibbon. 
The Book of Joshua, for example, 
is little more than a boastful 
accounting of one campaign of 
racial extermination after an- 
other: "And they utterly de- 
stroyed all that was in the city, 
both man and woman, young and 
old, and ox and sheep and ass, 
with the edge of the sword." 

In modern times the Jewish lust 
to spill non-Jewish blood has not 
abated a bit, In eastern Europe, in 
the years between 1917 and 1945, 
the Jews perpetrated a series of 
ghastly mass atrocities, most of 
them under the aegis of the Soviet 
secret police, which was a 
thoroughly kosher institution un- 
til the post-World War II years. 
(Alexander Solzhenitsyn, among 
many others, has revealed the 
nearly exclusively Jewish leader- 
ship of the NKVD. See his Gulag 
II. Also see "Jews, the USSR, and 
Communism," in ATTACK! No. 
43.) 

There are all too many eyewit- 
ness accounts available of these 
Jewish atrocities, but most of 
them remain unknown to the 
American public, because our 
controlled mass media have 
maintained a total blackout on the 
subject. Here is an extract from 
one such account. Dated June 30, 
1941, it was written by a member 
of a German inspection team 
which entered the Polish-Ukrain- 
ian city of Lvov immediately after 
it had been abandoned by the 
fleeing Soviets: 

"In three prisons of Lvov 
mountains of male and female 
corpses, which were horribly 
mutilated, were found. Among 
them were bodies of very young 
people, even of children... Very 
soon, in advancing into the 
cellars, we found a layer, com- 
posed of a viscous mass, into 
which the corpses had con- 
gealed... The cellars had ceilings 
that were splashed with blood, 
and in a room which had 
apparently served for interroga- 
tions the floor was covered with a 
layer of dried blood that was 20 
centimeters (8 inches) deep. The 
bolshevik hangmen had literally 
waded in blood... From the prison 
in Leona Sapiehy Street, W bodies 
were taken to the Forensic 
Academy for post-mortems to 
ascertain the cause of death. 
Generally, all these bodies showed 
heavy and multiple injuries that 
had been caused by blunt 
instruments. Many of the women 
had been raped, and their breasts 
had been cut off Also the private 
parts of the males had been the 
objects of bolshevik perversion 

And how do the Jews try to 

explain their genocidal record? 
They set up a nonstop wailing 



80 

about how they are the innocent 
and defenseless victims of geno- 
cide committed by others! They 
introduce a United Nations reso- 
lution making genocide an inter- 
national crime! They organize 
whole regiments of professional 
"concentration-camp survivors" 
and send them around the college 
lecture circuit to show off their 
tatooed serial numbers and tell 
their audiences how they barely 
escaped being convened into 
lampshades or bars of soap! 

And when, more recently, 
rumors began reaching the West 
of the gruesome tortures being 
inflicted on Arab prisoners in 
Israeli prisons, what did the Jews 
instinctively do? They formed 
half-a-dozen international com- 
mittees to investigate and de- 
nounce the torLure of political 
prisoners— in- Chile, in Brazil, in 
Argentina, in South Korea, in 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



81 



Northern Ireland— everywhere, in 
fact, except in Israel! 

This is what is known as the 
"big lie" technique: conceal your 
own guilt by accusing your 
accuser— or potential accuser- 
more loudly than he can possibly 
hope to accuse you. (Easy enough 
to do, when you control virtually 
all the news media.) And, in fact, 
after Hitler explained in 1 925 in 
W\sMein Kampfhow the Jews use 
the "big lie" in politics, they 
immediately began a "big lie" 
campaign to pin the blame for the 
invention o\" (his technique on 
him! 

The new media witch-hunt for a 
hundred or so aging Germans, 
Poles, Latvians, Rumanians, and 
other alleged "war criminals" has 
already begun. All the vast, 
Jewish propaganda machinery has 
been started and is picking up 



speed. Synchronized with the 
propaganda campaign are the 
Jew-controlled Department of 
Justice and the Immigration and 
Naturalization Service. The arti- 
ficiality of the whole operation — 
as well us its actual purpose — 
could hardly be more obvious. 

But once again the Jew.*, are 
counting, on their unexcelled skill 
in the use of the "big lie" lo blind 
ihc Gentile public to the truth. 
Once again they are counting on 
the average, straightforward A- 
merienn never suspecting the cun- 
ning, calculated deceit which lies 
behind the contrived mask of 
outraged piety and innocence— 
never suspecting that the Jew or 
Jewess who, in a press or televi- 
sion interview, seems to be ex- 
plaining so candidly that the Jews 
are "not seeking vengeance but 
only justice" in their, hunt for 
more "war criminals" is actually, 



behind a solemn countenance, 
laughing at the Gentile world 
because it is so easily deceived. 

They are counting on the 
simple, good-hearted American 
people— so easy to sway by a 
clever appeal to their emotions — 
never suspecting that the appar- 
ently sincere Jews, who are able to 
put on such a perfectly staged 
performance as they recite with 
dignity and restrained emotion 
how they have suffered at the 
hands of the Nazis and other 
"anti-Semites," are actually the 
greatest mass-murderers of all 
time. They are counting on Amer- 
icans never suspecting that this 
race which preaches to them the 
virtues of tolerance for minorities 
and equal justice for everyone 
actually 'has a religion which 
teaches them that all goyim, or 
non-Jews, are like cattle and 
should be treated as such. 



Can such brazenness, such 
bounding impudence (or chutz- 
pah, as the Jews proudly call it) 
really be human? Is there really a 
Satan, who has possessed the 
Jewish people and uses tham as 
his instruments? Was Jesus right? 
Is this what the Jews really mean 
when they boast that they are "the 
chosen people"? 

Such questions are primarily of 
interest to theologians. But there 
is a much more down-to-eanh 
question which is of vital concern 
lo every American: when will we 
snap the Jewish spell of lies and 
deceit which now binds us? When 
will we wake up? 

(Issue No. 49, J 976) 



Who Was Karl Marx? 



Although it is well known that 
the founder of communism was a 
Jew, there is still a great deal of 
confusion in patriotic circles 
about the details of Marx's Jew- 
ishness. The extract below, repro- 
duced photographically from the 
October 30, 1975, issue of the 
Chicago Jewish Sentinel, should 
clear up this confusion. 



In particular, it points out that 
Marx was not only born a Jew but 
was the descendant of a long line 
of rabbis and talmudists. The 
Christian "conversion" of his 
father, born Hirschel ha-Levi, 
was strictly for business reasons, 
and Marx's family retained its 
influential connections with the 
leadership of international Jewry. 



<i<iiii [Mw : i . i' .M' ii' "" i ■ ■ » y'" | »';.|'i* i n ' H i ' i ffl" i . ' i Din i i' 



■ii -.j j. I'-.v.".' — ~— — -— ~— - ■ ■ ' i 



Inside Judaica 



M> r f ) H ) H% ' »>lM f l ■W W»l» ^'f* 



%^to> on 4»e» tk*» o( Jowttit fet»r»tt fry **. Vt&ck Udimas 
Ex*e4iiv# Editor, Ea*ydbi**8« Judaic* 

Q. Wm Kir! Mar* A Jf«w? 

A* Sort* in the Hhinelafid town of 
J Titer {then We*t Prussia), Marat : 

was the son of J*wUh parenta, 

Heinrleb and Henrietta Marx. 

Heiarieh Mir* beeaine a successful 

lawyer, and wh«n an ed**^ 
^ jj^ibited: Jews froni being ad- 
vocates he c^^erted to 
j Preteatantism in J$tT« In 18&4, 

when Karl was six yearn old, hie 

Jafner «ooMMed his eight chUdrejUv 

the authoritative Encyclopaedia 

Judaica reports. Jieinrich, whose 

original name was |&heLha*kevu 

was the son of a tahpS' and the 

: descendant, of tabtwdie scholars for 

many generations* Hirschers 

pother was chief rabbi of Trier. 

||einriea Iftarx married Henrietta 
, Preasfburg, who originated in 

H ungar y a qd whose father became 

a rabbi in Nijmegen, Holland; 




Karl Marx (born Levi) 



(Issue No. 50, 1977) 




Last Issue Best 

Dear Dr. Pierce: 

The November issue of AT- 
TACK! came in the mail this 
morning. It is, 1 think, the very 
best issue you have produced thus 
far, and 1 congratulate you on two 
admirable articles. 

[f the boobs cannot see in 
Rhodesia the shape of things to 
come for themselves, they are not 



worth preserving as a biological 
species. 

If the species is to survive, it 
must understand that the Jews are 
what they always have been, a 
race of chamaeleons having an 
extraordinarily great ability to 
simulate and to lie. One lie that 
they have imposed on the gullible 
White race with great success is 
that of the "Diaspora," the 



■ 

Patriots' Notebook 

survival tips for the American Jungle 



Self-Defense III 

In an emergency, it is possible 
to make am improvised firearm, 
Described below is a single-shot, 
12-gauge shotgun, which, al- 
though noi as convenient, accur- 
ate, or safe as. a facLory-made 
shotgun, is thoroughly lethal at 
shon-to-moderate ranges. 

The only materials required for 
[he improvised shotgun which 
may not be available in every 
home are a piece of 3/4-inch pipe 
approximately two feet long, a 
3/4-inch pipe coupling, and a 
3/4-inch solid pipe plug. These 
items can be purchased in most 
hardware stores. The only tools 
required are a hacksaw, a file, and 
a small hand-drill or electric drill. 

The key to the feasibility of this 
weapon is the happy coincidence 
that a 12-gauge shot shell is just 
slightly smaller in diameter than 
the inside of a 3/4-inch nominal- 
size pipe. Thus, a shell will easily 
slip into the end of the pipe, with 
only a few thousandths of an inch 
play, but the brass rim on the shell 
will not enter the pipe. The pipe 
plug serves as a breechblock, and 
the coupling holds the plug firmly 
against the base of the shell 
casing. 

The conversion of the pipe, 
coupling, and plug into .a service- 
able firearm requires the follow- 
ing four principal operations: 

!. Providing a firing pin and 
drilling an axial hole through the 
plug to accomodate it. 

2. Adjusting the plug and 
coupling so that when the 
coupling is screwed hand-light 



onto the pipe the inner face of the 
plug just touches the base of a 
seated shell casing. 

3. Providing a striker for the 
firing pin, 

4. Providing a stock to hold the 
pipe when the weapon is fired. 

The first operation is the 
easiest. Care should be taken, 
however, that the firing-pin hole 
is drilled accurately along the axis 
of the plug. A 6d common nail 
will serve admirably as a firing 
pin, if it is cut so that 
approximately 3/32-inch projects 
beyond the inner face of the plug 
when the nail is inserted all the 
way into the hole. The hole should 
be a loose— but not sloppy— fit 
for the nail. 

The cut end of the nail should 
be dressed and smoothly rounded 
with a tile, but it should not be 
pointed. 

Pipe threads are tapered, 
rather than cylindrical, and a bit 
of fiddling may be required to 
arrange things so that the 
coupling-and-plug assembly can 
be screwed by hand onto the pipe 
far enough to bring the plug up 
against the base of a shell. By 
sawing off part of the coupling, 



carefully dressing the pipe thread-* 
with a file, and using a wrench 
and vise to seat the plug to the 
proper depth, one should be able 
to adjust the breech assembly to a 
proper fit with a few trials. 

One can use one's ingenuity in 
providing a stock and striker 
Almost any piece of hardwood to 
which the pipe can be securely 
fastened will serve as a stock. One 
can spend more or less time 
whittling, sawing, and shaping the 
stock to provide the desired ease 
in handling and firing the 
weapon, bu( the one essential 
requirement is that the pipe be 
rigidly and securely fastened to it. 

A simple striker can be made by 
bending a piece of scrap iron 
1/4-inch wide, 1/8-inch thick, and 
about 6 inches long imo-a "I ", 
drilling the two ends of the "I '"' 
to loosely fit screws in the sides of 
the stock, and using elastic band* 
to hold the edge of the base of the 
"U" against the firing-pin head. 
When the weapon is being aimed 
the striker is pulled back with ihc 
right thumb and then released to 
fire. 

(Issue No. 50, 1977} 



Naii 



Striker Cord Wrap over Epoxy Cemerr 

I 

I 




I 
Coupling 



Wooden Slo-:*. 



Pipe 



Screws "* Elastic Band 
Improvised Sholgun 



absurd story that almost all Yids 
were cuddled together in Palestine 
until the wicked Romans lost 
patience and destroyed the pest- 
hole called Jerusalem in 70 A.D. 
It is a simple historical fact that at 
that time, and for centuries 
before, the situation was precisely 
what it is today in that only a 
minority of the international 
vermin inhabited Palestine, while 
the great majority was scattered 



throughout the civilized world, fundamental and definitive book 
eating on the inhabitants of every that you could use to great 
prosperous region. advantage. 



With reference to the currently 
successful he about the six million 
that Hitler unfortunately failed to 
exterminate, I wonder whether the 
publishers (the Historical Review- 
Press in Surrey) have sent you a 
copy of Professor Arthur Butz's 
Hoax of the Twentieth Century, a 



With best wishes. 
R.P.O. 
Urbana, 1L 

(Issue No. 50, 1977) 



An Amazing Parallel 



Biology of the 
Jewish Problem 



The most depressing thing 
about the impending disaster fac- 
ing Western civilization is the 
almost total lack of resistance on 
the part of those who will be the 
victims of the disaster. The men 
and women of the West, as if 
entranced or under the influence 
of some mind-numbing drug, not 
only are not doing anything to 
avert the cataclysm which lies 
ahe^d, but they are positively 
falling all over themselves to aid 
andf" assist the engineers of that 
cataclysm in bringing it about. 
The murderer asks us for a knife 
with which to slit our throats and 
the throats of our children, and 
we hand him one with alacrity and 
enthusiasm, apologizing for not 
having done so sooner. 

Ours is a situation which is so 
bizarre — so nightmarish — that it 
seems almost unreal. One must 
continually fight off the impulse 
to tell oneself, "This can't really 
be happening!" It may be helpful 
in coming to grips with our 
aJl-too-real nightmare, therefore, 
to note that our situation, bizarre 
as it is, is not unique. There is a 
strikingly close parallel in the 
insect world. 

The tiny but troublesome fire 
ant, native to South America but 
now beginning to become entren- 
ched in wide areas of the southern 
United Slates as well, apparently 
has its own form of the Jewish 
problem! A fascinating report on 
the subject, bearing the utterly 
appropriate title "Subversion 
Among the Ants," was published 
in TIME magazine more than a 
decade ago and recently recalled 
to mind. 

According to the report, scien- 
tists noted that in South America 




— 'fT^ — — 




ENTOMOLOGY 

Subversion Among the Ant* 

The U.S. South knows few worse 
pests than the tiny Ore unt, an uninvited 
guest thai came up from South America 
nearly 50 years tgo and settled dov,n 
for a long visit. The little insect* bite 
people, raising painful lumps, attack 
livestock, nibble crop* ami foul up ex- 
pensive farm machinery with their hard 
earthen nest mound?. For years nothing 
could check, their .spread: massive at* 
lucks with chemipa! dusts and sprays ail 
failed. Now it looks as if the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture has finally found 
an answer to the curse of the fire ants: 
stt't smaller ant$ that seduce the lire ants 
into destroying themselvt-s. 

Socio! Parasite. Uruguayan scientists 
working for the department stumbled 
on the secret whde they were searching 
for a fungus or a bacteria that might be 
fata! to ftre ants. They discovered that 
in Uruguay, wh«we the ants arc native, 
they art 00 jteridus problem. Often, the > 
are so weak that they build flimsy n«si 
mounds, -which wash away in the ruin. 
This suggested not an ant killer but a 
social parasite- 

The nests contained various parasites, 
but the most important turned out to 
be another species of ants that live with* 



the fire ants were much less a 
problem for farmers than in the 
United States. Some unknown 
malady seemed to have robbed 
them of their natural fierceness, 
aggressiveness, and industrious- 
ness; in other words, the fire-ant 
"civilization" in South America 
had become terminally decadent. 

When thescientists investigated 
further they traced the source of 
the fire-ant decadence to a social 
parasite— "another species of 
ants that live without concealment 
in the fortresses of the fierce fire 
ants and, by some mysterious 
influence, make their hosts sup- 
port them in idle luxury." 

And what- is this "mysterious 
influence," this fire-ant liberal- 
ism, which blunts their xenopho- 
bic instinct and makes them 



nut concealment in the tort re^es of iM; 
tierce lire unis and, by some my^eiriS^ 
influence, make their: boats support then? 
itt idle luxury, Oswdfy, a few ot th§ 
parasites cling to the ftr« ant queen by 
means of specially adapted miamlt^s 
that fit around her neck without hurting 
ben When ft worker comes to feedlher 
with regurgitated food, the parasites fh|H 
ler their antennae, apparently convey- 
ing a compelling message that makes 
the worker feed the parasites instead 
of the queen. 

The parasites that ctitig to the queett 
are females, and when she lays h* r «fP 
thev lay eggs of their own, Duti&jp 
thc fire ant workers care tor both sets 
of eggs and rats* the infant parasites 
jusi as teode#y as if they were youbg 
of their own speeds. T^j^sijes thrive 
while their considerate hosts all but work 
themselves to death taking care of "#«$?£■ 
The fire ant economy is wrecked. The- 
healthy parasites mite conveniently trt; 
the nest, and then fly away tu subvert 
and weaken other fire ant colonies. 

Bioiogteol Weapon. The parasites 
have been found only in association vvith 
fire ants. Apparently, they cannot live 
except when fed by the fire ants with 
their regurgitations. This dependence 
makes tbem promising as a potent bio- 
logical weapon. 

TIM*. JUNJ II, »*W. 



THIS ARTICLE from (he "Science 1 ' section of TIME magazine 
describes a situation in the insect world which is duplicated almost 
perfectly in the human world. 



tolerate the alien parasites in their 
midst? The scientists don't know, 
but they say it is transmitted from 
the parasites to the hard-working 
fire ants by a fluttering of the 
parasites' antennae, "apparently 
conveying a compelling message 
that rnakes the worker feed the 
parasites..." 

Shades of Jewish television! So 
the ant-parasites do it with anten- 
nae too! But the message the 
media masters convey to us 
through our TV antennae compels 
us to do far more than feed their 
bloodsucking tribe. It robs us of 
memory of the past and concern 
for the future. It perverts all 
healthy instincts. It tujrns racial 
pride into sick guilt. It under- 
mines racial solidarity and gives 
us in its place self-hatred. It 
makes us abandon our own 
natural interests and serve instead 
the interests of the alien parasites 
and all the racial dregs of the 
globe. 

In other words, just as in-the 
case of the ants, it seduces us into 
destroying ourselves. 

Making the analogy more near- 
ly perfect, we note that, according 
to the scientists, the parasites 
which wreck the fire-ant economy 
while fattening themselves "can- 
not live except when fed by the 
fire ants..." No more than Jews 
can live without their Gentile prey 
lo feed on, for they are incom- 
plete creatures, specially adapted 
by Nature to their parasitic role. 

Thus, one never sees a Jewish 
bricklayer or a Jewish pipefitter, a 
Jewish lumberjack or a Jewish 
dirt farmer. Jews do not create — 
they consume; they manipulate; 
they buy and sell; they pander; 
they peddle pills; they mimic; they 
scheme and shuffle their papers; 
they sit in their offices and give 
advice (for a price); they adver- 
tise; they strut and prate before 
the TV cameras (their TV cam- 
eras); they scribble lies for the 
newspapers; they flood our li- 
braries and our bookstores with 



worthless or poisonous books 
(which we foolishly praise to the 
skies); they sicken our children's 
minds in the schools; they whis- 
per advice into the ears of our 
politicians; they incite riots and 
lead demonstrations for "equal- 
ity"; they judge us in our courts; 
they reveal our military secrets to 
our enemies; they own; they rent; 
they lend; they undermine; they 
subvert; they destroy. 

But they do not, they will not, 
they cannot feed and house and 
clothe themselves through their 
own labor. Nowhere is this more 
apparent than in the Jewish state 
of Israel itself, the very land of 
which was stolen from another 
people and which exists only 
through the wealth extorted from 
others, principally in Germany 
and the United States. 

And if there is any value for us 
in the observation of this amazing 
parallel between the fire ants and 
ourselves it is this: we can see that 
perhaps our problem is more than 
a political or a social or an 
economic problem; perhaps it is, 
more than anything else, a bio- 
logical problem. 

If the Jews do as they do not 
through choice but because their 
inborn nature compels them, and 
if we respond to them for the 
same reason — just as the fire ants 
respond to the "Jewish" ants 
among them — then our problem 
assumes an altogether new and 
different aspect. 

If our problem is essentially 
biological, then realizing this fact 
should not make us despair of 
finding a solution. On the con- 
trary, what the Creator has done 
the Creator can undo. Our race, 
as the cutting edge of the Crea- 
tor's tool, can overcome all things 
and surpass all things, in time. 
But first must come understand- 
ing; first must come conscious- 
ness. 

(Issue No. 50, 1977) 



Letter 

Dear Dr. Pierce: 

I'm writing this letter to share 
with you a thought from Goethe 
that echoes the concept of life 
formulated in the National Alli- 
ance Affirmation: 

"The Godhead is effec- 
tive in the living and not in 
the dead, in the becoming 
and the changing, not in the 
become and the set- fast; 
and, therefore, similarly, 
the reason (Vernunft) is 
concerned only to strive 
toward the Divine through 
the becoming and the 
living, and the understand- 
ing ( Verstand) only to make 
use of the become and the 
set- fast." (Letter to Ecker- 
mann) 

1 ran across this in a footnote to 
The Decline of the West. Spengler 
writes that the above sentence 
"comprises my entire philoso- 
phy." 

You told me once that you 
hadn't read Yockey's Imperium, 
and so ] also suspect that you have 
yet to wade through Spengler's 
monumental masterwork. I could- 
n't help but be struck by the unity 
of thought expressed in your 
recent expressions of the National 
Alliance credo with those spiritual 
values underlying both The De- 
cline of the West and Imperium. 

I'm now a beginning graduate 
student in history at Indiana 
University. Although I'm getting 
accustomed to this life, the 
general cynicism, superficiality, 
and meaninglessness that pervade 
the academic world here arc 
disheartening. I've often reflected 
on your own divorce from 
university life. 

Sincerely, 
M.W. 
Bloomington, IN 

(Issue No. 50, 1977) 



82 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Conservatism or Radicalism? 

The following text is a transcript of the talk given by ATTACK! editor Dr. William Pierce at the weekly meeting of the National Alliance on January 16, J 977. 



Conservative and right-wing 
political groups are concerned 
with a number of problems these 
days: forced school busing, taxes, 
gun control, street crime, in- 
flation. They oppose these things 
in various ways: through public 
demonstrations; through propa- 
ganda efforts with leaflets, maga- 
zines, or newspapers; through 
lobbying; and through election 
campaigns. And Lhey gain mem- 
bers and supporters from those 
elements of the population who 
are also opposed to these things. 
In general, the more concrete, 
specific, and immediate a problem 
is, the larger and more enthusias- 
tic will be the public response to 
right-wing efforts. Some of the ad 
hoc organizations opposed to 
forced school busing claimed 
more than a million members at 
one time. The National Rifle 
Association, which is certainly the 
principal group opposed to gun 
control, has more than a million 
members now, I believe. 

The people who joined the anti- 
busing groups did so, generally, 
because they felt immediately 
threatened by a specific and con- 
crete menace. The people who 
support the NRA because of its 
opposition to gun-registration and 
gun-confiscation laws feel— and 
rightly so— that their fundamental 
right of self-defense is in immedi- 
ate danger of being taken away 
from them. 

When the issue becomes less 
immediate or more abstract, right- 
wing groups can still gain support. 
— but not so much. American 
foreign policy in the Middle East 
and in Rhodesia is horrendous, 
but there is far less organized op- 
position to it than to busing or 
gun control. 

Even more abstract issues, such 
as miscegenation and non-White 
immigration, still bring forth a 
good bit of right-wing rhetoric, 
but there is almost no public 
response to this rhetoric. 

Now, everyone has observed 
this, and the consequence is that 
people or groups who want to win 
public support for themselves, for 
whatever reason, honest or dis- 
honest, concentrate their propa- 
ganda on immediate, concrete, 
specific problems. That wins 
elections. And it brings the contri- 
butions rolling in to the money- 
hungry, "conservative/' fund- 
raising outfits. 

But, interestingly enough, the 
immediate, concrete, specific 
problems remain with us and 
continue to grow worse. Why is 
that? 

Why is it that with so many 
people belonging to or supporting 
organizations opposed to forced 
busing, we have every year more 
and more school districts being 
ordered by the Federal courts to 
bus White children into Black 
schools? 

Why, with all the rhetoric 
against taxes and with so many 
conservatives and right wingers 
supporting anti-tax organizations, 
do income taxes and sociaJ secur- 
ity taxes and property taxes 
become worse practically every 
year? 

Actually, there are two ways of 
approaching the question. We can 



say we have more and more bus- 
ing every year, despite all the 
opposition to it, because the 
enemies of White America want 
to mongretize the country, and 
they are stronger, with all their 
money and their control of the 
media, than the busing oppo- 
nents, and they have slipped their 
allies into the Federal judiciary 
over the years, and they have 
brainwashed the public, and con- 
servatives won't work together, 
and so on. And we can answer the 
questions about taxes and gun 
control the same way. 

But answers of that sort, about 
the mechanics of the struggle, are 
not what I'm interested in tonight. 
We have a general and funda- 
mental question before us, which 
is: Why do the enemies of White 
America keep on winning? Why 
are they stronger than their op- 
ponents? How is it that they have 
been able to slip the sack over our 
heads so easily? Why does the 
White majority always lose? 

The answer we want to under- 
stand tonight is this: Right 
wingers and conservatives, and 
the White majority generally, 
have been losing battle after battle 
—and are obviously losing the 
whole war as well — simply be- 
cause ail they are really willing to 
fight for are immediate, concrete, 
and specific things— and, in parti- 
cular, things which affect them 
personally. That is the answer we 
must understand. 

I was talking to our guest, Ed 
Fields, after our last meeting, and 
he told me about a speech he gave 
at an anti-busing rally in Louis- 
ville, Kentucky, last year. He had 
been talking for about 10 minutes, 
he said, about the importance of 
preserving the White race and 
saving White culture and stopping 
non-White immigration and halt- 
ing intermarriage, when he was 
interrupted by a shout from 
someone in the crowd who yelled, 
"We don't care about all that 
crap! Tell us how to stop this 
busing!" 

Now, 1 believe that was an 
extreme case. Most opponents of 
busing and certainly most ordi- 
nary, decent White people do care 
about the things Ed Fields was 
talking about. They just don't 
care enough about them to leave 
their TV sets and go to rallies and 
risk'being labeled "racists" by a 
yapping pack of Jewish media 
hounds and their liberal camp 
followers. They'll only put out 
that effort and take that risk to 
oppose something which they see 
as an immediate and personal 
threat. 

So, the big conservative and 
right-wing groups concentrate on 
those things— the immediate, con- 
crete, and personal things — and 
the White race keeps losing the 
war. 

The problem is a matter of 
motivation, of priorities, of 
values. 

The great majority of our 
people who are not liberals — that 
is, who have not joined the 
enemy — are not really concerned 
with winning the war. They just 
want to avoid becoming personal 
casualties. No army in history 
with that sort of motivation has 



ever won a war. And we won't 
either. 

When a man has a personal 
problem to solve — a truly per- 
sonal problem — then self-interest 
is a proper motivation. But when 
a whole race is faced with a major 
problem, self-interest is no longer 
a proper motivation, and it will no 
more solve the problem for the 
race than an attitude of "every 
man for himself" will win a 
war — or even a battle — for an 
army. 

And yet self-interest is what the 
conservative and right-wing 
organizations keep appealing to, 
because that is what gets an 
immediate response. 

The essence of the problem is 
this: The man who is against 
busing is generally a man who is 
fairly well satisfied with the other 
things around him. Let's solve 
this busing problem, he thinks, 
and then I can go back to my TV. 
Or let's defeat this gun-control 
law, and then I can go back to 
what I was doing before. 

If you read conservative publi- 
cations, you are overcome by the 
stench of this attitude. American 
Opinion, the magazine of the 
John Birch Society, reeks of it. 
And so does the weekly tabloid 
published by Liberty Lobby. 

They are outraged about the 
Federal bureaucracy because of 
the way it interferes in their lives. 
They don't want the government 
meddling with their property 
rights. They want to be left alone 
so they can continue making 
money and spending money the 
way they want and doing what 
they want without interference. 

And about the last thing they 
want to do is have a revolution. 
Why, that would be even more of 
a nuisance than busing, gun 
control, and all the Federal 
meddlers put together. That 
would really keep them away 
from their TV. 

Remember, there are literally 
tens of millions of people out 
there, a substantial portion of 
them conservative, patriotic 
Americans, who really care 
whether Liz will leave John and 
go back to Dick again and 
whether the Dodgers will win the 
world series. 

I said it's a problem of values. 
Let me give you a couple of 
specific examples. In American 
Opinion a few months back there 
was an article complaining about 
Federal forced-housing efforts. 
The author didn't want anyone to 
think he was a racist, and he said 
that no true conservative has any 
objection to Black neighbors, so 
long as they are good, quiet, 
middle-class Blacks. He said con- 
servatives would rather have hard- 
working, middle-class Blacks for 
neighbors than poor Whites, or, 
as he put it, welfare-class Whites. 
The conservative objection to 
forced housing, he said, is only 
that it is forced, that conser- 
vatives don't want to be told they 
have to have Blacks for neigh- 
bors, especially dirty, disorderly, 
welfare-class Blacks, whom they 
regard in exactly the same light as 
poor Whites. 

Well, we certainly must admit 
that there are some Blacks who 



would make quieter, cleaner, 
more orderly neighbors than some 
Whites. And if that's all we care 
about— that and not having the 
government tell us what to do — 
then we have to agree with the 
Birch Society. 

But we believe— all of us here 
believe, I hope— that there is 
much, much more at stake in the 
forced-housing issue than pro- 
perty values and freedom from 
government interference. We have 
a set of values and a motivation 
which are fundamentally different 
from those of the Birch Society. 
And yet so many people can see 
only the superficial reserriblance 
between us and the Birchers that 
comes from our having similar 
stands on certain issues. 

Let me give you another ex- 
ample. In this week's issue of 
Newsweek magazine there is a 
guest editorial by a White conser- 
vative complaining about the ridi- 
culous extent to which the courts 
and the Federal bureaucracy— 
especially the Equal Employment 
Opportunity Commission— have 
gone to assure minorities a better- 
than-even break. Reverse dis- 
crimination, he says, is un-Ameri- 
can. 

Of course, we've all heard the 
Jews yelling the same thing, as 
soon as Blacks started demanding 
their share of jobs in those occu- 
pations in which Jews are over- 
represented, such as journalism 
and university teaching. With the 
Jews it's clearly selfishness, pure 
and simple, because they're all for 
reverse discrimination when it's 
the White plumber or electrician 
or sheet-metal worker who has to 
give up his job to a Black or a 
Chicano or an Asiatic. 

But I don't believe the White 
conservative writing for News- 
week is worried that some Negro 
is going to get his job. His worry 
is simply that the Jews and the 
guilt-ridden liberals and the cor- 
rupt politicans who cater to the 
minority vote are overdoing the 
"equality" racket and are gen- 
erating a backlash among Whites 
which is undoing what the Federal 
equality laws were supposed to 
do, namely, to create a society 
without discrimination of any 
kind, a color-blind society. 

He sees the EEOC fanatics 
stirring up a hornet's nest of 
hostility, of racial conflict, of 
divisiveness. Forcing equality on 
people, he says, is disuniting the 
United States and unmelting the 
melting pot. And that means 
trouble and unrest ahead. And, 
like conservatives in general, he 
doesn't want trouble. He wants 
unity and prosperity and peace — 
at any price. 

Now, perhaps we should try to 
be charitable and not accuse such 
conservatives of being motivated 
by nothing but egoism and mater- 
ialism. Perhaps the fellow writing 
in Newsweek is basically a patriot 
who simply wants a strong and 
peaceful and united United States 
above all else, completely aside 
from what these tilings will mean 
to his own income and safety and 
living standard. And perhaps he 
really believes that a truly color- 
blind government, which discrim- 
inates neither in favor of Blacks 



nor Whites, will make America 
strong and peaceful. Maybe he 
really believes that. I am sure a lot 
of conservatives do. 

But even if they were right— 
and, in the long run, they certainly 
cannot be — their values and their 
priorities are totally wrong. 

Prosperity and harmony are 
nice. Peace is nice — but not peace 
at any price, certainly not peace at 
the price of racial mongrelization. 

And, in fact, our values are so 
totally different from conservative 
values that I say we would not 
even be interested in peace if we 
could be guaranteed that it would 
not lead to mongrelization. Not 
even if the country or the world 
could be divided up into little en- 
claves for Blacks and Whites and 
Chicanos and Jews and so on, 
every one respecting the rights of 
his neighbors and staying inside 
his own boundaries. That, again, 
is the dream of a conservative 
soul, and it is a false dream. 

Our dream is a progressive 
dream, a dream of unlimited pro- 
gress over the centuries and the 
millennia and the eons which lie 
ahead of us. It is no conservative 
dream of peace, no sheeplike 
dream of ease and consumption 
and safety, but a dream of the 
achievement of our Destiny, 
which is Godhood. It is the only 
dream fitting for men and women 
of our race; it is the spirit of the 
Creator, it is the Universal Urge 
within us, expressing itself 
through our race-soul. 

You know that is true; you 
know that is the only dream for 
us, that what I am telling you is 
right. Yet, when you leave here 
tonight it will be all too easy, I am 
afraid, for you to slip back into 
old ways of thinking, into wrong 
ways. 

I'm afraid of that because I re- 
ceive letters all the time from our 
members, who've been paying 
their dues and receiving their 
bulletins regularly, who apparent- 
ly do not understand what is 
written in those bulletins. They 
are teachers and policemen and 
lawyers — people for whom our 
message certainly should not be 
too abstract or too complicated to 
grasp — but they are also people 
thoroughly enmeshed in contem- 
porary society, thoroughly in- 
volved, every day, with other 
people whose values and ideas all 
come from their TV sets. 

And because our values are so 
different from the TV values, it 
may be hard for some of our 
people to make the transition, to 
clear the conservative cobwebs 
out of their minds, so that our 
dream, the dream of the White 
race-soul, comes through loud 
and clear. 

It is easier for us, here in our 
little community, to understand 
our Truth, and it may be neces- 
sary for many of our other 
members, scattered all across the 
continent — all across the world 
now, in fact— to also have the 
moral reinforcement which comes 
from living and working together 
with others who have the same 
dream before they can achieve the 
same degree of understanding we 
have. 



I am sure that will be necessary 
for some, but not for all. For 
some the dream is strong enough 
so that it is sufficient for them to 
receive our publications and listen 
to our meeting tapes— that is, to 
be members of our community in 
spirit, even if they cannot be here 
in the flesh. 

But the problem that remains 
for us is this: our dream is a 
radical dream, and the dream of 
the masses is a conservative 
dream. 

We want a revolution which 
brings about a permanent trans- 
formation of the values and 
priorities and goals of our society 
and lays the groundwork for the 
building of a whole new world. 
They want a quick and easy end to 
"certain concrete .and specific, an- 
noyances, so that they can go 
back to their TV. 

Even the least selfish and most 
thoughtful of the conversatives 
base their programs entirely on 
the TV values, the TV philosophy, 
the TV religion. At most, they 
want to annul the social and racial 
changes of the last few decades 
and restore what existed before 
the last war. 

So this great gulf lies between 
us and them, between our Truth 
and the materialist-conservative 
view of life. And yet, they are our 
people. It is from them, from the 
great masses, that we must recruit 
the new members upon which the 
growth and even the continued 
existence of our community de- 
pend. 

We certainly have not reached 
the point where we can afford to 
wall ourselves and our families off 
from the rest, of society, where we 
can isolate our community from 
the Jewish Babylon around us and 
depend upon our own reproduc- 
tive powers to continue building 
our community. We may never 
reach that point. So we must 
bridge the gulf. 



Q. The truth of what you say in 
ATTACK! seems self-evident. I 
understand that the brainwashed 
public needs to be exposed to your 
persuasion as an antidote to the 
lies pumped into them by the 
media. But I don't understand 
why there are not a great many 
leaders of this country helping 
you in your efforts — corporation 
presidents, statesmen, generals 
and admirals, celebrities, univer- 
sity presidents. Surely they are not 
aH either in the pay of the Enemy 
or taken In by his lies, are they? 



A. In a sense, nearly all of 
them are, surprising as that may 
seem at first. They axe in the pay 
of the Enemy to the extent that 
they have a vested interest in the 
maintenance of the System and 
the upholding of the current 
ideological orthodoxy. But even 
more so are they taken in by his 
lies — to the extent that certain 
ideas are unthinkable to them, 
certain truths inadmissible. 

A man who achieves high status 
in our society does so by learning 



How? Do we put on a conserva- 
tive mask and continue putting 
out leaflets and publishing a 
newspaper which talk about bus- 
ing and gun control and racial job 
quotas and the media monopolies 
and the other things conservatives 
are interested in — as we have been 
doing — but without the radical 
overtones which frighten or con- 
fuse or bore them? 

That is, do we deradicalize our 
public image? Do we become a 
sort of conservative front group? 

Remember, we talked a couple 
of meetings ago about making it 
easier and less frightening for 
prospective recruits to join us. We 
talked about the necessity of 
growing faster than we are grow- 
ing now. 

But there is also something else 
to remember. And that is that 
there are dozens of conservative 
groups already out there, exper- 
ienced, well-financed, well-organ- 
ized conservative groups. And at 
least some of them are run by real 
conservatives, men who think and 
feel the same way those do they 
are trying to recruit. 

Should we imagine that we, 
outsiders who think and feel on an 
entirely different wavelength, can 
be more successful at that game? I 
think, not. 

And even if we were more 
successful, by being cleverer or 
more energetic or more ruthless 
than the others, would we have a 
real success? 

We would have a structure 
without a foundation, a structure 
held together by pretense. Is that 
what we want for the long haul 
ahead? I think not. 

Now, I am certainly not ruling 
out the use of front groups and ad 
hoc organizations. They are per- 
fectly good and useful tools, and 
we expect to use them at a certain 
stage of our development. 



But for the achievement of our 
long-range goals, for the principal 
vehicle for our revolution, for the 
organization which embodies the 
fundamental Truth expressed in 
our Affirmation, we must have a 
foundation of the hardest stone, 
not of sand. And that stone must 
be cemented together with truth, 
not pretense 

We do not bridge the gulf 
between our community and the 
masses of our people by pretend- 
ing to be something we are not. If 
we have made a mistake in the 
past, it has been trying to sit on 
two stools at the same time, trying 
to be both conservative and 
radical. And if we are to correct 
that mistake in the future, it must 
be to abandon conservative pre- 
tenses. It must be to become 
completely truthful in our recruit- 
ing efforts. 

So, let us light a beacon of truth 
and let us always hold out a 
friendly hand of understanding to 
the masses of our people who do 
not yet share our outlook. But let 
us make no compromises with the 
falsehoods which now govern 
their lives. Let us make no 
pretense that we believe that 
busing or taxes or racial quotas 
are really fundamental issues. Let 
us make it clear to everyone that 
these things are only symptoms of 
the disease, and one does not cure 
a disease by treating its symptoms. 

What this means for us now 
and in the near future — that is, as 
long as we are working through 
one organization and are not yet 
ready to use fronts — is this: We 
will concentrate our resources on 
fundamentals and will be obliged 
to a very large extent to let other 
groups attack the symptoms. We 
will concentrate on reaching the 
masses of our people with our 
Truth in its most fundamental 
form, and we will let the National 
Rifle Association fight gun con- 
trol and the National States 



Rights Party fight busing, and we 
wish them well. 

Another way of saying this is 
that we will be uncompromisingly 
radical rather than conservative. 
Of course, if the word "radical" 
still frightens you, you may 
substitute "fundamental" — 

which means exactly the same 
thing — for it. 

And does this make sense 
when we so desperately need to 
grow faster than we have been? 
Does it make sense to try to reach 
people ruled by materialism with a 
message which is essentially spir- 
itual? Does it make sense to be 
more radical when some of our 
own members even now are still 
thinking in conservative terms? 

Well, let's concede First that, 
although we will be preaching to 
the masses, we understand that 
only a minority, only a spiritual 
elite, will be capable of respond- 
ing to our message. We want to 
light a beacon and we want to 
make it burn as brightly as we 
can, so that it will cast its rays 
over all our people, but we know 
that only a few will actually see 
our light, will actually understand 
and respond to our Truth. We 
concede that. 

But this is the way it has always 
been. Every great and positive 
revolution of human history, 
every conscious step upward on 
the never-ending Path of Life 
symbolized by our Rune, has been 
the work of a minority, of an 
elite. Masses don't make revolu- 
tions — determined and committed 
minorities do. 

We don't hope to make revolu- 
tionary idealists out of the egoistic 
and materialistic masses, but we 
do hope to awaken and inspire 
and recruit that minority of our 
people in which the Divine Spark 
already burns brightly enough to 
illuminate their souls and their 
minds so that they can .grasp our 
Truth. And the way to do that is 



Questions 



people ask 



a behavior pattern which fits well- 
established behavioral norms. By 
the time he might otherwise be 
ready to rebel against the alien 
domination and subversion of the 
society in which he has achieved 
success, he cannot do so. His 
behavior pattern is cast in iron, 
and he cannot change his ways, 
even if he wants to. 

Likewise, the very social status 
which he has so painstakingly 
sought binds him in iron chains. 
He must not— he cannot — stig- 
matize his gentility. He dare not 
espouse an idea which has been 
made disreputable. 

It may be easier to realize the 
strength of these bonds if we back 
off a bit and look at a historical 
analogue or two. 

A century ago the leaders of 
Western society damned the 
greatest revolutionary of their 
day, Charles Darwin. Among 
these disapproving leaders were 
sophisticated, learned men, in- 
cluding thoroughly competent 
scientists, such as Louis Agassiz, 



the great naturalist, and John 
Herschel, the astronomer. 

They condemned Darwin be- 
cause his statement of the facts of 
biological evolution through 
natural selection contradicted the 
Hebrew myths in the Book of 
Genesis. It may seem incredible to 
us today that scientists could ever 
have believed such nonsense, but 
the fact is that in the 19th century 
a literal belief in the Old Testa- 
ment was assumed, beyond doubt 
or question, to be held by every 
"respectable" member of society, 
just as the equalitarian-humanistic 
myths of the TV religion of today 
are accepted without question. 

People who should have sup- 
ported Darwin simply could not. 
Their minds were too tightly 
bound by the chains of conven- 
tion. They were conditioned, 
much in the way of Pavlov's dogs, 
to reject, without thinking, any- 
thing intellectually disreputable. 
It required enormous courage and 
strength of character to buck the 
herd instinct — to accept, even 
privately, a truly heretical idea, 
i.e., heretical to the members of 



one's own peer group. In any age, 
including ours, very few people 
possess such courage. 

Oallileo Gallilei was not com- 
pelled to recant his scientific 
findings and theories by cynics or 
ignoramuses, nor was Giordano 
Bruno condemned to the stake by 
a mob of rednecks or Yahoos for 
explicitly rejecting the anthro- 
pomorphic Jewish spookery of 
the Old Testament. The men who 
threatened Gallileo with the rack 
and sent Bruno into the flames 
were undoubtedly intelligent and 
sincere men, learned men, sophis- 
ticated men—but they did not 
have the moral strength to be 
heretics, to cut themselves adrift 
morally and intellectually from 
their peer groups and from the 
"respectable" society of their 
day. 

And it is a sad fact that the 
more successful a person is in a 
society— the higher the status he 
achieves— the more tightly his 
soul and his mind become bound 
by the chains of convention, and 
the less able he is to break free. 



83 



to present our Truth to them as 
purely and as plainly and as 
clearly as we possibly can— not to 
dress it in a conservative disguise, 
which leads only to confusion. 

We want everyone to know that 
we understand that what's really 
important is not whether we can 
elect a government which won't 
try to impose racial quotas on us 
or whether we can achieve' domes- 
tic tranquility hut whether the 
Truth that is in the race-soul of 
our people shall overcome the 
alien falsehoods which rule us 
now, so that that Truth can guide 
us once again to the upward Path, 
to the Path of the Creator's Self- 
Reali/ation, and so that we can 
once again become agents of the 
Universal Will— except this time 
fully conscious agents— -md 
resume cur never-ending ascent 
toward our ordained Destiny. 

That'.s what's important, and 
that is what must be achicscd. 
Then everything else all the con- 
servative goals— will cither have 
been taken care of automatically 
or they will have become irrele- 
vant. 

So, once again, the immediate 
question before US is not whether 
to be more radical or more 
conservative in order to grow 
faster, but how to pu^nt our 
radicalism — our Truth in the 
best, in the clearest, in the most 
appealing way, how to avoid 
confusion, how to minimize 
negativism, hov, to rc;is>ure thuse 
who are timid and hesitant, 

We understand that we are 
casting our net very wide and 
expecting to catch only a few. Uui 
we want to be sure that w>- do 
catch all those who are fit for 
catching. And the way to catch 
those who are Tit is with the pure 
and unadulterated Truth. 

{Issue \7). 51, 1977] 



Today an ex-senator or a univer- 
sity president can scoff publicly nt 
the nanowmindedfu of th nL " 
who condemned Darwin. And he 
may every scoff privately, or 
among the members of his own 
peer group, at those who burned 
Bruno, whose conceptions remain 
heretical to the larger society 
today. 

But he cannot violate I he intel- 
lectual mores of his own peer 
proup. That would be true heresy, 
which ha.s always been the enter- 
prise of a vanishingly small 
minority in every age. 

And iherc are good and natural 
reasons for this overwhelmingly 
strong ten Jen-. > toward intel- 
lectual conformity; U guarantees 
at least a modicum of social 
stability. But it is unfortunate that 
it is as often a barrier io progress 
as it is to social regression. 

ifssue No. 51, 1977) 



84 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



85 



The Importance of Conan 







The adventure fiction of Amer- 
ican author Robert E, Howard 
(1906-1936) has, in the last few 
years, begun to be publicized and 
appreciated on such a scale that it 
is becoming a formative element 
in the spiritual-iedological devel- 
opment of a substantial portion of 
American youth. Howard's grow- 
ing popularity is of some signifi- 
cance, because his creations are 
not only oT high technical 
accomplishment and satisfying to 
cultivated literary tastes, but they 
exemplify Aryan heroic vitalism 
at its best and transmit basic 
Aryan archetypes. 

Howard's primary genre, 
known popularly as "heoric 
fantasy" or "sword and sorcery," 
is actually a modern resumption 
of the Aryan mythology which 
was interrupted L000 years ago. 
This class of literature began to 
re-emerge in the mid-nineteenth 
century, mainly through the 
efforts of Britisher William 
Morris (who, among many other 
accomplishments, translated the 
Volsunga Saga), 

About 15 years ago, the rage 
for Ian Fleming's "James Bond" 
series ignited the popular craze for 
ione-hero "dragon slayers," and 
this phenomenon was soon fol- 
lowed by a wave of enthusiasm 
for the fluidly written fantasies of 
J.R.R. Tolkien. In 1967 Howard's 
"Conan" stories were released by 
Lancer Books, selling over two 
million copies worldwide since 
then and giving rise to a huge and 
continuing interest in the author's 
fiction and life. 

In the late 1970's the Howard 
cult has reached significant pro- 
portions as numerous publishers 
have issued almost all the rest of 
his works in low-priced paper- 
backs and in top-quality library 
editions, record firms have pro- 
duced disc and tape versions of his 
yarns, millions of Conan posters 
by fantasy-artist Frank Frazetta 
have been sold, and scores of 
comic books have been printed 
featuring Conan and other 
Howard heroes. Furthermore, 
Howard has been translated into 
all the European languages and 
Japanese. 

Howard's books carry a posi- 
tive, encouraging message to any 
White with "race" within him, 
and they instil! in receptive minds 
the vital, forward-leaning, 
assaulting temperament which 
empowers us to realize our 
inherent might and to seize the 
offensive in the coming world 
conflict between man and sub- 
man. 

This is of particular importance 
at a Lime when the minds of so 
many young people have been 
poisoned by the racially incom- 
patible ideas, viewpoints, senti- 



ments, and values of an alicn- 
controlled culture — the lies, fal- 
lacies, idiocies, and deceits of the 
hideously lethal, artificial mental 
world of the Jew. Through his 
genius Howard has provided us 
with a medium for re-awakening 
and generously nourishing our 
inner-Aryan essence and re-infus- 
ing ourselves with the instincts 
and intuitions — the crucial per- 
sonal qualities — which put us 
back in contact with ourselves 
individually and collectively. 

In his career, Howard wrote 
profusely about cowboys, detec- 
tives, explorers, and sundry 
adventurers, but his effect on the 
Aryan soul comes mainly through 
his lone-adventurer heroes: King 
Kull of Valusia; Bran Mak Morn, 
Pictish leader; Cormac Mac Art, 
Keltic chieftan; and Conan the 
Cimmerian, his best-known crea- 
tion. Conan is the most fully 
developed of these characters and 
is a fitting paragon for White 
youth. 

One reason for Conan's tre- 
mendous popularity is his lifelike 
impress, for, despite being a 
super-hero, he always acts within 
believable human limits and has a 
robust sense of humor and lust for 
life. Additionally, he appeals to 
our healthy instincts with his 
driving energy, tireless vitality, 
and irrepressible dynamism: 
Conan strides across a wide and 
hostile world-continent, scattering 
enemies with mighty sword- 
strokes and winning treasures and 
women as he moves ever onward, 
Besides personifying the Faust Jan 
sense of constant forwaid motion, 
the Cimmerian, as the quint- 
essential hero, is the antitype of 
the sniveling, puling anti-heroes 
(e.g., Salinger's Holden Caul field 
of Catcher in the Rye infamy) 
with whom Jewish hacks have 
tried all too successfully to sicken 
our post-1945 youth. 

And it is all the more encour- 
aging that so many White youths 
are reacting against this cunning 
poisoning by embracing a hero 
whose exploits re-teach them the 
wild, primordial ferocity which 
the coming clash will demand of 
its victors. 

What quickens the long- 
slumbering and suppressed Aryan 
race-soul in the Conan adventures 
is their pounding action and 
hammering violence: The bar- 
barian storms from episode to 
episode, running,* climbing, 
swimming, dueling one monstrous 
beast after another, slashing 
through foemen, and fighting 
hand-to-hand to the death. An 
outstanding scene of savage 
action is the following description 
of Conan's assault on some Negro 
pirates: 

*'« . . A tall corsair, bounding 
over the rail, was met In midair by 
the Cimmerian's great sword, 
which sheared him cleanly 
through the torso, so that his 
body fell one way and bis legs 
another. Then, with a burst of 
fury that left a heap of corpses 
along the gunwhales, Conan was 
over the rail and on the deck of 
the Tigress. 

"In an instant he was the center 
of a hurricane of stabbing spears 
and lashing clubs. But .he moved 
in a blinding blur of steel. Spears 



bent on his armor or swished 
empty air, and his sword sang its 
death song. The fighting madness 
of his race was upon him, and 
with a red mist of unreasoning 
fury wavering before his blazing 
eyes, he cleft skulls, smashed 
breasts, severed limbs, ripped out 
entrails, and littered the deck like 
a shambles with a ghastly harvest 
of brains and blood." (Conan of 
Cimmeria) 

Blood-soaked horrors occur 
frequently in the adventures, and 
these inure the readership to the 
awful realities and the crimson 
gore which the future holds: 

", . . But as the point sang 
toward his throat, Conan ducked 
deeply. The blade silt the back of 
his neck, and Conan straightened, 
driving his saber upward as a man 
might wield a butcher knife, with 
all the power of his mighty 
shoulders. 

"So terrific was his headlong 
drive that the sinking of the saber 
to the hilt Into the belly of his 
enemy did not check him. He 
caromed against the wretch's 
body, knocking it sldewise. The 
Impact sent Conan crashing 
against the wall; the other, saber 
torn through his body, fell head- 
long down the stair, ripped open 
to the spine from groin to broken 
breastbone. In a ghastly mess of 
streaming entrails the body 
tumbled against the men rushing 
up the stairs, bearing them back 
with It." (Conan the Adventurer) 

The two dozen or so Howard 
paperbacks now available are 
primarily valuable because they 
provide a stimulus which, in an 
effeminate age, seeks a response 
in the essential virility of the 
White race — a virility which can 
lift us out of our present degrada- 
tion and disunity and bind us into 
a tight throng of warriors who, 
possessed of the hard ferocity of 
all the ages, in a brightening fire 
of hate and blood-vengeance will 
wipe out every restraint and 
obstacle in our way. 

Will, honor, and power are 
idealized and personified by 
Conan, the archetypical hero: He 
is undashed and unintimidated by 
any enemy or obstacle, and he 
moves ahead spiritedly to do the 
impossible — scaling sheer cliffs, 
undoing the spells and machina- 
tions of evil priests, or defeating 



unseen forces from elder ages. He 
is. a man of "direct action," 
whose keen intelligence, irresist- 
ible drive, and quiet valor power 
him through every danger and 
terror to his objective. 

Conan teaches the critical 
lesson that intelligence coupled 
with will is what brings victory 
and survival: only when mind 
operates with muscle, brain with 
bulk, will their possessors 
triumph. In today's struggle the 
technician must be imbued with 
the ancient Aryan warrior spirit if 
he is to defeat the Jew and the 
colored swarms. He must become, 
in short, one of Nietzsche's "new 
barbarians," that superior stock 
of highly evolved White men who 
have blended their pure, natural 
instincts with the scientific out- 
look. Howard's Conan is a 
valuable catalyst in this blending 
of essences. 

The Conan series, originally 
published by Lancer Books, now 
bankrupt, is available in Sphere 
Books paperbacks, imported 
from England . T-K Graphics (Box 
1591, Baltimore, MD 21203) sells 
Sphere editions by mail, and for 
European customers Sphere is 



reached through Box II", Fal- 
mouth, Cornwall, United 
Kingdom. 

Most of the Lancer and Sphere 
editions are numbered incorrectly, 
and to read the 12-volume epic 
biography of Conan, the books 
should be gotten in this order: 
Corian; Conan of Cimmeria; 
Conan the Freebooter; Conan the 
Wanderer; Conan the Adventurer; 
Conan the Buccaneer; Conan the 
Warrior; Conan the Usurper; 
Conan the Conqueror; Conan the 
Avenger; Conan of Aquiionia 
(not yet released); Conan of ttie 
Isles. 

According to a Howard 
fanzine, the Lancer bankruptcy 
proceedings are closing and an 
unannounced U.S. publisher is to 
release the Conan series, including 
Conan of Aquilonia. Most of 
Howard's other adventure stories 
are sold in paperback by Zebra 
Books (53 E 11th St., New York, 
NY 10003). 

W. J. Gulllaume 
(Issue No. 52, 1977) 




Conan battles the frost giants. 



Jewesses Head Both Treason Factions 



in Southern Africa 



To the world it may seem that 
the struggle in South Africa and 
Rhodesia is between the White 
minorities and the Black majori- 
ties in those two countries. But in 
truth the White-Black conflict is 
only the consequence of the 
Whites' inability to squarely face 
and deal with an infinitely more 
hostile and deadly opponent in 
their midst: those "Whites" who 
have taken the side of the Blacks. 

In both South Africa and 
Rhodesia there axe "White" 



political parties whose openly 
avowed aim is Black rule for their 
countries. In South Africa it Is the 
Progressive Reform Party, headed 
by Helen Suzman, and in 
Rhodesia it is the Rhodesia Party, 
headed by Muriel Rosin. 

Both Mrs. Suzman and Mrs. 
Rosin are Jewesses. 

(Issue No. 52, 1977) 




The Essence of Judaism 



HELEN SUZMAN 



The Jewish problem is as old as 
the Jewish race. Over three thou- 
sand years ago the Jews were 
formed as a racial and national 
community in Egypt. There the 
former slave Joseph had parlayed 
his talents for necromancy and 
grain-speculation into a virtual 
dictatorship at the side of the 
Pharaoh. "As for the people, he 
reduced them to serfdom from 
one end of the land to the other," 
(Genesis 47:21) Then Joseph 
threw open Egypt to his Jewish 
brethren: "You shall feed on the 
fat of the land" and "the best that 
the land of Egypt offers is yours." 
(Genesis 45:18, 20) 

When a more national-minded 
Pharaoh turned the tables on the 
Jews they were forced to flee, but 
not before relieving the Egyptians 
of their gold and silver (Exodus 
12:35-36). And so the pattern of 
Jewish history was set: from out- 
casts to fellow-citizens, then 
trusted advisers, and finally, ruth- 
less masters. Then follow the 
persecutions, pogroms, and ex- 
pulsions which have won for the 
Jews so much undeserved sym- 
pathy. 

The great mass of American 
Whites seems indifferent to the 
Jewish question. This is not to say 
that Americans are unmindful of 
the Jews — far from it. The Jews 
are presently more prominent in 
American life than they have ever 
been before, and they feel less 
need to dissimulate and disguise 
the outward traits which have 
traditionally brought upon them 
suspicion and dislike. A name 
change or a nose job is no longer 
the prerequisite for social and 
political acceptance by Gentiles, 
On the contrary, to qualify as 
unprejudiced in today's America, 
non-Jews must appear amenable 
to Jewish jokes, Yiddish slang, 
kosher hotdogs, and Israel bonds. 

Doubtless this increased visi- 
bility of Jews and Jewish char- 
acteristics is a good thing, for in 
the long run White Americans 
cannot fail to be struck by the 
alien nature of the Jew. Unfor- 
tunately, in the non-White racial 
chaos which disfigures present- 
day America the fact that the Jews 
are just as alien to Western society 
as are Negroes and Orientals tends 
to be lost on all too many men and 
women of our race. 

One important factor in the 
general ignorance of the Jewish 
problem is a widespread miscon- 
ception as to the nature of the 
Jewish religion. Most Americans 
seem to think of Jews primarily as 
adherents of Judaism, the religion 
of the Old Testament. For these 
Americans;, Jewish radicals with 
their beards and bombs, Jewish 
businessmen with their sharp 
practices, or Jewish Zionists with 
their questionable loyalties are 
fair game. But the pious Jew of 
the synagogue, head bowed in 
prayer to the tribal god of 
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, is a 
figure all too often accorded 
tolerance and even respect. 

America's — and the world's — 
Jewish problem makes it a neces- 
sity that we understand the Jews 
and Judaism thoroughly. If it is 
recognized that the destructive 
phenomena which accompany the 
Jewish presence in non-Jewish 



societies — Marxism, Freudian- 
ism, Zionism, and so on — spring 
from the Hebrew race-soul and 
are of a piece with the writings 
and rituals of that quintessential 
manifestation of the Jewish soul, 
Judaism, a great deal of confu- 
sion about the nature of the 
Jewish problem will be elimi- 
nated. 

What, indeed, is Judaism7 In 
the first place, Judaism is a system 
of beliefs and practices which are 
profoundly alien to the spirit of 
our race. Most Westerners will 
have some notion of the alienness 
of Judaism through a superficial 
acquiantance with the various 
trappings of Jewish ritual: prayer 
shawls and phylacteries; morbid, 
Levantine chants; the obligatory 
yarmulkas; and so forth. The 
guttural sounds and mysterious 
script of Hebrew will strike most 
Americans as strange, as will the 
physiognomies and modes of 
dress of Judaism's more tradition- 
bound adherents. Yet even these 
indications of Jewish different- 
nes,s are only symbolic of the pro- 
foundly anti-Western essence of 
Judaism. 

Although the translations of the 
Old Testament into Western 
tongues are not without evidences 
of Judaism's alien essence, it is 
perhaps understandable that they 
should have been so well received 
in the West. The Old Testament 
took on an altogether different 
tone in the Latin of St. Jerome, 
the German of Martin Luther, 
and the English of the King James 
version. Not infrequently, these 
translations differed even in 
meaning from the original 
Hebrew and Aramaic. Thus, the 
injunction .to "love thy race-kin" 
in the Hebrew became "love thy 
neighbor" in Western Bibles. 

The same impulses which led 
European painters and sculptors 
to depict Biblical personages with 
Nordic rather than Semitic fea- 
tures led Western Christians to 
ascribe their own mentality and 
behavior to Old Testament 
figures. As one Jewish writer, 
Susan Taubes, observed, "The 
Old Testament has had the benefit 
of the most sublime spiritualiza- 
tion through centuries of Chris- 
tian interpretation." In fact, Jews 
have reacted to this Western 
tendency with a certain bitter 
humor. As a Jewish character in a 
story by contemporary Jewish 
writer Cynthia Ozick puts it, 
"Please remember that when a 
goy from Columbus, Ohio, says 
'Elijah the Prophet,' he is not 
talking about Eliohu hanovi! 
Eliohu is one of us, a folksmensh 
running around in second-hand 
clothes. Theirs is God knows 
what. The same biblical figure, 
with exactly the same history, 
once he puts on a name from King 
James, comes out a different 
person. " 

The religion of the Jews arose 
among Semitic nomads in the 
Near East, on the desert fringes of 
what American Egyptologist 
James Breasted caljed the "fertile 
crescent." This area was fertile in 
more than fruit and grain, for a 
bewildering and repellent array of 
orgiastic fertility cults sprouted 
and flourished there, often in- 
volving ritual masturbation and 




Contemporary Israelis Immersed in the study of the Talmud, the most authoritative collection of Jewish 
religious law. Blasphemous references to Jesus In the Talmud, now cheerfully acknowledged by Jews, have 
not been a bone of contention in "ecumenical" discussions in which Jews and their fifth-columnists in the 
Christian clergy have attempted to tailor traditional Christian theology and liturgy to Jewish desires. 



sodomy. Elements of these per- 
verse rites inevitably found their 
way into the religious practices of 
the Jews. 

Circumcision is one present-day 
vestige of these phallic fertility 
rites. According to the Hebrew 
Torah, it was instituted by 
Yahweh, the tribal god of the 
Jews, and is at the very core of his 
covenant with Abraham, the 
mythical progenitor of the Jews. 
During most of Israel's indepen- 
dent political existence, under the 



90 



kings succeeding David, the 
Hebrew religion was probably 
indistinguishable from those of 
the surrounding Semitic tribes. 
Temple prostitution, attended to 
by male "dog priests" as well as 
by female acolytes, flourished 
until King Josiah "pulled down 
the house of the sacred male 
prostitutes which was in the 
Temple of Yahweh and where the 
women wove clothes for 
Asherah." (II Kings 23:7) 
The conviction has been grow- 



THE JEWISH ENCYCLOPEDIA 



ing among Biblical scholars 
unbiased by considerations of 
piety that the rigid strictures 
against unnatural sexual practices 
in the Old Testament and the con- 
ception of Yahweh as a pure, sex- 
less desert god are an outgrowth 
of the situation of the Jews after 
the Babylonian exile (587-538 
B.C.). In line with this view, the 
sexual ethics of post-exile Judaism 
grew out of the need for sexual 
self-discipline necessary to ensure 
national and racial survival in a 



OiroumoUlon 



■ < * • ' . » ■ ■ n iliiij r ■ ■ im- . i »■■■' '""".¥•""■ I." 1 ' " ■ " - .'"■' ■ .""" ll .' ■ " ' ' ■ ' ' * 1 ' 

parfc of the prepuce, "but alao a slitting of its inner 
jining to facilitate the total uncovering o.f the gl; 



lans. 




IttPLJUiicHTs and Accessories o* CiRCUMctttox U8rrf 

Ckktubv). 

1. Gup ol benediction. %. Shi.ild. 8. Knife. ' 4. Spice-box. - 
6. 'Tape, fl. Cotton an<* OU. 7. ftftnd, 8, Fpwter. 

-'■■■- 

The operutlon consists of three parte : **ailah,* 
u perl ' ah t " arid a me?l jah . * 

' If Hah : The child having "been placed upon a p$- 
low resting upon the lap of the godfather or *san- 
dek:" (he -who is honored by being assigned to. 



hold the child), the iridhel exposes tho paria by 
removal of garments,, etc., and instructs the saa- 
dek how to hold the child's legs. The mohel 
then grasps the prepuce between tho thumb &nd 
fncfcx-tfYtger of his left hand, everting sufficient trac- 
tion to draw it from, the glans, and places the shield 
(lire Fig. 1, neit't column) in position just before the 
glam He now taWhj| knife ai&d with one sweep 
excises the foreskin. This completes the first act 
Thfe knife dm P'g* ft)i»0Bt commonly used iaddoble- 
edged, although .one like tlibae or&hariily used by* 
surgeons h also often employed. 

Peri*fch t After the excision has betyo completed, 
ihe raobet seizes the inne? lining of the pyepuce, 
which atili covers the glans, with the thumb- null and 
index -#hger of each habd^aidd tears It so that h<s 
qan roll ft fully back ©Y$e the glans aria" expose the 
latter completely,. Ihe - mohel visually bai his 
thumb-nail 8ul#lbly ! iHm^sl f&r the purpose; 3fn 
exceptional cases the inner lining of the prep-uce ia 
more or loss extensively adherent to the gla'% which 
interferes soi^wfciftt with the feady removal; hut 
persistent edort will overcome the difficulty . 

Mt^Ljah : By this is meant the sneking of the 
Moo4 J.ioBt Jhewciund, 1?he mohel takes some wine 
iu 'his, mouth. -and applies his lips to the part in- 
volved- In the o;perat|pn, and, exerts suction, after 
wt8oh' he expels the mixture of wine and blood fato 
a receptacle (aeo Fig, 4, below) provided for the 
. ptirpose* This procedure is repeated several times, 
ani coippletes the operation ,_ except as to the. con- 
trol of the bleeding atidthc'dresslng olf the •wanna'. 



The elaborate and bizarre nature of the circumcision rite, with its oral-genital contact, as practiced by Jews 
through the ages makes it clear that circumcision's limited hygienic advantages were not the controlling factor 
in its adoption by the Hebrews. Numerous sayings of the rabbis give proof of the exaggerated regard in which 
Jews have always held the rite. The Talmud boasts, "So great is circumcision that but for it the Holy One 
would not have created the universe.'* (Nashim: Nedarira) 



L 



86 

period of dispersion. Regulations 
against homosexuality and birth- 
control inhibited any Jewish 
tendencies toward decline in pop- 
ulation, while. stringent prohibi- 
tions against racial intermarriage 
(still enforced in modern Israel) 
attempted to safeguard the Jews 
from assimilation. 

That the prescriptions of Old 
Testament Judaic law on sexual 
matters are strictly functional, 
and, indeed, are in constant ten- 
sion with normal Jewish predilec- 
tions, is evident from later Jewish 
law. The Talmud, the most 
authoritative and influential 
source for Jewish law, is replete 
with sexual considerations of a 
nature repellent to Westerners. As 
Rabbi Adin Steinsalz, a contem- 
porary Talmudic scholar admits, 
"After you have learned the right 
passages in the Talmud, you have 
learned about every perversion, in 
the greatest detail." 

The Talmud regards bestiality 
as no bar to matrimony. In the 
section of the Talmud entitled 
Yabmuth (59a), a woman who has 
copulated with a dog is pro- 
nounced fit for marriage to a 
Jewish priest, (A dog-priest, per- 
haps?) Children three years and 
one day old are considered suit- 
able for intercourse. {Yabmuth 
57a) "Is there anything permitted 
to a Jew which is forbidden to a 
heathen? Unnatural intercourse is 
permitted to a Jew." (Sanhedrin 
58b) And so it goes, throughout 
the gigantic work of which Jewish 
law claims, "Yahweh himself 
studies the Talmud standing, he 
has such respect for that book." 
(Mechillah) 

Modern writers have empha- 
sized the vast differences between 
the Western ethic of courtly love 
and the purely pragmatic ap- 
proach of contemporary Jews in 
matters romantic. Psychoanalyst 
Ernst van den Haag writes in The 
Jewish Mystique that love "as an 
esthetic exhilaration and a roman- 
tic feeling never made much of a 
dent on Jewish attitudes toward 
the body or toward the opposite 
sex. Love or 'sweet suffering' was 
too irrational. If you want her, get 
her . . ." 

According to the American 
sociologist John Murray Cuddihy, 
Sigmund Freud, the Jew who 
"invented" psychoanalysis, 

sensed the organic relationship 
between Western concepts of love 
and other Western attitudes and 
institutions, and he was repelled 
by it. Our culture's traditional 
romantic attitudes and customs 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



87 



have been grievously undermined 
by Freud's and his Jewish 
followers' insistence on the 
primacy of a sexuality divorced 
from reproduction and even from 
love. In the light of the Talmud, 
the sexual and excretory obses- 
sions of modern Jewish writers 
and psychologists become more 
understandable. 

An aspect of Judaism even 
more consistently emphasized in 
Jewish religious writings than the 
fascination with sex is the 
insistence on the Jews' privileged 
status as a special people, a 
"chosen people," No race, religi- 
ous group, or nation has suc- 
ceeded in institutionalizing the 
conception of its own superiority 
in its religious beliefs and prac- 
tices to the extent the Jews have. 

Each morning, every Orthodox 
Jew in the world thanks his god 
"who has not made me a goy, a 
slave, or a woman," in the words 
of the prayer. (Goy is a 
particularly slighting Jewish name 
for non-Jews.) According to the 
Jewish conception, Yahweh, who 
saw fit to elevate the Jews above 
all the other nations, is not merely 
the tribal god of the "chosen" 
race, but the Lord of all creation. 
As they see it, their god is the God 
of the Gentiles, the God for the 
Jews. 

It must be stressed that this 
theological notion, for the Jews, 
does not derive Its importance 
from a heightened consciousness 
of an obligation to the Divinity. 
The meat of the doctrine, for 
Jews, is Israel's sanctity, not 
God's. Passages in the Old 
Testament referring to Israel's 
divine election are customarily 
interpreted in an allegorical sense 
by Christians, who take them as 
presentiments of a beatitude and 
salvation accessible to all men. 
For believing Jews, however, lines 
such as, "For the nation and 
kingdom that refuses to serve you 
(Israel) shall perish, such nations 
shall be utterly ruined," (Isaiah 
60:12) are justifications for a 
frenzied chauvinism. 

The Talmudic literature 
abounds in legally binding charac- 
terizations and definitions of the 
status of the people of Israel. 
"Heaven and earth were created 
only for the sake of the Jewish 
people." (Vayikra Rabba 36) 
"You (the Jews) are human 
beings, but the nations of the 
world (goyim) are not human 
beings, but beasts." (Baba Mezia, 
114b) "Yahweh created the non- 
Jew in human form so that the 








i mrn w w 



"n m i 




~Yr, 



*■« 



■^Wwwmttn 





On Testimony of Ex-Israeli 



A f*w weeks i*d> ©r. William Perl wai eoavfcted *f eoMjrfrteg to fcuve iomeone 
shoot out the window* of * Russian official RaWW Melr Kalian* has obtained part of the 
eowtt record that speaks for itseir, Tfee loHowiBg is Habbi Katoe's reaction to the 
facta leading up to the court trial aw* the court records themselves. 
By Meir Kahane 
A short tJrne ago 1 spoke to Chicago and during 
the question period, t was asked about the role of 
the Jewish Agency in cooperating with the British 
authorities ia Erett Yisroel in aborting the Joel 
Brand mission that might have save** the Jews of 



remembered lest we repeat it in the future. I 
wonder whether the tragedy, of the gentUized 
Hebrews who turned over lr$un soldiers to the 
British in the infamous "season" of the '40*s; who 
betrayed Jews in Europe and who murdered Jews 



& a r, z a»«aai s v.*?, *»**&*& «» 



trgun ship Altai ens with the murder of IP Jews was 
raised. Someone commented that it was improper 
to bring up "issues from the past that are better off 
buried/' I wonder, I wonder U the past is not a thing 
that must always be resurrected and studied and 



study for every young Jew ~~ especially since 1 
know that the same Jewish leadership continues to 
commit the worst of ail Jewish sins and crimes — 
mes (ra — the Worming oa Jews to tentUei. 



>H» i m i 



•An 



(Continued on Page 40) 



Prohibition against mesira, the cooperation of law-abiding Jews with Gentile authorities where Jewish crimi- 
nals are involved, remains in force in Jewish law. The Talmud mandates death for mosartm, or Informers: "It 
Is permitted to kill a Jewish Informer everywhere!" (Scbulchan Aruch, Choszen Hamiszpat 3*8) Rabbi 
Kahane's condemnation Is all the more vitriolic since the Jewish religion allows Jews to lie while under oath. 
The Kol Ntdre, recited each year by observant Jews on the eve of Yom Klppur, sanctions oath-breaking: "All 
vows, oaths, promises, engagements, and swearing, which, beginning this very day of reconciliation untli the 
next day of reconciliation, we Intend to vow, promise, swear, and bind ourselves to fulfill, we repent before- 
hand; let them be lllegalized, acquitted, annihilated, abolished, valueless, unimportant. Our vows shall be no 
vows, and our oaths no oaths at all." (Schulchan Aruch, Edit. 1, 136) The cUpping above is from the front 
page of the Jewish Press for December 24, 1976. 



Jew would not have to be served 
by beasts. The non-Jew is con- 
sequently an animal in human 
form, and condemned to serve the 
Jew day and night." (Midrasch 
Tatpioth, 225-L) 

To allow Jews to deceive non- 
Jews as to their beliefs and 
practices, Jewish law provides 
sanction for secretiveness, per- 
jury, and conspiracy. The Talmud 
mandates that "Every goy who 
studies the Talmud and every Jew 
who helps him in it ought to die." 
(Sanhedryn 59a, Aboda Zara 8-6, 
Szagiga 13) The Kol Nidre ("all 
vows") prayer, beloved of the 
Orthodox, condones violations of 
oaths and vows, whenever 
necessary or convenient. Jews 
who testify against other Jews 
before non-Jewish authorities are 
to be executed. 

If one doubts that the attitudes 
inculcated in Jews by Judaism 
regulate Jewish conduct in the 
present, let him look to Israel. 
Since the Zionist seizure of 
Palestine 29 years ago, "the land 
flowing with milk and honey" has 
once again streamed with the 
blood of its rightful inhabitants, 
the Palestinians. While any blood- 
Jew on earth, Orthodox, Conser- 



vative, Reform, atheist, or what- 
ever, has a right to citizenship and 
a life of luxury underwritten by 
the American taxpayer, the Arabs 
they have dispossessed huddle in 
squalid, disease-ridden refugee 
camps. 

Interestingly enough, the letter 
of Jewish law is often neglected or 
even violated in Israel, at least in 
matters not pertaining to the 
determination of an individual's 
membership in the Jewish people, 
still firmly in the hands of the 
rabbis. This indifference to the 
observance of every jot and tittle 
of the laws of the Sabbath is 
perfectly acceptable to the vast 
majority of the world's religious 
Jews. 

Besides, theologically-minded 
Jews have new worlds to conquer. 
Not satisfied with having created 
and maintained Judaism as a 
supple tool for the advancement 
of the Jewish race, they now seek 
to enlist Christianity in the same 
cause. If it was enough for 
Christian clergymen to pronounce 
the Jews innocent of Christ's 
crucifixion ten years ago, now 
they must fully espouse the aims 
and policies of Israel in order to 
avoid the stigma of "anti-Semi- 



tism." Ever on the lookout for 
new frontiers of effrontery, 
Jewish traders are increasingly 
demanding that Christians incor- 
porate the idea that the Jews are a 
"chosen people" in Christian 
theology I 

The essence of Judaism should 
now be clear: it is not a religion or 
an expression of piety in the 
Western sense, but a codified, 
formalized program of Jewish 
self-promotion. In this regard 
perhaps it is fitting to let a Jew,, 
Baxuch Spinoza, have the last 
word: "Thus the love of the 
Hebrews for their country was not 
only patriotism but also piety 
and was cherished and nurtured 
by daily rites until, like their 
hatred of other nations, it was 
absolutely perverse (as it well 
might be, considering that they 
were a peculiar people and 
entirely apart from the rest). Such 
daily reprobation naturally gave 
rise to a lasting hatred, deeply im- 
planted in the heart: for of all 
hatred, none is more deep and 
tenacious than that which springs 
from extreme devoutness or piety, 
and is itself cherished as pious/' 

(Issue No. 52, 1977) 



General Pattern's Warning 



At the end of World War U one of America's top military leaders 
accurately assessed the shift in the balance of world power which that 
war had produced and foresaw the enormous danger of communist 
aggression against the West. Alone among U.S. leaders he warned that 
America should act immediately, while her supremacy was unchallenge- 
able, to end that danger. Unfortunately, his warning went unheeded, 
and he was quickly silenced by a convenient "accident" which took his 
life. 



Thirty-two years ago, in the 
terrible summer of 1945, the U.S. 
Army had just completed the 
destruction of Europe and had set 
up a government of military 
occupation amid the ruins to rule 
the starving Germans and deal out 
victors' justice to the vanquished. 
General George S. Patton, com- 
mander of the U.S. Third Army, 
became military governor of the 
greater portion of the American 



occupation zone of Germany. 

Patton was regarded as the 
"fightingest" general in all the 
Allied forces. He was consider- 
ably more audacious and aggres- 
sive than most commanders, and 
his martial ferocity may very well 
have been the deciding factor 
which led to the Allied victory. He 
personally commanded his forces 
in many of the toughest and most 
decisive battles of the war: in 



Tunisia, in Sicily, in the cracking 
of the Siegried Line, in holding 
back the German advance during 
the Battle of the Bulge, in the 
exceptionally bloody fighting 
around Bastogne in December 
1944 and January 1945. 

During the war Patton had 
respected the courage and the 
fighting qualities of the Germans 
— especially when he compared 
them with those of some of 
America's allies — but he had also 
swallowed whole the hate-inspired 
wartime propaganda generated by 
America's alien media masters. 
He believed Germany was a 
menace'to America's freedom and 
that Germany's National Socialist 
government was an especially evil 



institution. Acting on these beliefs 
he talked incessantly of his desire 
to kill as many Germans as 
possible, and he exhorted his 
troops to have the same goal. 
These bloodthirsty exhortations 
led to the nickname "Blood and 
Guts" Patton. 

It was only in the final days of 
the war and during his tenure as 
military governor of Germany — 
after he had gotten- to know both 
the Germans and America's 
"gallant Soviet allies" — that 
Patton's understanding of the 
true situation grew and his 
opinions changed. In his diary 
and in many letters to his family, 
friends, and various military 
colleagues and government offi- 



cials, he expressed his new under- 
standing and his apprehensions 
for the future. His diary and his 
letters were published in 1974 by 
the Houghton Mifflin Company 
under the title The Patton Paper®. 

Several months before the end 
of the war, General Patton had 
recognized the fearful danger to 
the West posed by the Soviet 
Union, and he had disagreed, 
bitterly with the orders which he 
had been given to hold back bis 
army and wait for the Red Army 
to occupy vast stretches of 
German, Czech, Rumanian, Hun- 
garian, and Yugoslav territory 
which the Americans could have 
easily taken instead. 



On May 7, 1945, just before the 
German capitulation, Patton had 
a conference in Austria with U.S. 
Secretary of War Robert Patter- 
son. Patton was gravely con- 
cerned over the Soviet failure to 
respect the demarcation lines 
separating the Soviet and Ameri- 
can occupation zones. He was 
also alarmed by plans in Wash- 
ington for the immediate partial 
demobilization of the U.S. Army. 

Patton said to Patterson: 
"Let's keep our boots polished, 
bayonets sharpened, and present a 
picture of force and strength to 
the Red Army. This is the only 
language they understand and 
respect." 

Patterson replied, "Oh, 
George, you have been so close to 
this thing so long, you have lost 
sight of the big picture." 

Patton rejoined: "I understand 
the situation. Their [the Soviet] 
supply system is inadequate to 
maintain them in a serious action 
such as I could put to them. They 
have chickens in the coop and 
cattle on the hoof — that's their 
supply system. They could prob- 
ably maintain themselves in the 
type of fighting I could give them 
for five days. After that it would 
make no difference how many 
million men they have, and if you 
wanted Moscow I could give it to 
you. They lived on the land 
coming down. There is insuffi- 
cient left for them to maintain 
themselves going back, Let's not 
give them time to build up their 
supplies. If we do, then ... we 
have had a victory over the Ger- 
mans and disarmed them, but we 
have failed in the liberation of 
Europe; we have lost the war!" 

Patton's urgent and prophetic 
advice went unheeded by Patter- 
son and the other politicans and 
only served to give warning about 
Patton's feelings to the alien con- 
spirators behind the scenes in New 
York, Washington, and Moscow. 

The more he saw of the Soviets, 
the stronger Patton's conviction 
grew that the proper course of 
action would be to stifle commu- 
nism then and there, while the 
chance existed. Later in May 1945 
he attended several meetings and 
social affairs with top Red Army 
officers, and he evaluated them 
carefully. He noted in his diary on 
May 14: "I have never seen in any 
army at any time, including the 
German Imperial Army of 1912, 
as severe discipline as exists in the 
Russian army. The officers, with 
few exceptions, give the appear- 
ance of recently civilized Mongo- 
lian bandits," 

And Patton's aide, General 
Hobart Gay, noted in his own 
journal for May 14: "Everything 
they [the Russians] did impressed 
one with the idea of virility and 
cruelty." 

Nevertheless, Patton knew that 
the Americans could whip the 
Reds then — but perhaps not 
later. On May 18 he noted in his 
diary: "In my opinion, the Amer- 
ican Army as it now exists could 
beat the Russians with the greatest 
of ease, because, while the 
Russians have good infantry, they 
are lacking in artillery, air, tanks, 
and in the knowledge of the use of 
the combined arms, whereas we 
excel in all three of these. If it 
should be necessary to fight the 
Russians, the sooner we do it the 
better." 

Two days later he repeated his 
concern when he wrote his wife: 
"If we have to fight them, now is 



the time. From now on we will get 
weaker and they stronger." 

Having immediately recognized 
the Soviet danger and urged a 
course of action which would 
have freed all of eastern Europe 
from the communist yoke with the 
expenditure of far less American 
blood than was spilled in Korea 
and Vietnam and would have 
obviated both those later wars — 
not to mention World War 
HI — Patton next came to appreci- 
ate the true nature of the people 
for whom World War II was 
fought; the Jews. 

Most of the Jews swarming 
over Germany immediately after 
the war came from Poland and 
Russia, and Patton found their 
personal habits shockingly un- 
civilized. 

He was disgusted by their be- 
havior in the camps for Displaced 
Persons (DP's) which the Ameri- 
cans built for them and even more 
disgusted by the way they behaved 
when they were housed in German 
hospitals and private homes. He 
observed with horror that "these 
people do not understand toilets 
and refuse to use them except as 
repositories for tin cans, garbage, 
and refuse . . . They decline, 
where practicable, to use latrines, 
preferring to relieve themselves on 
the floor." 

He described in his diary one 
DP camp, "where, although 
room existed, the Jews were 
crowded together to an appalling 
extent, and in practically every 
room there was a pile of garbage 
in one comer which was also used 
as a latrine. The Jews were only 
forced to desist from their nasti- 
ness and clean up the mess by the 
threat of the butt ends of rifles. 
Of course, I know the expression 
'lost tribes of Israel' applied to 
the tribes which disappeared — 
not to the tribe of Judah from 
which the current sons of bitches 
are descended. However, it is my 
personal opinion that this too is a 
lost tribe — lost to all decency." 

Patton's initial impressions of 
the Jews were not improved when 
he attended a Jewish religious 
service at Eisenhower's insistence. 
His diary entry for September 17, 
1945, reads in part: "This 
happened to be the feast of Yom 
Kippur, so they were all collected 
in a large, wooden building, 
which they called a synagogue. It 
behooved General Eisnehower to 
make a speech to them. We 
entered the synagogue, which was 
packed with the greatest stinking 
bunch of humanity I have ever 
seen. When we got about halfway 
up, the head rabbi, who was 
dressed in a fur hat similar to that 
worn by Henry VIII of England 
and in a surplice heavily em- 
broidered and very filthy, came 
down and met the General . . . 
The smell was so terrible that I 
almost fainted and actually about 
three hours later lost my lunch as 
the result of remembering it." 

These experiences and a great 
many others firmly convinced 
Patton that the Jews were an 
especially unsavory variety of 
creature and hardly deserving of 
all the official concern the Ameri- 
can government was bestowing on 
them. Another September diary 
entry, following a demand from 
Washington that more German 
housing be turned over to Jews, 
summed up his feelings: "Evi- 
dently the virus started by 
Morgenthau and Baruch of a 
Semitic revenge against all Ger- 




GENERAL GEORGE SMITH PATTON, the 
toughest and most successful commander in the U.S. 
Army during World War II, learned the truth about 
that war and tried to warn America. He was the sort 
of honest, straightforward, fearless man who has 
always been hated and feared by the devious 
conspirators behind the scenes of power politics. 
Patton was killed before he could publicly arouse 
American opposition to the conspirators, an3 then 
they began weeding other leaders of his quality from 
the U.S. armed forces and replacing them with 
shabbos goyim, ambition-movitated careerists with- 
out honor or scruple who would do what they were 
told and keep their mouths shut. 



HENRY MORGENTHAU, secretary of the treasury 
[1934-1945] and a top adviser to President Roosevelt, 
formulated the notorious "Morgenthau Plan" for 
the postwar destruction of Germany. Inspired by a 
Talmudic hatred for the Germans, who had dared to 
lift their hands against "God's Chosen People," 
Morgenthau 's scheme called for the total destruction 
of Germany's industry and natural resources and for 
starving 30,000,000 Germans to death. Thus, 
Morgenthau hoped for a Jewish revenge against the 
Germans and the simultaneous delivery of Europe to 
his Marxist brethren in Moscow. Fortunately, 
Patton's 1945 warnings finally took hold, and in 
1947 the Morgenthau Plan was scrapped. 



mans is still working. Harrison [a 
U.S. State Department official] 
and his associates indicate that 
they feel German civilians should 
be removed from houses for the 
purpose of housing Displaced 
Persons. There are two errors in 
this assumption. First, when we 
remove an individual German we 
punish an individual German, 
while the punishment is not 
intended for the individual but for 
the race. Furthermore, it is 
against my Anglo-Saxon con- 
science to remove a person from a 
house, which is a punishment, 
without due process of law. In the 
second place, Harrison and his ilk 
believe that the Displaced Person 
is a human being, which he is not, 
and this applies particularly to the 
Jews, who are lower than 
animals." 

One of the strongest factors in 
straightening out General 
Patton's thinking on the con- 
quered Germans was the behavior 
of America's controlled news 
media toward them. At a press 
conference in Regensburg, Ger- 
many, on May 8, 1945, immedi- 
ately after Germany's surrender, 
Patton was asked whether he 
planned to treat captured SS 
troops differently from other 
German POW's. His answer was: 
"No. SS means no more in Ger- 
many than being a Democrat in 
America — that is not to be 
quoted. I mean by that that 
initially the SS people were special 
sons of bitches, but as the war 
progressed they ran out of sons of 
bitches and then they put anybody 
in there. Some of the top SS men 
will be treated as criminals, but 
there is no reason for trying some- 



one who was drafted into this out- 
fit . . ." 

Despite Patton's request that 
his remark not be quoted, the 
press eagerly seized on it, and 
Jews and their front men in 
America screamed in outrage over 
Patton's comparison of the SS 
and the Democratic Party as well 
as over his announced intention of 
treating most SS prisoners 
humanely. 

Patton refused to take hints 
from the press, however, and his 
disagreement with the American 
occupation policy formulated in 
Washington grew. Later in May 
he said to his brother-in-law: "I 
think that this non-fraternization 
is very stupid. If we are going to 
keep American soldiers in a coun- 
try, they have to have some 
civilians to talk to. Furthermore, I 
think we could do a lot for the 
German civilians by letting our 
soldiers talk to their young 
people." 

Various of Patton's colleagues 
tried to make it perfectly clear 
what was expected of him. One 
politically ambitious officer, Brig. 
Gen. Philip S. Gage, anxious to 
please the powers that be, wrote 
to Patton: "Of course, I know 
that even your extensive powers 
are limited, but I do hope that 
wherever and whenever you can 
you will do what you can to make 
the German populace suffer. For 
God's sake, please don't ever go 
soft in regard to them. Nothing 
could ever be too bad for them." 

But Patton continued to do 
what he thought was right, when- 
ever he could. With great reluc- 
tance, and only after repeated 
promptings from Eishenhower, he 
had thrown German families out 



of their homes to make room for 
more than a million Jewish DP's 
— part of the famous "six 
million" who had supposedly 
been gassed — but he balked 
when ordered to begin blowing up 
German factories, in accord with 
the infamous Morgenthau Plan to 
destroy Germany's economic 
basis forever. In his diary he 
wrote: "I doubted the expediency 
of blowing up factories, because 
the ends for which the factories 
are being blown up — that is, pre- 
venting Germany from preparing 
for war — can he equally well 
attained through the destruction 
of their machinery, while thr 
buildings can be used to hou; 
thousands of homeless persons. 1 
Similarly, he expressed h 
doubts to his military colleagu 
about the overwhelming emphasi 
being placed on the persecution of 
every German who had formerly 
been a member of the National 
Socialist party. In a letter to his 
wife of September 14, 1945, he 
said: "1 am frankly opposed to 
this war criminal stuff. It is not 
cricket and is Semitic. I am also 
opposed to sending POW's to 
work as slaves in foreign lands, 
where many will be starved to 
death." 

Despite his disagreement with 
official policy, Patton followed 
the rules laid down by Morgen- 
thau and others back in Washing- 
ton as closely as his conscience 
would allow, but he tried to 
moderate the effect, and this 
brought him into increasing con- 
flict with Eisenhower and the 
other politically ambitious gen- 
erals. In another letter to his wife 
he commented: "I have been at 
Frankfurt for a civil government 



88 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Patton Foresaw Demoralization of U.S. Army 



conference. If what we are doing 
[to the Germans] is 'Liberty, then 
give me death.' I can't see how 
Americans can sink so low. It is 
Semitic, and I am sure of it." 

And in his diary he noted:, 
"Today we received orders ... in 
which we were told to give the 
Jews special accommodations. If 
for Jews, why not Catholics, 
Mormons, etc? ... We are also 
turning over to the French several 
hundred thousand prisoners of 
war to be used as slave labor in 
France. It is amusing to recall that 
we fought the Revolution in de- 
fense of the rights of man and the 
Civil War to abolish slavery and 
have now gone back on both 
principles," 

His duties as military governor 
took Patton to all parts of 
Germany and intimately ac- 
quainted him with the German 
people and their condition. He 
could not help but compare them 
with the French, the Italians, the 
Belgians, and even the British. 
This comparison gradually forced 
him to the conclusion that World 
War II had been fought against 
the wrong people. 

After a visit to ruined Berlin, he 
wrote his wife on July 23, 1945: 
"Berlin gave me the blues. We 
have destroyed what could have 
been a good race, and we are 
about to replace them with 
Mongolian savages. And all 
Europe will be communist. It's 
said that for the first week after 
they took it [Berlin], all women 
who ran were shot and those who 
did not were raped. I could have 
taken it [instead of the Soviets] 
had I been allowed." 

This conviction, that the politi- 
cians had used him and the U.S. 
Army for a criminal purpose, 
grew in the following weeks. 
During a dinner with French 
General Alphonse Juin in August, 
Patton was surprised to find the 
Frenchman in agreement with 
him. His diary entry for August. 
18 quotes Gen. Juin: "'It is 
indeed unfortunate, mon General, 
that the English and the Ameri- 
cans have destroyed in Europe the 
only sound country — and I do 
not mean France. Therefore, the 
road is now open for the advent of 
Russian communism,'" 

Later diary entries and letters to 
his wife reiterate this same con- 
clusion. On August 31 he wrote: 
"Actually, the Germans are the 
only decent people left in Europe. 
It's a choice between them and the 
Russians. I prefer the Germans." 
And on September 2: "What we 
are doing is to destroy the only 
semi-modern state in Europe, so 
that Russia can swallow the 
whole." 

By this time the Morgenthauists 
and media monopolists had 
decided that Patton was incorrigi- 
ble and must be discredited. So 
they began a non-stop hounding 
of him in the press, a la 
Watergate, accusing him of being 
"soft on Nazis" and continually 
recalling an incident in which he 
had slapped a shirker two years 
previously, during the Sicily 
campaign. A New York news- 
paper printed the completely false 
claim that when Patton had 
slapped the soldier, who was 



Jewish, he had called him a 
"yellow-bellied Jew." 

Then, in a press conference on 
September 22, reporters hatched a 
scheme to needle Patton into 
losing his temper and making 
statements which could be used 
against him. The scheme worked. 
The press interpreted one of 
Patton's answers to their insistent 



have utterly lost the Anglo-Saxon 
conception of justice and feel that 
a man can be kicked out because 
somebody else says he is a Nazi. 
They were evidently quite shocked 
when 1 told them I would kick no- 
body out without the successful 
proof of guilt before a court of 
taw . . . Another point which the 
press harped on was the fact that 
we were doing too much for the 



Eisenhower responded immedi- 
ately to the press outcry against 
Patton and made the decision to 
relieve him of his duties as 
military governor and "kick him 
upstairs" as the commander of 
the Fifteenth Army. In a letter to 
his wife on September 29 Patton 
indicated that he was, in a way, 
not unhappy with his new assign- 
ment, because "I would like it 




U.S. GOVERNMENT POLICY toward Germany immediately after World War II was determined by 
ha(e-crazed Jews, who wanted to crucify future generations of Germans. These two German children — and 
millions of others — were saved from death by starvation and allowed to begin rebuilding their country only 
after General Patton's warnings had alerted Gentile leaders in America to the Soviet danger which would be 
raised by the annihilation of the German people. 



questions as to why he was not 
pressing the Nazi-hunt hard 
enough as: "The Nazi thing is just 
like a Democrat-Republican 
fight." The New York Times 
headlined this quote, and other 
papers all across America picked 
it up. 

The unmistakable hatred which 
had been directed at him during 
this press conference finally 
opened Patton's eyes fully as to 
what was afoot. In his diary that 
night he wrote: "There is a very 
apparent Semitic influence in the 
press. They are trying to do two 
things: first, implement com- 
munism, and second, see that all 
businessmen of German ancestry 
and non-Jewish antecedents are 
thrown out of their jobs. They 



Germans to the detriment of the 
DP's, most of whom are Jesvs. I 
could not give the answer to that 
one, because the answer is that, in 
my opinion and that of most non- 
political officers, it is vitally nec- 
essary for us to build Germany up 
now as a buffer state against 
Russia, In fact, I am afraid we 
have waited too long." 

And in a letter of the same date 
to his wife: "I will probably be in 
the headlines before you get this, 
as the press is trying to quote me 
as being more interested in restor- 
ing order in Germany than in 
catching Nazis. I can't tell them 
the truth that unless we restore 
Germany we will insure that com- 
munism takes America." 



much better than being a sort of 
executioner to the best race in 
Europe." 

But even his change of duties 
did not shut Patton up. In his 
diary entry of October 1 we Find 
the observation: "In thinking 
over the situation, I could not but 
be impressed with the belief that 
at the present moment the un- 
blemished record of the American 
Army for non-political activities is 
about to be lost. Everyone seems 
to be more interested in the effects 
which his actions will have on his 
political future than in carrying 
out the motto of the United States 
Military Academy, 'Duty, Honor, 
Country.' I hope that after the 
current crop of political aspirants 



has been gathered our former 
tradition will be restored." 

And Patton continued to ex- 
press these sentiments to his 
friends — and those he thought 
were his friends. On October 22 
he wrote a long letter to Maj. 
Gen. James G. Harbord, who was 
back in the States. In the letter 
Patton bitterly condemned the 
Morgenthau policy; Eisenhower's 
pusillanimous behavior in the face 
of Jewish demands; the strong 
pro-Soviet bias in the press; and 
the politicization, corruption, 
degradation, and demoralization 
of the U.S. Army which these 
things were causing. 

He saw the demoralization of 
the Army as a deliberate goal of 
America's enemies: "I have been 
just as furious as you at the 
compilation of lies which the 
communist and Semitic elements 
of our government have levelled 
against me and practically every 
other commander. In my opinion 
it is a deliberate attempt to 
alienate the soldier vote from the 
commanders, because the com- 
munists know that soldiers are not 
communisitc, and they fear what 
eleven million votes [of veterans] 
would do," 

His denunciation of the polit- 
icization of the Army was scath- 
ing: "All the general officers in 
the higher brackets receive each 
morning from the War Depart- 
ment a set of American" [news- 
paper] headlines, and, with the 
sole exception of myself, they 
guide themselves during the 
ensuing day by what they have 
read in the papers. ..." 

In his letter to Harbord, Patton 
also revealed his own plans to 
fight those who were destroying 
the morale and integrity of the 
Army and endangering America's 
future by not opposing the grow- 
ing Soviet might: "It is my present 
thought . . . that when I finish this 
job, which will be around the first 
of the year, I shall resign, not 
retire, because if I retire I will still 
have a gag in my mouth .... I 
should not start a limited counter- 
attack, which would be contrary 
to my military theories, but 
should wait until I can start an all- 
out offensive . . . ." 

Two months later, on Decem- 
ber 23, 1945, General George S. 
Patton was silenced forever. 

(Issue No. 53, 1977) 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

Three Rays of Light 



89 




The Last European War; Sep- 
tember 1939-December 1941, by 
John Lukacs, published by 
Anchor Press/Doubleday, $15.00. 

Adolf Hitler, by John Toland, 
published by Doubleday, $14.95, 

Hitler's War, by David Irving, 
published by Viking Press, $ 17.95. 

It may well require the passage 
of another thirty years before 
historians begin to take a less 
lopsided view of Adolf Hitler and 
National Socialism. Lukacs' The 
Last European War, Toiand's 
Hitler, and Irving's Hitler's War 
are, if nothing else, a beginning: 
Hitler is no longer a hobgoblin. 
Taken together, these works make 
nearly three thousand pages of 
reading. Each, in its own way, 
makes some positive contribution 
to the revisionist cause. None, 
however, is the repository of the 
complete truth, and all err with 
regard to the famous "Holocaust" 
and the mythical "six million." 

The Last European War is a 
major historical work which, as 
one reviewer put it, moves 
"phototropically toward truth." 
John Lukacs, an estimable con- 
servative revisionist, writes with 
great erudition and grace, but 
there is almot as much to object to 
as there is to agree with in his 500- 
plus pages. Despite his many 
faults, Lukacs displays a superior 
understanding of some of the 
cultural forces in European his- 
tory that many left-leaning "intel- 
lectuals" miss altogether. Further- 
more, his study is far more objec- 
tive than most. (I realize that isn't 
saying very much for it.) 

Lukacs' voyage toward the 
truth is a fitful one. Time and 
again he begins to grope toward 
the light, only to slide off into 
some dark corner. For example, 
Lukacs sees Hitler simply as an 
"extreme prototype" embodying 
the traditional German virtues 
and vices; he compounds this 
error by suggesting that some of 
Hitler's policies (particularly the 
anti-Jewish measures) accidentally 
contributed to the perils now 
facing the West. This proposition 
is the shared "wisdom" of certain 
elements of the patrician Euro- 
pean Right. Still, Lukacs makes 
clear that Germans "from 
Nietzsche to Spengler to Hitler" 
were "more thoughtful" than 
other Europeans and repeatedly 
warned against the "dangers to 
Western civilization, to the White 
race, to Europe." 

Of Hitler, Lukacs writes: "The 
mind of Adolf Hitler was a very 
powerful Instrument ... All of 
the stories of the dictator (sic) 
foaming at the mouth, throwing 
himself at the carpet and chewing 
it in a mad rage are false. The con- 
trary was, rather, true . . ." As 
seen by Lukacs, Hitler is a brave 
man with a generous nature, (Bio- 
graphers Toland and Irving hold a 
similar view.) 

However, Lukacs also refers to 
Hitler as "cruel," a judgement 
which falls wide of the mark. No 
force of nature can be said to be 
"cruel," except in a metaphorical 
sense. Adolf Hitler was not a mere 
mortal: both he and his philos- 
ophy represent a powerful force 
of history. A different standard of 
measure is required in this 
instance, and it is doubtful that 



sentimental and myopic would-be 
aristocrats like Lukacs are fit to 
pass judgement. 

In other matters, Lukacs' per- 
ceptions prove more reliable. He 
rightfully defends Hitler against 
British historian A. J. P. Taylor's 
charge of "opportunism." In- 
stead, Lukacs substitutes 
"fanaticism" and demonstrates 
that Hitler's foreign policy pro- 
ceeded from idealism coupled 
with a "cruel [that word again] 
kind of realism." But Lukacs still 
saddles Hitler with entirely too 
much blame for the outbreak of 
the war. Both Taylor and Lukacs 
agree that Hitler might have been 
prepared for short-term military 
conflicts on the continent but not 
a world war. There is far more 
truth in Neville Chamberlain's 
bitter declaration (which Lukacs 
quotes) that "the Americans and 
the world Jews had forced him 
[Hitler] into the war." 

Although his understanding of 
National Socialism is incomplete 
and often mistaken, Lukacs is 
able to see that "the great 
majority of German people lived 
better and fared better under 
Hitler's National Socialist regime 
than had the Russians under 
Stalin . . . [there was] far more 
individual and political freedom 
in "National Socialist Germany 
than in Communist Russia." 

In John Toiand's biographical 
study, Hitler is "a warped arch- 
angel, a hybrid of Prometheus 
and Lucifer." References to the 
positive components of Hitler's 
personality seem too carefully 
balanced by the inclusion of 
negative traits, which are often 
reported by less-than-reliable 
witnesses. Yet Toland claims to 
have produced a book having "no 
thesis" and states that "any con- 
clusions to be found in it were 
reached only during the writing . . 
. . ." This is difficult to believe, 
but let's not put too fine a point 
on the matter. The fact is, he 
places stock in the "great man" 
theory of history. 

The greatest strengths of 
Toiand's work are that it brings 
into print hundreds of little- 
known vignettes and shatters a 
good many of the Jew-promoted 
myths about Hitler. The Fuehrer 
was not insane, physically mal- 
formed, or sexually aberrant. 
(This is more than can be said for 
many of his critics.) He was 
"Uncle Adi" to the children of his 
intimates, a kind and appealing 
individual. His early life was 
prosaic and gave no hint of the 
extraordinary talents he would 
demonstrate as a soldier and 
statesman. 

Toland takes a view of Hitler's 
objective greatness as a leader 
which is remarkably similar to 
that of German editor and 
historian Joachim C. Fest, the 
author of an earlier study. The 
comparison is worth noting. Here 
is an excerpt from Toland: "If 
Hitler had died in 1937 ... he 
would have gone down as one of 
the greatest figures in German 
history. Throughout Europe he 
had millions of admirers." Now 
this from Fest's biography: "If 
Hitler had. succumbed to an 
assassination or an accidental 
death in 1938, few would hesitate 
to call him one of the greatest 



German statesmen, the consum- 
mator of Germany's history." 
The dates are significant, in one 
connection, because both Toland 
and Fest appear to be saying 
something under their breath that 
Lukacs expresses plainly: it is 
primarily due to Hitler's war 
against the Jews that National 
Socialism suffers disrepute. 

Toland goes further afield when 
discussing the causes of Hitler's 
anti-Semitism, bringing in all 
manner of psychological claptrap. 
Anyone who has read Mein 
Kampf or knows anything about 
the destructive role the Jews 
played during the Weimar era 
(and earlier) can easily understand 
the causes of Hitler's fully justi- 
fied hostility toward the Jews. (It 
was Hitler, after all, who saved 
Germany from the Reds; and the 
communist movement, at that 
time, was largely led by Jews.) 
This animus was evidently shared 
by the German masses, for, as 
Toland himself points out, the 
Reichstag elections of 1933 gave 
the National Socialists 92 per cent 
of the vote. Toland feels these 
results were "a true barometer of 
German feeling" and goes on to 
say that Germans needed "no 
whip to follow a Siegfried who 
was bringing them out of eco- 
nomic depression and wiping out 
the dishonor of Versailles." To 
his credit, Toland mentions some 
of the sweeping social and eco- 
nomic reforms inaugurated by the 
National Socialists which revital- 
ized Germany. 

At the center of Toiand's bio- 
graphical study is an inquiry into 
the causes of the so-called 
"Holocaust." As Toland sees it, 
the Jewish problem was an ever- 
present consideration in all major 
National Socialist policy deci- 
sions. Following the lead of 
several Jewish historians, Toland 
claims that the "final solution" 
was not only a conscious part of 
Hitler's master plan from the 
beginning of his political career, 
but that provisions for actually 
carrying out the program were in 
the works as early as 1938. 

British historian David Irving 
shows this set of assumptions to 
be totally false. Although Irving 
submits that some enthusiastic 
National Socialists (notably SS 
chief Himmler) executed thou- 
sands of Jews, they did so without 
Hitler's consent. "There is no 
acceptable evidence that Hitler 
gave orders to kill the Jews. He 
was aware of the concentration 
camps but not the extermination 
camps," says Irving. 

Irving's Hitler is not the stuff 
dictators and warlords are made 
of. He was insufficiently ruthless 
when dealing with his enemies. 
Furthermore, Hitler "lacked the 
ability to be ruthless where it 
mattered most; e.g., he refused to 
bomb London itself until the deci- 
sion was forced on him in the late 
summer of 1940." Mr. Irving 
understands National Socialist 
racial policy well enough to know 
that Hitler had no desire to spill a 
drop of British blood. He also 
notes that Hitler had "a maudlin, 
unrequited affection [for the 
British] that caused him to pul I his 
[military] punches throughout 
1940, to the exasperation of his 
strategic advisors." 




NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN AND ADOLF HITLER 



This is not to say that Hitler 
was a "military nincompoop" (a 
phrase he used in describing 
Churchill). The opposite is true: 
Irving shows numerous examples 
of Hitler's uncanny perspicacity 
in military matters, which often 
astounded members of the High 
Command who disagreed with 
him, 

Irving's book includes much 
new material, as does Toiand's 
biography. However, Irving is a 
superior historian and an abso- 
lutely first-rate researcher. While 
Toland, who doesn't speak Ger- 
man, interviewed about 150 
people (among them the daring SS 
commando Otto Skorzeny), 
Irving spent twelve years research- 
ing Hitler's War and interviewed 
some 400 persons, including 
members of Hitler's personal staff 
who refused to talk with Toland. 



There are some difficulties con- 
nected with Irving's account — 
his portrait of Hitler isn't 
especially flattering — but his 
history is probably closer to the 
truth than most. Some of his 
earlier statements on the subject 
caused quite a row with the Jews; 
these days, Irving seems much 
more cautious. However, his 
treatment of Churchill (Hitler 
fares better than old Winny) is 
bound to raise a few eyebrows 
back home. 

It might be the case that 
Toland, Irving, and Lukacs will 
bring about some awareness of 
the positive aspects of National 
Socialism, but that seems a bit 
much to hope for at this juncture 

in history, 

Nick Camerota 

(Issue No. 53, 1977) 



The Stranger 

The stranger within my gate, 

He may be true or kind, 

But he does not talk my talk — 

I cannot feel his mind. 

I see the face and the eyes and the mouth, 

But not the soul behind. 

The men of my own stock , 
They may do ill or well, 
But they tell the lies 1 tell. 
We do not need interpreters 
When we go to buy or sell. 

The stranger within my gate, 

He may be evil or good, 

But I cannot tell what powers control, 

What reasons sway his mood, 

Nor when thegodsofhis far-off land 

May repossess his blood. 

The men of my own stock, 

Bitter bad they may be, 

But, at least, they hear the things I hear 

And see the things I see; 

Whatever I think of them and their likes, 

They think the likes of me. 

This was my father's belief, 

And this is also mine: 

Let the corn be all of one sheaf 

And the grapes be all of one vine, 

Ere our children's teeth are set on edge 

By bitter bread and wine. 

Rudyard Kipling 



(Issue No. 54, 1977) 



90 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



91 



Has the White Race Become too Liberal to Survive? 

This editorial is a condensation of a talk given by Dr. William Pierce at the weekly Sunday-evening meeting 
of Washington-area members, supporters, and friends of the National Alliance on June 5, 1977. 



If you haven't yet read Jean 
Raspail's best-selling horror story, 
The Camp of the Saints, you 
should. Reading it is not a 
pleasant experience, but it is a 
valuable experience, a conscious- 
ness-raising experience. 

The essence of Raspail's book is 
an unarmed, non-violent invasion 
of Europe by a starving horde of 
refugees from India. The Euro- 
peans, who are morally paralyzed 
by a terminal case of liberalism, 
are unable to resist the invasion. 
In particular, they are unable to 
accept the only feasible method 
for opposing it, which is simply to 
exterminate the invaders en 
masse. So the wave of brown sub- 
humanity rolls over Europe, and 
Western civilization is extin- 
guished forever. 

Raspail's fiction is especially 
terrifying for White American 
readers, because we can clearly 
recognize, all around us, exactly 
the symptoms of the liberal 
disease which Raspail describes so 
starkly in his book. In fact, we 
can see a painfully close analogy 
between the European reaction to 
the fictional invasion which takes 
place in the book and our own 
reaction to the very real invasion 
of the United States by illegal 
immigrants from Mexico which is 
taking place today. 

Chicanos from Mexico and 
other parts of Latin America and 
Blacks from the Caribbean are 
swarming across the U.S. -Mexi- 
can border at a rate of more than 
a million a year now— and that's 
not counting the additional half- 
million non-Whites who immi- 
grate into this country legally each 
year — and all we seem to be able 
to do about it is debate the issue. 

There is undoubtedly a certain 
element of conspiracy behind this 
non- White immigration problem. 
For example, the U.S. Border 
Patrol, which has the job of 
keeping illegal immigrants out, 
has been deliberately kept under- 
manned and underequipped, so 
that it cannot do its job effec- 
tively. The Border Patrol has been 
sabotaged by the subcommittee in 
the U.S. House of Representatives 
which deals with matters of immi- 
gration and naturalization and 
which oversees the Border Patrol 
and appropriates the funds for its 
operation. This subcommittee is 
headed by Joshua Eilberg (D-P A), 
who is a Jew. 

The man formerly in charge of 
the Border Patrol (before Jimmy 
Carter appointed Chicano Leonel 
Castillo as his replacement earlier 
this year), retired Marine Corps 
General Leonard Chapman, re- 
peatedly told the Congress about 
his problems and requested more 
money and more men, but Con- 
gressman Eilberg deliberately sat 
on his requests. The result has 
been that the Border Patrol is able 
to put only one man on duty for 
each 10 miles of border, along 
some stretches, and the immi- 
grants come pouring across 
almost without resistance. 

And there are other factors. We 
have politically powerful alien 
groups already in this country — 
most notably the Jews, but also 
others — who see a future for 
themselves which is brighter the 



darker it becomes for the White 
majority. They see the greatest 
opportunities for themselves in a 
racially cosmopolitan society, just 
as they see the greatest threat to 
themselves in a unified and 
racially conscious White majority, 

And we also have all too many 
White renegades in the political 
and economic power structure of 
this country, people who habitu- 
ally prostitute themselves for alien 
interests or who see their own 
political power base among aliens: 
the Hubert Humphreys and 
Teddy Kennedys and Jimmy 
Carters of America; and people 
who are making money from the 
alien presence here: the sweat- 
shop owners and the exploiters of 
migrant farm labor. 

But in addition to these causes a 
more fundamental reason why 
we're unable to deal decisively 
with the immigrant problem is the 
moral paralysis of the American 
public. 

An editorial in a recent issue of 
U.S. News & World Report (May 
30, 1977) gives what I believe is an 
accurate assessment of the inabil- 
ity of most White Americans 
today to face tough issues and 
deal with them realistically. The 
editorial is a plug for Jimmy 
Carter's clever proposal to 
"solve" the problem of the 
enormous number of illegal immi- 
grants in the United States by the 
simple expedient of legalizing 
them, i.e., of granting most of 
them automatic citizenship or 
legal-resident status — which is 
about like "solving" the crime 
problem in this country by 
abolishing all our laws. 

After asking the question, 
"Should all those now illegally in 
the U.S. be sent home?," the 
USN&WR editorial gives its own 

answer: "Whatever one may say 
in theory, Americans are not 
going to clamor for a mass depor- 
tation in which millions of women 
are hounded out of closets and 
children are dragged from under 
beds by their feet, Since these 
people are not going home, then 
we have a choice: Leave them as 
outlaws ... or give an opportunity 
for citizenship or legal residence 
to those who have already estab- 
lished themselves here, thus bring- 
ing them into society where they 
can contribute and be counted." 

Now, the author of that 
editorial is U.S. News & World 
Report editor Marvin Stone, a 
Jew. He has the same interest in 
increasing the number and variety 
of non-Whites in America — thus 
further weakening the political 
strength of the White majority — 
as have Mr. Eilberg and the other 
Jews on the Congressional sub- 
committee overseeing the U.S. 
Border Patrol. And he, therefore, 
jumps a bit too eagerly to his con- 
clusion that "these people are not 
going home." 

Nevertheless, Marvin Stone is 
almost certainly correct in stating 
that the American majority has no 
stomach for forcibly removing the 
aliens who are already here or, as 
he points out later in his editorial, 
for using "machine guns and 
mine fields" along the border to 
keep more aliens out. 



The essential truth to note here 
is that this inability to act against 
the rising tide of colored immi- 
grants is, at root, not primarily 
due to the fact that White Ameri- 
cans are disorganized, or to the 
fact that they are being betrayed 
by their government, or to the fact 
that they have been deliberately 
confused and demoralized by the 
lying, alien-controlled news 
media. It is primarily due to the 
fact that they have become too 
liberal, 

Perhaps "liberal" is a mislead- 
ing word to use here, for we are 
talking about a condition which 
affects all segments of the 
political spectrum, so-called 
"conservatives" as well as 
liberals. "Morally spineless" or 
"morally irresponsible" might be 
a better adjective to describe 
people who simply refuse to deal 
with problems which require 
tough or unpleasant decisions. 

Americans pale at the thought 
of dragging all those millions of 
brown-skinned children and their 
mothers out from under beds and 
herding them back across the 
border at bayonet point into 
Mexico, where most of them 
would undoubtedly starve to 
death. So they grope for a "nice" 
solution to the problem — but 
there is none. 

There is no "nice" solution, 
because those millions of non- 
White immigrants are breeding 
like flies. Within the next ten 
years the illegal immigrants who 
are already here will have pro- 
duced approximately 15 million 
more offspring — and, in accord 
with the jus soli, those offspring 
will automaticaJly be full-fledged 
U.S. citizens, whether the status 
of their parents has been legalized 
or not. Present U.S. law grants 
automatic citizenship to any 
featherless biped born inside our 
borders, even if both parents are 
aliens and even if they're here 
illegally. That may sound crazy, 
but it's a fact. 

Actually, the situation is much 
worse than that. Not only will we 
still have virtually all the present 
illegal aliens with us ten years 
from now, plus their 15 million or 
so naturalized-by-birth children, 
but also all the new illegal (and 
legal) aliens — who are coming 
across the border at an ever- 
increasing rate — and their 
children. 

And if Mr, Carter grants citi- 
zenship to all or part of the ten 
million or so illegal aliens already 
here — 1 suppose I should say 
when he grants them citizenship, 
rather than if— then they will be 
entitled to send for their depen- 
dents still in Latin America. They 
average five such dependents 
each, for a total of as many as 
another 50 million. 

The great majority of these 
illegal aliens are Chicanos 
(mestizos, Amerindian-White 
mongrels), and they are the fastest- 
breeding race on the face of the 
earth. There is literally an inex- 
haustible supply of them in Latin 
America. No matter how bad the 
economy gets here, and no matter 
how many half-measures we take 
to make it harder for them to find 
jobs, they'll keep pouring in, if we 



let them, because conditions will 
always be even worse where they 
came from. 

So the "nice" White American 
majority, which doesn't have the 
guts to do what needs to be done 
now, is guaranteeing that its own 
grandchildren will become a 
minority race in the United States. 

Perhaps some Americans — the 
ones who have the courage to even 
think ahead 50 years to the White- 
minority United States their irre- 
sponsibility is guaranteeing — 
believe that when we become the 
minority we'll receive the same 
consideration we're giving to 
other minorities now. That is the 
sort of hope one might expect of a 
race of moral jellyfish, and it is a 
forlorn hope. Once we allow the 
non-White races of this world to 
gain the upper hand, we'll get 
from them exactly what we will 
deserve, which is extinction. The 
muddle-headed liberalism which 
makes us shrink in horror from 
prodding picaninnies with bayo- 
nets is a uniquely Western disease. 

Why is that so? 

Why, for instance, do Whites 
sheepishly accept the condemna- 
tion of any of their efforts to 
maintain White exclusivity in 
schooling or housing, while the 
largest and most active Chicano 
group in this country La Raza 
Unida (The United Race) proudly 
supports among Chicanos the 
same kind of racial solidarity of 
which Whites seem to be 
ashamed? 

Why, for instance, are White 
Americans of all social strata and 
political persuasions horrified by 
the fact that Uganda's Idi Amin is 
exterminating, root and branch, 
the tribes in his country he doesn't 
trust, when Africans consider 
such behavior perfectly normal — 
even if some of them are unhappy 
with "Big Daddy" Amin at the 
moment for other reasons? When 
the Nigerian majority was sup- 
pressing a rebellion by the Ibo 
minority a few years back, they 
killed everyone they could get 
their hands on, women and 
children as well as men, and often 
in the most gruesome ways 
imaginable. The Watusi and the 
Bahutus are treating each other 
the same way today in Burundi. 
That's the way Africans have 
always behaved. 

Why, for instance, are White 
Americans importing uncounted 
thousands of half-breed children 
from Vietnam, Thailand, and 
other Asian countries, when the 
natives of those countries reject 
them precisely because they are 
half-breeds? 

Why, for instance, do the 
hearts of White Americans — and 
Canadians and Englishmen — 
ache for the hundreds of millions 
of destitute brown people in India 
and Pakistan, in their rags and 
filth and hunger and hopelessness, 
when their better-off brown 
countrymen couldn't care less 
about them? 

And we might also ask why 
conservative and right-wing 
Americans are so fascinated by 
the present controversy over how 
many Jews were actually killed by 
the Germans during World War II 



— why they ar£ so anxious to 
prove that our White cousins in 
Germany didn't actually commit 
genocide — when the Jews them- 
selves have just chosen as their 
prime minister in Israel their fore- 
most advocate and practitioner of 
large-scale genocide against Pales- 
tinians? Does anyone believe that 
the Jews are ashamed of the fact 
that Menachem Begin massacred 
the Arab inhabitants of whole 
Palestinian villages, that he had 
his men in the Irgun slit the 
throats of hundreds of Palestinian 
women and children,, or that he 
tortured to death British soldiers 
who fell into his hands? Begin 
himself has written a book 
bragging about these things, and 
they were even admitted in Time 
and Newsweek magazines a 
couple of weeks ago. 

Professor Arthur Butz has 
written a very fine book, The 
Hoax of the Twentieth ( "entury, 
which the National Alliance sells, 
in which he conclusively proves 
that the Jews have vastly exagger- 
ated their losses at German hands, 
but so what? Why should we 
think better of the Germans — 
and, therefore, of ourselves — 
just because they didn't actually 
gas six million Jews during the 
war? 

Part of the answer to these 
questions is that Whites have, as 
an inborn racial characteristic, a 
more highly developed altruism 
than other races. The impulse in 
the White race-soul which gave 
rise to chivalry, for example, is 
unknown to the mestizo, to the 
unassjmilated Jew, and to the 
African Negro. It may very well 
be that we have child abuse in this 
country, that we are often brutal 
toward women and prisoners and 
others over whom we have an 
advantage, but these things are 
nothing compared to the brutality 
which is natural and habitual 
among the non-White races of this 
earth . 

Our altruism is a wonderful 
thing, and we must never lose it. 
But we must learn to direct it 
exclusively toward the members 
of our own racial community. 
When it is not coupled with a 
healthy xenophobia regarding 
other races, then it becomes an 
especially swift form of mass 
suicide. 

Misdirected altruism, undis- 
criminating altruism, is part of the 
answer. Another part is that our 
over-civilized life-style during the 
last century or so has made us too 
moraLly soft, too squeamish in the 
presence of Nature's realities. The 
old cylce of birth, struggle, and 
death still holds, but we like to 
pretend that it doesn't. 

We don't want to accept the 
fact that the world and its 
resources are finite, and that the 
more there are of them, of other 
races, the more tightly we will be 
squeezed. 

We don't want to face the truth 
that when a race's birth rate is 
high, then either its death rate 
must be correspondingly high or it 
must expand at some other race's 
expense — as is the case with the 
Chicanos and us today. We are 
afraid to accept the responsibility 
for making sure that the former of 



those two possibilities is the one 
that holds. 

We don't want to realize that, 
had our ancestors not killed a 
great many American Indians and 
squeezed the rest of them into 
reservations, we'd all be mestizos 
now, Chicanos, and there would 
be no United States as such. 

In the old days, when each of us 
had to kill his own meat before he 
could eat, our understanding of 
these things was less clouded. 
Nowadays we still like our steak 
rare, but we look down on the 
butcher. 

And we still enjoy all the 
luxuries and advantages of our 
White birthright, but we have be- 
come ashamed of the fact jnat a 
great deal of blood — non-White 
blood — was spilled in establish- 
ing and maintaining that birth- 
right during tens of thousands of 
years of prehistory and history. If 
our ancestors had been "nice" to 
the non-White and the partly 
White races they came in contact 
with, we wouldn't be here today. 

Relative to the current immigra- 
tion crisis, what this all boils 
down to is thai, while we may still 
be ready to shoot down armed 
troops storming across our 
borders, we are not ready to do 
the same to unarmed, brown- 
skinned women and children, who 
are just as dangerous as armed 
troops in the long run. 

Unwilling to snoot, we instead 
indulge ourselves in liberal fan- 
tasies about America being "big 
enough for everybody" and 
optimistically assume that if we 



grant citizenship to the non-White 
hordes already here and pass a 
few laws to make it a little harder 
for the ones still pouring across 
the border to find jobs, everything 
will work out all right, with no 
unpleasantness for anyone. We 
seem to have forgotten that grant- 
ing citizenship to our Negro slaves 
more than a century ago has made 
them no less Negroes than they 
were before — but has made them 
infinitely harder to live with. 

And so we find ourselves, as a 
race, slowly sinking in a cesspool 
of colored subhumanity, able to 
calculate that within another two 
generations the filth will be over 
our heads — and yet unable to act 
to save ourselves. That is where 
the White majority of America 
stands today. 

And the situation is different 
only in degree throughout the rest 
of the White world. In southern 
Africa the situation is more 
critical than it is in the United 
States. In Canada, Australia, 
Britain, and most of Europe it is 
not yet as critical as it is here, but 
we are essentially all in the same 
boat. When the boat goes down, 
we all drown, those on the upper 
decks just as surely as those on the 
lower decks, even if a bit later. 

And it need not be so. If we 
could snap out of the moral 
paralysis which grips us, we have 
the physical means to settle the 
racial threat facing us in an 
instant and for all time. If we 
could once again, as a race, face 
up to the simple but profound 
truth that we are not living in 



some huge, worldwide nursery 
school, where all we have to do is 
enjoy ourselves and be nice to 
everyone else, and some kindly 
schoolmaster up in the sky will 
keep us from getting into any 
really nasty jams — if we could 
wake up from that dream — then 
we would be well on the way 
toward a solution to our problem. 

Ultimately we need to go a bit 
further and relearn the eternal 
wisdom that there can be no life 
unless there is also death; that 
there can be no progress, no 
evolution, except when the king- 
dom of life is hierarchical in struc- 
ture, not equalitarian; and that 
the hierarchy of life is determined 
by struggle, 

No race remains long at the top 
of that hierarchy unless it retains 
its moral superiority — its will — 
as well as its physical superiority. 
It has always been that way, and it 
is that way today. 

If one wants to be perverse, one 
can distort that wisdom into 
something altogether different, 
and that is exactly what the dis- 
seminators of the liberal poison 
which keeps us paralyzed have 
done. They tell us that man used 
to live according to the Law of the 
Jungle, which says "kill or be 
killed," but that now we have 
risen above that law, and it no 
longer applies to us. 

In the old days, they say, man 
lived a very brutish and unplea- 
sant existence, always fighting 
and killing, all his energies 
absorbed in just staying alive, all 
his ingenuity devoted to plans for 



killing his neighbors. Then grad- 
ually we learned that killing is 
wicked; that inequality and domi- 
nation are wicked; that everyone 
is really the same, regardless of 
race, creed, color, or national 
origin; that no group has the right 
to decide the fate of another 
group; and that if we will all love 
one another and abide by the 
Golden Rule instead of the Law of 
the Jungle we will all be healthy, 
wealthy, and wise and live to a 
ripe old age. 

It was only when we rose above 
the Law of the Jungle that true 
civilization became possible, with 
station wagons and backyard 
barbecues and Sammy Davis, Jr., 
for everyone. And, of course, we 
will lose all these wonderful things 
if we abandon the Golden Rule 
and go back to the Law of the 
Jungle again — that is, if we drag 
all those little mestizos out from 
under the bed, hustle them back 
across the border, and then do 
whatever it takes to make sure 
I hey stay there. 

Very roughly, that is the 
philosophical claptrap which is 
used to justify our present rate of 
moral paralysis. For the more 
sophisticated moral basket cases 
among us it is dressed up with lots 
of additional rhetoric about world 
opinion and the brotherhood of 
man and the necessity of staying 
in the good graces of the Third 
World, but that is its essence, And 
it is, of course, total nonsense, 

There is nothing brutish about 
accepting the facts of life. Being 
realistic, being mature, being 



morally responsible, does not 
mean a descent back into the 
jungle — quite the contrary. 

Nor does it mean being blood- 
thirsty. The morally responsible 
person is not an insensitive person 
or a crude and violent person or a 
person motivated by hatred. He 
may love animals and children 
and poetry — but he faces the 
facts, whatever they may be. 

He accepts his responsibility for 
the state of affairs in the world 
around him whenever he is in a 
position to influence those affairs. 
And he is ready to kill — without 
hatred, without passion — when 
killing is necessary, instead of 
wringing his hands and moaning 
about not having the right. He 
understands that the Creator 
bestows the right upon those who 
are fit to bear it. 

Contrary to liberal dogma, not 
only our civilization but our very 
existence today is a consequence 
of the fact that our ancestors 
understood the above truth, at 
least intuitively, and acted on it. 
We will lose both our civilization 
and our existence in very short 
order if we do not begin to under- 
stand it also. 

(Issue No. 54, 1977) 



The Buying of Mr. Churchill 



The man most directly respons- 
ible for the demise of the British 
Empire and its replacement as a 
world power by the Soviet Empire 
is Winston Leonard Spencer 
Churchill (1874-1965). The poli- 
cies which he advocated as a 
member of the British government 
in the period just before World 
War II and the policies which he 
followed as prime minister during 
that war were diametrically 
opposed to the interests of the 
British people and led ultimately 
to the sad plight in which Britain 
finds herself today. Churchill 
acted as he did, because he 
consciously and deliberately serv- 
ing alien interests from 1938, at 
the latest, until the end of the war. 

Winston Churchill was the 
descendant o.f a noble family, the 
son of Lord Randolph Churchill, 
who was the third son of the 
seventh duke of Marlborough. As 
a young man Winston was a 
dilettante who early developed a 
lifelong taste for expensive 
clothes, imported cigars, old 
brandy, and the other amenities 
of "the good life." 

Although he enjoyed a brief 
and desultory stint as a newspaper 
correspondent in his early 
twenties, he soon decided that he 
could more readily support the 
style of life to which he wished to 
become accustomed by claiming a 
place for himself at the public 
trough. At the age of 26 he 
entered Parliament. 

As a politician young Churchill 

continued his dilettante ways, 
serving in a number of minor 
posts and switching from one 
party to another whenever he 



thought such a move would 
further his career. Although he 
displayed only minimal qualities 
of statesmanship, his family con- 
nections and his sharp eye for the 
main chance led to his steady 
advancement, and in 1908 he was 
promoted to the cabinet. When 
World War I broke out Churchill 
became first lord of the admiralty, 
with the job of supervising the 
British Navy. 

In the latter post Churchill's 
lack of a mature sense of responsi- 
bility and his ineptness as a 
military strategist led to disaster. 
He directed the utterly bungled 
Gallipoli campaign against the 
Turks in 1915, which led to a total 
defeat for the British, with more 
than 100,000 casuaJties. 

Forced to resign his admiralty 
post in disgrace, Churchill decided 
to concentrate his energies on 
developing his one talent: a gift 
for theatrical oratory. Spending 
as much as six weeks preparing 
for a single speech, he would 
carefully rehearse every intona- 
tion and dramatic pause, carefully 
practice every gesture and facial 
expression before a mirror. He 
became a demagogue of rare 
ability. 

Neither his disgrace as a 
military bungler nor his subse- 
quent success as a political spell- 
binder abated his taste for expen- 
sive living, however, and in the 
period between the first and 
second world wars Churchill 
habitually lived far beyond his 
means. Finally in 1938, when he 
was 64 years old, his creditors pre- 
pared to foreclose on him, and he 
was faced with the prospect of a 



forced sale of his luxurious 
country estate . 

At this hour of crisis a dark and 
mysterious figure entered 
Churchill's life: he was Henry 
Strakosch, a multimillionaire Jew 
who had acquired a fortune spec- 
ulating in South African mining 
ventures after his family had 
migrated to that country from 
eastern Austria. Strakosch 
stepped forward, advanced the 
aging demagogue a "loan" of 
150,000 pounds just in time to 
save his estate from the auc- 
tioneer, and then quietly slipped 
into the background again. In the 
years that followed, Strakosch 
served as Churchill's adviser and 
confidant but miraculously man- 
aged to avoid the spotlight of 
publicity which thenceforth illum- 
inated Churchill's again-rising 
political career. 

Churchill immediately became 
the sharpest Parliamentary critic 
of his own party's (at that time he 
had once again switched from the 
Liberals back to the ruling 
Conservatives) policy of detente 
with National Socialist Germany. 
He took up the Jewish cry, 
"Delenda est Germania — 
Germany must be destroyed," 
and urged his government, in a 
series of jingoistic and blood- 
thirsty speeches, to join the 
Jewish "holy war" against Hitler. 
This was the same Churchill who, 
in September 1937, had said of 
Hitler: "If our country were de- 
feated, 1 hope we should find a 
champion as indomitable to 
restore our courage and lead us 
back to our place among the 
nations." 




CHURCHILL liked to think of himself as a great warlord, but he came 
across at the personal level as a petty gangster: theatrical, irresponsible, 
and immensely vain. 



92 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



93 



ILLUSTRATED SUNDAY HERALD, FEBRUARY 6, 1920, 



Page 5. 



L 



ZIONISM ver sus B OLSHEVISM. 

A STRUGGLE FOR THE SOUL OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE. 

By the Rt. Hon. WINSTON S. .CHURCHILL. 




,0MB people like Jew$ nnd some do 
not; but no thoughtful man can 
duubt the fitct that they arc beyond 
all question the most formidable 
and the most remarkable race which has ever 
appeared in the world. 

Disraeli, the Jew Prime Minister of Eng- 
land, and Leader of the Conservative Party, 
who »as always true to his race and proud 
or his origin, said on a well-known occasion : 
"The Lord deals with the nations as the 
nation.-, deal with the Jews." Certainlv when 
we look at the miserable state of Russia, 
where of all count rk>s -'.n the world the Jews 
were th* most irrwcllv treated, and contrast 
it with the fortunes of our own country, 
which f-rcnis to have been m> pro vide ntially 
presiTVid amid the awful perils of these 
times, we imisl admit that nothing that has 
since happened in the history of the world 
has falsified the truth uf Disraeli's confident 
assertion. 
Good and Bad Jews. 

The conflict heLwccn good ami evil which 

proccedv unceasingly ill the breast of man 

nowhere reaches such an intensity as in the 

|cwish race. The dual nature of mankind is 

nowhere more strongly or more terribly 

exemplified. Wc owe to the Jews in the 

Christian revelation a system of ethics which, 

even if it were entirely separated from the 

supernatural, would be incomparably the 

most precious possession of mankind, worth 

in fact tiic Imits of 'ill other wisdom and 

learning put together. On that system and 

by that faith there has been built out of the 

wreck of the Rornan Empire the whole of our 

existing civilisation. 

And it may well be that this same astound- 
ing race may at the present time be in the 
actual proccsb of producing another system 
of morals and philosophy, as malevolent as 
Christianity was bcne\ok-nt, which, if not 
arrested, would shatter irretrievably all that 
Christianity has rendered possible. It would 
alpiast seem as if the gospel of Christ and 
the gospel of Antichrist were destined to 
originate among the same people; and that 
this mvslic and mysterious race had been 
chosen for the supreme manifestations, both 
of the divine and the diabolical. 

" National " Jews. 

There can be no greater mistake than to 
attribute to each individual a recognisable 
share in the qualities which make up the 
national character. There are all sorts of 
men— good, bad and, for the most part, in- 
different — in every country, and in every 
race, Nothing is more wrong than to deny 
to an individual, on account of race or origin, 
his right to be judged on his personal merits 
and conduct. In a people of peculiar genius 
like the Jews, contrasts are more vivid, the 
extremes arc more widely separated, the 
resulting consequences are more decisive, 

At the present fateful period there are three 
main lines of political conception among the 
jews, two of which are helpful and hopeful 
in a very high degree 10 humanity, and the 
third absolutely destructive. 

l-'ir^t there are the Jews who, dweiiing in 
every country throughout the world, identify 
themselves with that country, enter into it's 
national life, and, while adhering faithfully 
to their own religion, regard themselves as 
citizens in the fullest sense of the State 
which has received them. Such a Jew living 
in England would say. " I am an English- 
men practising the Jewish faith." This is a 
worthy conception, and useful in the highest 
degree. We in Great Britain well know 
that during the great struggle the influence 
of what may be railed the ""National Jews" in 
many bads was cast jrreponderatingly on the 
side of the Allies; and in our own Army 
Jewish soldiers have played a most distin- 
guished part, some rising to the command of 
armies, others winning the Victoria Cross for 
valour. 




Mr. Clnu-ehUl iriirwx'Ling life f-ld regiment, the 4th Httssara, ot Alitor-fliot In-st wcok. 



The National Russian Jews, in spite of the 
disabilities under which they have suffered, 
have managed to play an honourable and use- 
ful part in the national life even of Russia. 
As bankets and industrialists the.y have 
strenuously promoted the development of 
Russia's economic resources, and they were 
.foremost in the creation of those remarkable 
{organisations, the Russian Co-operative 
Societies. In politics their support has been 
given, for the most part, to liberal and pro- 
gressive movements, and they have been 
among the staunchest uoholders of friend- 
ship with France and Great Britain. 

International Jews, 

In violent opposition to all this sphere of 
Jewish effort rise the schemes of the Inter- 
national Jews. The adherents of this sinister 
confederacy arc mostly men reared up among 
the unhappy populations of countries where 
Jews are persecuted on account of their race. 
Most, if not all, of them have forsaken 
the faith of their forefathers, and divorced 
from their minds all spiritual hopes of the 
next world. This movement among the Jews 
is not new, From the clays of Spartncus- 
Weishaupt to those of Karl Marx, and down 
to Trotsky (Russia), Beta Kun (Hungary), 
Rosa Luxembourg (Germany), and Emma 
Goldman (United States), this world-wide 
conspiracy for the overthrow of civilisation 
and for the reconstitution of society on the 
basis of arrested development, of envious 
malevolence, and impossible equality, has 
been steadily growing. It played, as 
a modern writer, Mrs. Webster, has so 
aWy shown, a definitely recognisable 
part in the tragedy of the French 
Revolution. It has been the mainspring of 
every subversive movement during the Nine- 
teenth Century ; and now at last this band of 
extraordinary personalities from the under- 
world of the great citie* of Europe and 
America have gripped the Russian people by 
the hair of their heads and hare become 
practically the undisputed masters of that 
enormous empire. 

Terrorist Jews. 

There is no need to exaggerate the part 
played in the creation of Bolshevism and in 
the actual bringing about of the Russian 
Revolution by these international and for the 
most part atheistical Jews, It is certainly 
a very, great one; it probably outweig-hs all 
others. With the notable exception of 
l-enin, the majority of the leading figures 
are Jews., Moreover, the principal inspira- 
tion and driving power comes from the 
Jewish leaders. Thus Tchitcherin, a pure 
Russian, is eclipsed by his nominal subordi- 
nate I.itvinoff, and the Influence of Russians 



like Bukharin or Lunachnrski cannot be 
compared with the power of Trotsky, or 
of Zinovtcff, the Dictator of the Red 
Citadel (Petrograd), or of Krassin or 
Radck — all Je\vs. In the Soviet institu- 
tions the predominance of Jews is even 
more astonishing. And the prominent, if not 
indeed the principal, part in the system r>f 
terrorism applied by the Extraordinary Com- 
missions for Combating Counter-Revolution 
has been taken by Jews, and in some notable 
cases bv Jewesses. The same evil promi- 
nence was obtained by Jews in the brief 
period of terror during which Beta Kun ruled 
in Hungary, The same phenomenon has 
been presented in Germany (especially in 
Bavaria), so far as this madness has been 
allowed to prey upon the temporary prostra- 
tion of the German people. Although in all 
these countries there arc many non-Jews 
every whit as bad as the worst of the Jewish 
revolutionaries, the part played by the latter 
in proportion to their numbers in the popula- 
tion is astonishing. 

" Protector of the Jews,'" 

Needless to say, the most intense passions 
of revenge have been excited in the breasts 
of the Rus.sian people. Wherever (u-nrral 
Denikin's authority could reach, protection 
was always accorded to the Jewish popula- 
tion, and strenuous efforts were made by bis 
officers to prevent reprisals and to punish 
those guilty of them. So much was this the 
case that the Petlurist propaganda against 
General Denikin denounced him as the 
Protector of the Jews. The Misses 
Healy, nieces of Mr. Tim Healv, in 
relating their personal experiences in 
Kieff, have declared that to their know- 
ledge on more than one occasion officers who 
committed offences against Jews were re- 
duced to the ranks and sent out of the city 
If. the front. But the hordes of brigands by 
whom the whole vast expanse of the Russian 
Empire is becoming infested do not hesitate 
to gratify their lust for blood and for revenge 
at the expense of the innocent Jewish popu- 
lation whenever an opportunity occurs. The 
brigand Makhno, the hordes of Pctlura.and 
of Gregorieff, who signalised their every suc- 
cess by the most brutal massacre*, every- 
where found among the half-stupefied, half- 
infuriated population an eager response to 
anti-Semitism in its worst and foulest forms. 

The fact that in many rases Jewish in- 
terests and Jewish places of worship arc ex- 
cepted bv the Bolsheviks from their universal 
hostility has tended more and more to asso- 
ciate the Jewish race in Russia with the vil- 
lainies which are now being perpetrated. 
This is an injustice on millions of helpless' rest- 



people, most of whom are themselves suf- 
ferers from the revolutionary regime. It be- 
comes, therefore, specially important to 
foster and develop any strongly-marked 
Jewish movement which leads directly away 
bom these fatal associations. And it is hero 
thai Zionism has such a deep significance for 
tin- whole world al the pivsenl limc- 

X Home for (he Jews. 

Zionism offers the third .sphere to the poli- 
Mt ill emu cptiuns of the Jewi.-di race, In vio- 
lent contrast in inii-rnalinrtal communism, it 
presents to (lu Jew a national idea of a com- 
manding chaiiuicr. It has fallen to the 
British Government, as the result of the con- 
quest of Palestine , Itj have the opportunity 
and the responsibility of securing for the 
b'uish rate all over the world a home and 
a centre of national life. The statesmanship 
ami historic sense of Mr, Balfour were 
piompi to seize this opportunity. Declara- 
tions have been made which have irrevocably 
deeded the policy of Great Britain. The 
lierv energies of Dr. W'eissmann, the leader, 
lor practical purposes, of the Zionist project, 
backed bv many of the most prominent 
British Jews, and supported by the full 
authority of Lord Allenhy, are all directed to 
achieving the success of this inspiring move- 
ment. 

Of course, Palestine is far too small to 
accommodate more than a fraction of the 
Jewish race, nor do the majority of national 
Jews wish to go there. But if, as mny well 
happen, there should be created in our own 
lifetime by the banks of the Jordan a Jewish 
State under the protection of the Brit'..'.. 
Crown, which might comprise three or four 
millions of Jews, an event would have 
occurred in the history of the world which 
would, from every point of view-, be bene- 
ficial, and would He especially in harmony 
with the truest interests of the British 
Kmpire. 

Zionism has already become a factor in 
the political convulsions of Russia, as a 
powerful competing influence in Bolshevik 
circles will) the international communistic 
svsiern. Nothing could be more significant 
tiian the fury widi which Trotsky has attacked 
Ihr Zionists generally, and Dr. Wcissmnnn 
in particular. The orin'l penetration of his 
mind leaves him in no doubt that his schemes 
ol a world-wide communistic State under 
Jewish domination urn directly thwarted and 
hindered by this new ideid, which directs the 
energies and the hopes of Jews in every land 
it, wards a simpler, a trurr, and a far more 
attainable goal. The struggle u'hieh is now 
beginning between the Zionist and Bolshevik 
Jews is little less than a struggle for the soul 
of the Jewish people. 

Duty of Loyal Jews. 

It is particularly important in these cir- 
eumstanees that the national Jews in every 
country who arc loyal to the land of their 
adoption should come forward on every occa- 
sion, as many of them in England have 
alreadv done, and take a prominent part in 
every measure for combating the Bolshevik 
conspiracy. In this way they wilt be able 
to vindicate the honour of the Jewish name 
and make it clear to all the world that the 
Bolshevik movement i* not a Jewish move- 
ment, but is repudiated vehemently by the 
great mass of the Jewish race. 

But a negative resistance tc Jolshcvism 
in any field is not enough. Positive and prac- 
ticable alternatives are needed in the moral 
a> well as in the social sphere; and in build- 
ing up with the utmost possible rapidity a 
Jewish national centre in Palestine which 
may become not only a refuge to the 
oppressed from the unhnppy lands of Central 
Kuropc, but which will also be a symbol ol 
Jewish unity and the temple of Jewish glory, 
a task is presented on which many blessings 



CHURCHILL'S relationship with the Jews changed markedly during his political career. 
In the 1920's and the early 1930's he was not afraid to criticize Jews occasionally — or to 
praise Hitler — but after receiving 150,000 pounds from Henry Strakosch in 1938 he 
thenceforth uttered only the most extravagant praise for Jews and the most vitriolic con- 
demnations of Hitler and Germany. Even as early as 1920, however, Churchill was careful 
to salt his criticisms of "bad Jews" and their destructive activities with obsequious 
references to "good Jews" and their supposed benevolence. This article in the Illustrated 
Sunday Herald of February 8, 1920, roused the Jews to a fury against Churchill, because it 
exposed communism as a Jewish plot for world domination. Churchill's praise of Zionism 
and his erroneous attribution of Christian morals and philosophy to Jews did little to salve 
their outrage. It is difficult to decide whether the rose-colored view of Zionism expressed 
here is due to naivete or hypocrisy. Perhaps he genuinely believed that Zionism was a 
movement "in harmony with the truest interests of the British Empire," rather than an 
alternative Jewish plot for world domination fully as evil and dangerous as communism; 



perhaps not. In any event, it is clear that, despite the fulsome Jew-fawning of the first few 
paragraphs of his article, Churchill was issuing a thinly veiled warning to the Jews in 
Britain: "Behave, or else; repudiate the communist activities and doctrines of your fellow 
Jews and help us keep the communist menace from taking over Britain, or we'll all know 
whom to blame." After 1938 Churchill never came close to making as frank a public state- 
ment on the Jewish problem as this; the struggle for his own soul had been decided, and 
the Jews were the victors. And having sold out to the Jews, Churchill then had no qualms 
about dealing with communists as well; he sat down with Joseph Stalin and planned the 
post-WW II dismemberment of the British Empire, There is one minor error in the article 
above: Lenin was actually at least one-quarter Jewish; and one major piece of hypocrisy: 
Churchill knew well that the "national" Jews he praised for their contribution to the 
British war effort actually came over to the British side only after helping their Zionist 
brethern extort from the British government a promise of aid in securing Palestine as ? 
future Jewish state. 



And as soon as Churchill 
changed his tune toward Hitler, 
the dark forces behind the scenes 
which had ignored him for 23 
years began pulling the right 
strings for him again. In Septem- 
ber 1939, immediately upon 
Britain's declaration of war 
against Germany — largely as a 
consequence of Churchill's in- 
sistent, demagogic oratory — he 
was again made first lord of the 
admiralty, the very post from 
which he had been forced in dis- 
grace 24 years earlier! This time, 
however, Churchill's reckless dis- 
regard for British lives and British 
welfare was to cost far more than 
the 100,000 casualties of his first 
fling at grand strategy. 

In May 1940 the strings were 
pulled once again, and Churchill 
became prime minister. Britain 
and her empire were now his to 
expend as profligately as he 
wished in the service of his new 
masters. And expend them he did. 
His sole aim was the destruction 
of Germany, regardless of the cost 
to Britain. 

This aim, dictated by the Jews 
he served, was poorly concealed 
behind a mask of false idealism. 
Churchill's ostensible motive in 
urging a declaration of war 
against Germany in September 
1939 had been the protection of 
Poland from German aggression, 



and his Parliamentary rhetoric on 
behalf of the poor Poles was loud 
and eloquent. When the Soviet 
Union invaded eastern Poland 
later that same month, however, 
Churchill angrily denounced those 
critics who suggested that his own 
agruments for a declaration of 
war against Germany applied 
equally well now to a British 
declaration of war against the 
Soviets. Obviously, Churchill had 
no intention of using the sauce for 
the goose as sauce for the gander. 
Churchill repeatedly rejected 
peace offers from Germany in 
1940 and 1941, even siding with 
the Labor members of the cabinet 
against his own party when the 
other Conservatives in the cabinet 
wanted to end the war. When 
Hitler's deputy, Rudolf Hess, 
flew to England on a solo peace 
mission in May 1941, Churchill 
had him immediately arrested and 
held incommunicado. (Hess re- 
mains in solitary confinement, to 
this day.) 

Churchill was a participant in 
the wartime strategy conferences 
with Roosevelt and Stalin at 
which a new division of the 
world's territory and resources 
was mapped out. In this division 
of the spoils of war Britain was 
sadly shortchanged, but Churchill 
was unperturbed. With a big cigar 
clenched in his teeth and suffused 



with the warm glow of expensive 
brandy, he merely flashed his two- 
finger "victory" sign, and his 
media cheering section waxed 
ecstatic about his "statesman- 
ship." Whatever he did was now 
beyond criticism — and this in- 
cluded his utterly cynical acqui- 
escence in the handing over of 
Poland to Stalin after the war, 
thus revealing once again the 
hypocrisy of his avowed war aim 
in 1939: to save Polish freedom. 

One of Churchill's last acts of 
"statesmanship" at the behest of 
the Jews was his insistence on the 
massive Anglo-American terror 
raid on Dresden in February 1945, 
a hate-inspired act of Jewish 
vengeance against the German 
people which cost the lives of 
approximately 200,000 men, 
women, and children and served 
no military purpose whatever. 

In the postwar years the sun set 
on one portion after another of 
the British Empire, and the entire 
process of disintegration was set 
in motion by Churchill in his 
reckless disregard of British 
interests during the seven-year 
period, 1938-1945, when he served 
an alien master. Yet, the establish- 
ment history texts continue to 
heap lavish praise on Churchill, 
extolling his "greatness." [f 
there is anything truly remarkable 



that Winston Churchill should be 
remembered for, it is his success 
in raising the price of treason 



from 30 pieces of siLver 
pounds sterling. 

[Issue No, 



to 150,000 
54,. 1977) 



: ; 




WINNIE AND JOE, bosom pals. Churchill posed for this arm-in-arm 
picture with Stalin in the Kremlin in August 1942. He apparently 
swallowed his former hatred of the Bolsheviks while he was in the 
service of the Jews — unless thai hatred was as phoney as everything else 
in his life. 



Sociobiology: The Truth at Last 



The August 1 issue of TIME 
magazine carried a six-page cover 
story on sociobiology, which is 
just a fancy name for the biologi- 
cal study of groups of interacting 
organisms — including human 
societies. 

The TIME story has many 
flaws. In addition to its inevitable 
bias, it treats its subject in the 
typically jazzy, junky style we 
have come to expect whenever one 
of the controlled media gets its 
grubby paws on something of real 
value. Yet, the TIME editors left 
enough solid truth in their story 
that the intelligent reader must 
scratch his head and wonder 
whether they have suddenly de- 
veloped suicidal tendencies; the 
article is a loaded and cocked 
revolver pointed straight at their 
black hearts. 

Of course, it is possible that the 
media masters are too busy count- 
ing their shekels these days to 
worry about the deeper implica- 
tions of some of the things they 
allow to appear in print. In any 
event, they do include in the 
sociobiology article a sampling of 
the rantings of their "court 
scientists," all of whom viciously 
denounce sociobioLogy and the 
scientists working in this disci- 
pline; "Dangerously racist," 
screams Harvard's 1984-style 
Committee Against Racism; 
"genetic capitalism," scoffs the 
University of Chicago's Marxist- 
Jewish anthropologist Marshall 
Sahlins; "bullshit," exclaims 
Harvard's worried neo-Lamarck- 
ian biologist Richard Lewontin. 

The simple reason for the 
intemperate denunciations — and 
the reason why TIME Managing 
Editor Henry Gmnwald erred 
badly in judgment when he OK'd 
the article — is that the already 
shaky credibility of the entire 



pseudoscientific rationalization 
for current liberal dogmas on 
racial equality and human nature 
can be sustained only so long as 
those dogmas are scrupulously 
shielded from any contact with 
scientific truth. Recent develop- 
ments in sociobiological research 
put the racial equalitarians and 
the "environment is everything" 
mycologists in the same unten- 
able position in which Darwin's 
theory of evolution put the 
believers in Genesis a century ago. 

Despite TIME'S headline de- 
scription of sociobiology as "A 
New Theory of Behavior," the 
discipline is not really new. Dar- 
win himself laid the cornerstone 
of sociobiology in his little-known 
"third book," The Expression of 
the Emotions in Man and Ani- 
mals, published in 1872. Since 
then many scientists have ex- 
plored one aspect or another of 
group evolution. Three decades 
ago the eminent British anthro- 
pologist, embryologist, and ana- 
tomist, Sir Arthur Keith, pub- 
lished his A New Theory of 
Human Evolution, dealing with 
the genetic basis of altruism, 
xenophobia, and other inherited 
social traits. What is new is the 
emergence of the sociobiologists 
from their closets after more than 
30 years of moral intimidation. 

In the 1930's the Jews and their 
liberal camp followers in the bio- 
logical sciences were terrified that 
the racial and eugenic programs 
of the National Socialists in 
Germany would gain wide popu- 
lar support in America, England, 
and elsewhere. Among German 
National Socialists were a number 
of very able sociobiologists, and, 
in fact, National Socialism may 
properly be thought of as applied 
sociobiology extended into the 
political realm. 



The response of the Jews and 
the liberals to this very real threat 
to their goal of a mulatto world of 
universal "equality" was twofold: 
they greatly stepped up the pro- 
motion of their contrived pseudo- 
science of racial equality and pure 
environmenialism; and they 
launched a campaign of slander 
and intimidation unprecedented 
in intensity and viciousness 
against their opponents in the 
scientific world — which is to say, 
against all honest biologists and 
anthropologists working in areas 
considered taboo by the pseudo- 
scientists. 

The Jewish anthropologist 
Franz Boas (1858-1942), who 
since early in the century had been 
boosting the Lamarckian thesis of 
direct environmental action on the 
germ plasm with spurious studies 
of the somatic changes wrought 
by the North American environ- 
ment on immigrants from Europe 
and their descendants, became 
one of the principal actors in the 
pseudoscience campaign. Solidly 
entrenched in New York City's 
Columbia University, Boas train- 
ed a whole generation of Jewish 
students in his phony "sceince" 
— Mel Herskovits, Otto Kline- 
berg, Gene Weltfish, Ashley 
Montagu — and then relied on the 
Jewish publicity apparatus to 
build their reputations as "schol- 
ars." Montagu, in particular, 
served as a popularizer of the 
racial-equality myths of the Boas 
school of anthropology, churning 
out literally hundreds of books 
and pamphlets on the subject, all 
of which were immediately put 
into wide circulation by allies in 
the educational and publishing 
hierarchies. 

The outbreak of the Second 
World War gave the pseudo- 
scientists an advantage in sitene- 





CHARLES DARWIN demolished 
one Jewish myth, and bis suc- 
cessors are now finding the 
courage to tackle another: that of 
the infinite malleability of human 
nature. 

ing their critics which they ex- 
ploited with true chutzpah: any- 
one who questioned their doc- 
trines or who dared to report 
scientific findings contrary to the 
liberal- Jewish doctrine of racial 
equality and the infinite malle- 
ability of human nature was 
accused of having Nazi tendencies 
and being subversive. 

In the immediate postwar years 
the myth of the "six million 
gassed Jews" was given an enorm- 
ous buildup by the controlled 
media, and the pseudoscientists 
never hesitated to suggest that 
anyone who accepted the scien- 
tific facts which the German 
National Socialists had accepted 
must share the Nazis' "guilt." To 



ASHLEY MONTAGU has been 
the foremost propagandist for the 
alien-liberal coalition promoting 
the myths of environ mentallsm 
and racial equality. 

cite evidence, for example, that 
Blacks and Whites are not only 
physically different but also psy- 
chically different, implying that 
racial differences in behavior are, 
to a large extent, genetically 
determined, was considered 
equivalent to putting on a Nazi 
armband and calling for the 
extermination of all Blacks. 

Jewish gas-chamber propagan- 
da is still trotted out regularly by 
hecklers at lectures by the Uni- 
versity of California's psycholo- 
gist Arthur Jensen and Stanford 
University's physicisl-turned- 
geneticist William Shockley, both 
of whom have presented hard 
evidence that Negro mental In- 
feriority is hereditary. After mou- 
th an 30 years, however, the 
time-worn fables of the Nazis' 
human soap and lampshades have 
lost much of their bite, and iince 
Jensen's courageous first venture 
into taboo territory in 1969 cloz- 



94 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



95 



ens of other scientists have 
followed. 

One of the greatest shames of 
our race is that, as a whole, we 
showed so little moral backbone 
for so long. We allowed ourselves 
to be intimidated by an alien gang 
of hucksters posing as scientists 
into going along with their sup- 
pression of truth and promotion 
of self-serving lies for nearly 40 
years. What makes the shame 
even greater is that we displayed 
our cowardice most abjectly in the 



very places we have always most 
proudly boasted of our bold and 
fearless independence: in our 
great universities, 

Out of the thousands of our 
scholars who saw through the 
Jewish-liberal fakery, only a 

handful had the courage to chal- 
lenge the liars, deceivers, and 
obscurantists openly, The vast 
majority swallowed their. pride — 
and their honor — and put salary 
and social acceptance ahead of 
their obligation to truth and their 



people. Even today a substantial 
portion of our most distinguished, 
degree-laden savants tremble in 
fear that someone may publicly 
label them "bigots" or "Nazis," 
and they nervously hasten to 
assure anyone who will listen that 
they are not really racists. 

The recent work of Harvard 
sociobiologist Edward Wilson and 
others which is cited in TIME is a 
welcome new wave of truth over 
the top- of the dam of lies, censor- 
ship, and repression, but it is only 



a precursor of the flood which will 
follow as the dam inevitably 
crumbles under the growing pres- 
sure behind it, and the alien filth 
is swept away forever in a 
cleansing rush. 

The great science of life, the 
foundations of which were laid by 
Charles Darwin and Gregor 
(Johann) Mendel more than a 
hundred years ago, will finally be 
free of the fetters placed on it by 
evil men and their soul-sick 
disciples. Our people will then 



have at their disposal a mighty 
tool in their never-ending quest 
for their unlimited Destiny, a too) 
which will transform not only the 
lives of our children and our 
children's children, but all of 
Creation. 

(Issue No. 55, 1977) 



American Consumption, Conservation, 

& the Third World 



Part I; Imports and Third World Relations 



The current dispute over the 
world energy crisis is concerned 
with only one facet of a much 
larger issue involving all the 
world's natural resources and the 
rate and manner in which they 
should be exploited — as well as 
by and for whom. Nevertheless, 
the ideological aspects of the 
energy crisis mirror very faithfully 
those of the larger issue, and a 
preliminary look at the various 
positions on the energy crisis 
serves as a useful introduction to 
the larger issue. 

Among those Americans who 
have expressed themselves pub- 
licly on the energy crisis we can 
recognize the following factions: 

Conservative Materialism 

#The belittlers or pooh-poohers. 
These people believe the energy 
crisis is greatly exaggerated, if not 
altogether fictitious. Their belief 
tends to have elements of wishful 
thinking in it, since they see the 
energy crisis, genuine or not, as a 
threat to their incomes or life- 
styles. 

Some of them are just plain, 
middle-class folks who own small 
businesses which are being 
squeezed by rising fuel costs. 
Others have been saving their 
money for years to treat the 
family to one of Detroit's two- 
and-a-half-ton, air-conditioned, 
chrome-plated, stereo-equipped 
gas-guzzlers, and now they see 
their dream of motorized luxury 
being rudely snatched away. 

AH of them have learned the 
hard way never to believe 
anything the government or the 
mass media tell them, and so they 
are naturally suspicious that 
Jimmy Carter's call for them to 
tighten their belts is some sort of 
con and that the sacrifices being 
demanded of them, however 
minimal, are not really necessary. 

Conspiracy Theorists 

At one extreme among the be- 
littlers are the conspirarcy theo- 
rists of the Birch Society type, 
who are certain that the whole 
energy crisis has been concocted 
by the international bankers (the 
"Bilderbergers") to further enrich 
themselves and to provide an ex- 
cuse for various "socialist" 
schemes, such as the Carter 
administration's energy-saving 
plan. (They are also certain that 
fluoridation is a communist plot 
to poison America's drinking 
water and that the American 



Medical Association has con- 
spired with the Food and Drug 
Administration to keep Laetrile 
off the market so that doctors can 
make more money performing 
cancer surgery on little old ladies. 
Unscrupulous right-wing 
hucksters have encouraged both 
these beliefs.) 

At the other extreme are the 
utterly cynical corporate capital- 
ists who, as long as they find it 
cheaper to lobby than to switch, 
will continue practices which are 
wasteful of energy and will con- 
tinue justifying themselves by 
claiming there really is no energy 
shortage. 

Liberal Guilt Complex 

#The Chicken Littles, who not 
only believe the sky will fall on us 
if we continue to guzzle energy 
but hope it will. The statistic they 
most like to cite is that the per 
capita consumption of energy in 
the United States is umpteen times 
what it is in the People's Republic 
of the Congo. 

Most Chicken Littles just have 
the vaguely guilty feeling that it's 
not right for White Americans to 
use more than their fair share of 
the world's limited resources of 
oil and gas. Some, however, have 
worked out a whole theology of 
guilt and retribution, centered 
around the dogma that every crea- 
ture which qualifies as "human" 
is ipso facto "equal" and entitled 
to the same life-style as every 
other such creature. And when- 
ever one group of people uses 
energy (or any other resource), 
that's just so much that's no 
longer available for everyone else. 

Actually Chicken Littles are not 
so much concerned with eliminat- 
ing excess consumption as they 
are with transferring consumption 
from the wealthy, developed, 
White nations of the world to the 
poor, undeveloped, non-White 
nations. 

Back to Nature 

#The anti-technology cultists. 
They don't know whether the 
energy crisis is real or not, but if it 
will mean fewer automobiles and 
SST's, they're for it, They don't 
think it would be a bad thing for 
ail Americans to live the way the 
Amish farmers of Pennsylvania 
do, by horsepower and muscle- 
power alone, 

#The technocrats. They agree 
that we will shortly exhaust the 
world's petroleum reserves if we 




THE NON-WHITE WORLD has its hand out for the wealth which the White race has generated— and Is 
alone capable of generating. But the more aid the White world gives to tbe non-White world, the more bands 
there are held out. Nor is "development" a solution to this dilemma. That neither helps the non-Whites, In 
the long run, nor does It ultimately make the world safer for us. The only proper course of action is to let tbe 
Third World sink back to Its own level, and Nature will limit non-White numbers In the way it always has. 



keep consuming them at an ever- 
increasing rate, as we have been, 
but they are sure that, in a larger 
sense, there is no energy crisis. 
That's because there are many 
readily available energy sources 
besides petroleum, and we merely 
need a proper national energy 
program to develop these alter- 
nate sources. Then we can not 
only continue increasing our per 
capita energy consumption indefi- 
nitely, but we can also keep the 
Third World happy by showing it 
how to do likewise. 



Only Elections Matter 

#Jimmy Carter. He doesn't 
really have an ideological position 
on the energy crisis, although 
most (but not all) of his proposals 
seem to mesh most smoothly with 
the technocratic position. His 
only real aim is to convince the 
American electorate that he is 
concerned and that he is doing 
everything he can, and then to do 
just enough to stave off any real 
effects of the energy crisis until he 
is safely through his second term. 



This means an energy program 
which throws a few bones to each 
of the above-mentioned factions 
without making too many voters 
in any one faction unhappy. 
That's a hard prescription to fill. 
The pooh-poohers will scream 
bloody murder at every new fuel 
tax or energy-saving regulation, 
all of which they see as unneces- 
sary. The Chicken Littles and the 
technocrats, on the other hand, 
will be continually pressing for 
real and substantial changes, 
although in somewhat different 
directions. 

Nuclear Blunder 

So far, Mr. Carter's record is 
rather poor. His "energy pack- 
age," now being worked over by 
the Congress, has very little 
substance to it — but just enough 
to raise a howl from the 
pooh-poohers, individual and 
corporate. And the bone he threw 
to the antitechnology cultists a 
few months ago when he an- 
nounced his intention to halt 
breeder reactor development was 
an incredibly bad blunder which 



has caused many technocrats to 
wonder about his intelligence. 

What is the concerned patriot 
to make of all this? One difficulty 
with which he is immediately con- 
fronted is the question of whose 
facts and figures to believe. The 
oil companies, the corporate 
pooh-poohers, the government, 
and the other factions are all pre- 
pared to lie outrageously to sup- 
port their particular positions as 
to the nature and severity of the 
energy crisis. 

Nevertheless, there is a fair 
amount of credible evidence avail- 
able to provide certain broad 
guidelines for the intelligent 
observer. One thing the evidence 
shows quite clearly is that there is 
much more to the energy crisis 
than a conspiracy to drive oil and 
gas prices up by claiming a short- 
age which doesn't exist. 

Oil Shortage Real 

The oil companies have one aim 
in life, and that is to make as 
much money for themselves as 
possible. They would hardly have 
coughed up nearly ten billion 



dollars to build a pipeline to bring 
oil across Alaska from the Arctic 
Ocean if that oil were readily 
available in Texas or Louisiana. 
And if there were enough oil in 
the ground on this side of the 
world so that we didn't have to 
bring in well over 70 percent of 
our imported oil from the Eastern 
Hemisphere, you can be sure that 
some of the people who are so 
concerned about U.S. dependence 
on Arab oil would have let us 
know about it, since these people 
include the masters of our news 
media. 

It is a fact that the producing oil 
fields in the United States are 
being rapidly depleted. It is a fact 
that the United States already has 
been rather extensively explored 
in the search for new oil fields. It 
is a fact that current production 
capacity in the United States is far 
below current demand, and that 
demand grows every year; there is 
no way the oil companies can 
immediately supply all U.S. oil 
needs simply by opening some 
valves they have kept closed in 
order to force the price up. 

It is also a fact, however, that if 
Americans are willing to pay 
enough for gasoline, several new 
sources can be developed. At 
prices from two to five times the 
current levels, gasoline can be 
produced from oil shale, tar 
sands, and coal (via hydrogena- 
tion). And it is also a fact that 
automobiles can be made to run 
on other fuels — ethyl alcohol, 
for example — just as many 
industrial users of petroleum can 
switch to coal or synthetic fuels, if 
they are willing to pay enough. 

Thus, the energy problem is, in 
a sense, really an economic prob- 
lem. Despite real and increasingly 
severe petroleum shortages, plenty 
of energy is and will continue to 
be available — if we can pay for 
it. The ultimate cost of a future 
energy supply, both to individual 
Americans in terms of changes in 
life-style and standard of living 
and to America as a whole in 
terms of national security and 
sovereignty, depends entirely 
upon the wisdom and determina- 
tion with which a long-range 
energy program is formulated and 
implemented during the next few 
years. 

More than Economics 

But much more than dollars- 
and-cents economics is involved in 
such a program. It is because 
economics has been practically the 
sole determinant of American 
energy policy to this point that we 
now have a crisis. And if corpo- 
rate balance sheets and the aver- 
age voter's wallet continue to 
dictate energy policy in the future, 
we are headed for total disaster. 

Consider, for example, our 
imports of foreign petroleum, 
which now amount to approxi- 
mately half of our total con- 
sumption. People (including those 
on the ATTACK! editorial staff) 
have been warning for years of the 
dangers to our national security 
inherent in this growing depend- 
ence, and the Middle East oil 
embargo of 1973-1974 caused by 
Washington's support of Israeli 
war aims succeeded in convincing 
most Americans that these warn- 
ings are valid. Nevertheless, the 
percentage of our dally petroleum 
consumption which is imported 
continues to grow, and the per- 
centage of that imported petro- 
leum which comes from the 



Middle East continues to grow 
even faster than the rest. And the 
sole reason is that gasoline at the 
pump in American cities which is 
refined from imported crude oil is 
cheaper than that gasoline would 
be if it came entirely from our 
own crude oil or hydrogenated 
coal or oil shale or what have you. 

Democracy Inadequate 

So, despite the widespread con- 
viction that it's dangerous for us 
to be so dependent on oil imports 
— and the danger would still 
exist, though to a lesser degree, if 
we succeeded in getting the Israeli 
incubus off our backs — our great 
and wonderful free-enterprise 
system and our democratic gov- 
ernment can do nothing about it. 
Any American oil company which 
unilaterally made the decision to 
refrain from selling gasoline re- 
fined from imported oil would be 
out of business in a hurry, because 
American consumers would buy 
all their gasoline from its competi- 
tors at lower prices, 

And we have yet to see the Con- 
gress or the President with the 
courage to force all the oil com- 
panies to switch to domestic 
energy sources; despite all their 
brave talk about belt-tightening, 
they know they would lose the 
next election to politicans promis- 
ing to bring gasoline prices back 
down by returning to our depend- 
ence upon imports. 

This simple example of the 
problem of reducing oil imports 
implicitly introduces, in addition 
to the interdependence of eco- 
nomic and national-security con- 
siderations, the relationship 
between consumption and the 
erosion of national character. It 
raises the extraordinarily interest- 
ing questions of how a nation can, 
and to what extent it should, 
voluntarily pull in the reins on 
self-indulgence, rather than wait- 
ing for the inexorable law of 
supply and demand to do it 
instead. 

A Broader Problem 

And it also brings us to a good 
point for broadening the scope of 
our considerations to include all 
the world's natural resources, not 
just petroleum. At the same time, 
we must necessarily limit our- 
selves here to a single aspect of the 
complex and multifaceted subject 
we have introduced, on which 
several large volumes could easily 
be written. Let us try to find at 
least a partial answer to this one 
question: In view of the growing 
world population, the growing 
world demand for natural re- 
sources, the diminishing supply of 
these resources, and the growing 
political instability and anti- 
White hostility in the so-called 
"Third World" countries where 
many of these resources are 
located, what should be the policy 
of White Americans toward 
American consumption of natural 
resources, toward conservation, 
and toward American relations 
with the Third World? 

Regarding consumption and 
conservation, we find a roughly 
similar array of factions to those 
previously enumerated in regard 
to the energy crisis. We have the 
self-centered pooh-poohers, who 
are generally in favor of unres- 
strained exploitation and con- 
sumption and suspiciously regard 
most conservation efforts as 
"socialistic"; the guilt-ridden 



Chicken Littles, who are scandal- 
ized by the White man's consump- 
tion of the lion's share of the 
world's resources; the anti-tech- 
nology cultists, whose ranks ex- 
tensively overlap those of various 
conservation and anti-develop- 
ment movements, ranging from 
the Sierra Clubbers to the 
anti-strip miners and anti-nuclear 
plant protesters; the always- 
optimistic technocrats, who can 
find a substitute for every 
threatened resource and reduce 
every shortage to a purely eco- 
nomic problem; and Jimmy 
Carter and the other politicians, 
who are not at all concerned with 
consumption and conservation 
per se, but only with the effects 
these things have on elections. 

Regarding relations with the 
Third World, the array is some- 
what reduced: The Third World is 
too far away for the pooh- 
poohers to concern themselves 
with it; and Third Worlders are 
too desperately concerned with 
trying to escape from the inexor- 
able laws of Nature to have any 
interest whatever in the back-to- 
Nature schemes of the anti-tech- 
nology crowd. 

That leaves Jimmy and the 
Congress trying to steer a middle 
course between the Chicken 
Littles on the one hand, with their 
dire (and masochistically hopeful) 
warnings of an exploited Third 
World boiling out of its bounda- 
ries under the pressure of an ex- 
ploding population to wreak 
vengeance against its White 
exploiters and claim its "fair 
share" of everything; and the 
technocrats on the other hand, 
who are convinced that science 
can raise the Third Worlders' 
living standard to a par with ours, 
thus sublimating their hostility 
and assuring us of a continued 
supply of imported raw materials 
(not to mention new markets for 
our mass-produced consumer 
junk). 

Non-White Impotence 

It is difficult to say which of 
these attitudes is the more foolish 
and harmful. The Chicken Littles' 



warnings about the wrath of the 
Third Worlders are based on the 
tacit and wholly false assumption 
that the non-White swarms of this 
earth have the inherent capability 
for implementing their wrathful 
designs against the White world. 
The technocrats' plans for Third 
World prosperity compound this 
error with the additional false 
assumptions, first, that to raise 
the living standards of non- 
Whites by giving them the benefits 
of White science and technology is 
to do them a favor and, second, 
that they will be grateful for the 
favor. 

Liberals love to cite the Ameri- 
can defeat in Vietnam (and the 
draw 20 years earlier in Korea) as 
"proof" that the West is militarily 
susceptible to non-White hostility. 
Both those conflicts were phony, 
however, in that American arms 
were tightly hedged by political 
restrictions which made American 
victory impossible. Even with 
non-nuclear weapons American 
forces, had they been permitted 
by the politicans, could have 
annihilated North Korea and 
North Vietnam. 

Israel and China 

Today the only non-White 
country in the world which poses 
a threat to the White world is 
Israel, and that threat is wholly 
dependent on the existence of 
Jewish "fifth columns" inside the 
various White nations rather than 
on any inherent strength of Israel 
itself. 

China, of course, may very well 
become a real threat in the near 
future, if the Chinese continue to 
increase their capability for 
waging nuclear war. We will have 
only ourselves to blame for that 
eventuality, however. Were it not 
for an American foreign policy 
aimed at balancing China against 
the Soviet Union, the Russians 
would be more than happy to pre- 
emptively solve the Chinese prob- 
lem immediately and for all time. 

In general, no Third World 
country, in Africa, Asia, or else- 
where, has any genuinely inherent 
capability for forcing its desires 



on any White country — even on 
tiny Rhodesia — except through 
the use of White technology. 
Without modern weapons derived 
from the White man's science, no 
non-Whites, including the 
Chinese, could pose the slightest 
threat to the White world. 

Many of the races of Asia have 
the capability for sustaining a 
technological civilization and for 
producing and even improving 
their own tools and weapons — 
but not for creating the original 
scientific basis of such a civiliza- 
tion. In every case the White man 
has supplied the basis, textbook 
references to the Chinese inven- 
tion of gunpowder and ink 
notwithstanding. Furthermore, no 
non-White race — not even the 
exceptionally clever and indus- 
trious Japanese — is a match for 
the White race in its ability to 
develop and refine a technology 
from a given scientific basis. 

Black Civilization Illusory 

As for the non-Whites of 
Africa, the Caribbean, and the 
Pacific, they do not even have the 
capability for sustaining a tech- 
nological civilization. Telephones, 
radio and television broadcasting, 
aircraft, electrical power genera- 
tion, reasonably modern factor- 
ies, oil refineries, automobiles, et 
cetera in the Black African 
countries which boast some or all 
of these things today are totally 
illusory. 

Not only did the Blacks not 
create these things for themselves, 
but they cannot even keep them 
running without continuous 
White help and supervision — and 
this is so whether there exists an 
educated, or "Westernized," 
class of Blacks in the country or 
not. In every case where Whites 
have withdrawn all support from 
a Black area, the White man's 
machinery has very soon there- 
after ground to a halt. In particu- 
lar, no Black nation can, without 
continuous White help, produce 
the machine guns, rockets, and 
other weapons — not to mention 
such things as tanks and aircra 




INDIA has had the advantages of White science and technology for 200 years, but a million Indians still eat, 
sleep, copulate, and die on the sidewalks of Calcutta. The White man has taught the Indian everything that it 
is possible to teach him, but that neither transforms the Indian into a White man nor makes it possible for 
him to adapt in a healthy way to a culture and life-style fundamentally alien to the Indian people. 



96 

— required to successfully oppose 
the White man's will. 

Thus, with the exception of 
Israel and China, no non-White 
country can pose a major threat to 
the White world, unless we our- 
selves supply the means. There is 
no substance at all to the liberal 
bogey of the Third World rising 
up — of its own accord — and 
demanding a "fair share*' of any- 
thing from the White man. The 
only danger to us from Third 
World hostility can be of our own 
making. The non-Whites of this 
world can take from us only what 
we are willing for them to have — 
or unwilling to fight them for. 

The latter possibility, of course, 
is a moral problem rather than a 
material one. That it is, neverthe- 
less, a very real problem has been 
pointed out time and again in 
ATTACKl, including the last 
issue, And its reality is being 
proved today by, among other 
things, the disgustingly weak- 
kneed White resistance to de- 
mands that large chunks of the 
United States be given back to the 
Indians. But, for the moment, we 
are confining ourselves here to 
material problems. 

A Realistic Attitude 

Not only are the claims without 
substance that we must share our 
wealth with the Third World in 
order to protect ourselves from 
their hungry and desperate masses 
in the future, but so is the present 
American belief in the need to buy 
the good will of Black African 
and other non-White countries in 
order to maintain our trade 
privileges with them and prevent 
the growth of Soviet influence. 

America's founding fathers had 
a much more realistic attitude 
toward non-Whites than the one 
which determines government 
policy today. Washington, Jeffer- 
son, Franklin, and others re- 
garded non-Whites simply as a 
natural resource, much as they 
regarded timber, coal, and iron 
ore. They certainly did not place 
them in the same category with 
Whites, bound or free, and they 
explicitly spelled out their convic- 
tion in this regard in the 
Constitution (Article I, Section 2, 
paragraph 3). 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



persuading them to trade in their 
natural cultures and life-styles for 
the technological civilization of 
the White man. Even hard-headed 
businessmen feel compelled to 
justify their exploitation of natur- 
al resources in non-White areas by 
doing everything they can to 
hasten this process of "develop- 
ment," 

As has already been pointed 
out, "development" in Africa 
and in some other non-White 
areas is illusory. But the illusion 
feeds on itself. When Blacks have 
been taught to speak proper 
English, to wear coats and ties, 
and to drive automobiles, it 
becomes even easier for us to 
project our own sensibilities and 
aspirations onto them and to 
convince ourselves that we are 
"doing good" by pretending that 
they are just dark-skinned ver- 
sions of ourselves. 

In other non-White areas — 
those inhabited by races with the 



capability for sustaining a tech- 
nological civilization — White- 
induced development is more than 
self-deceiving folly; it is positively 
dangerous. India cannot yet do 
much damage with her nuclear 
bomb — but she may be able to in 
the future, if we keep helping her 
to solve her other problems. A 
billion starving and desperate 
Indians are far less a menace to 
the White world than are 500 
million moderately hungry 
Indians. 

Summary 

We may summarize the issue of 
relations with the Third World 
thus: "development" is, in no 
instance, in our interest. Where 
trade is necessary, let it continue 
for the moment. But until we have 
cured ourselves of the delusion 
that we must, or should, deal with 
non-Whites as we deal with 
Whites, or that we must compete 



with the Soviet Union for the 
"friendship" of non-Whites in 
order to obtain their natural 
resources, we should make every 
effort to develop self-sufficiency, 
not only in petroleum but in every 
other resource which we now 
obtain from the Third World. 

Both aspects of that task — 
curing our delusion and develop- 
ing domestic (or, at least, White) 
self-sufficiency — are primarily 
moral in nature rather than 
material. In the next issue we will 
look at the moral problem of 
attaining self-sufficiency, and we 
will attempt to answer the first 
part of the question posed earlier, 
namely: What should our policy 
be toward the consumption and 
conservation of our own re- 
sources? 

(Issue No. 55, 1977) 



An Environmental Hazard 

With slavery now an econom- 
ically and technologically obsolete 
institution, Blacks have lost their 
value as a natural resource, and 
they should be regarded instead as 
an environmental hazard, to be 
left to themselves so long as they 
behave and do not get in the way 
(and do not constitute a racial 
pollutant, as in America). Other- 
wise, they should be dealt with as 
we deal with other environmental 
hazards: mosquitoes, for 
example. 

In particular, we should under- 
stand that the natural resources in 
which the White world has an 
interest, whether Nigerian oil or 
Zairean copper, don't "belong" 
to the non-Whites who happen to 
be squatting on the land above 
them any more than they "be- 
long" to the antelopes or the 
chimpanzees there. In a few cases, 
where the harvesting of a resource 
requires no skills and where the 
climate is especially unhealthy for 
Whites, it may make sense to 
establish trade relations with 
non-Whites. In most cases, how- 
ever, the preferable course is to 
avoid all relations with non- 
Whites and to allow them to 
remain in their natural state. 

"White Man's Burden" 

A century ago most Whites 
seemed to understand this, and we 
conducted our foreign affairs 
accordingly. Even then, however, 
moral rot had begun to set in, in 
the form of the missionary 
syndrome: an irrational belief in 
the "White man's burden" which 
compelled us to make non- Whites 
stop eating each other, begin 
wearing the White man's clothes 
and aping the White man's 
manners, and exchange their 
superstitions for the White man's. 
And all the while we told 
ourselves we were "helping" 
them. 

Today the missionary syndrome 
has changed its form — and 
metastasized. Saving non-White 
souls has become secondary to the 
mission of leading non-Whites by 

the hand to a "developed" status NON-WHITES who formerly lived naked in the jungle have now been given the "benefits" of civilization: 
— i.e., transforming them into electricty, a tin roof over their heads, an urban life-style— and the medicine and food which have allowed 
dark-skinned White men and them to increase their numbers a thousandfold. But have we really "helped" them? 




Are the Courts Decriminalizing R 



Many ATTACKl readers have 
complained that the picture of life 
in Jew-dominated America six 
years hence which is presented in 
The Turner Diaries is too far- 
fetched: for example, the predic- 
tion in the eighth episode that in 
the 1980's rape will, for all 
practical purposes, be decrimi- 
nalized. Now, in view of several 
recent events, it looks like author 
Andrew Macdonald actually may 
be a few years behind the times! 

The most notorious of those 
recent events was, of course, the 
refusal in May of Madison, Wis., 
Judge Archie Simonson to punish 
a 15-year-old Negro male who 
brutally raped a 16-year-old 
White girl in the hallway of an 
integrated Madison high school 
while two other Negroes held the 
girl down. In releasing the rapist, 
Judge Simonson commented that 
the young Black had only done 
what comes naturally: "Should 
we punish a 15- or 16-year-old boy 
who reacts to the prevalent 



atmosphere of sexual permissive- 
ness normally?" 

There was a predictable out- 
burst of indignation against 
Simonson from Whites in Madi- 
son (which was predictably de- 
nounced as "racist" by the local 
NAACP spokesman), but subse- 
quent events in Washington and 
Los Angeles indicate that Judge 
Simonson is more closely attuned 
to the temper of the times than his 
critics are. 

On June 29 the Supreme Court 
ruled 7 to 2 that the imposition of 
the death penalty for'the crime of 
rape constitutes "cruel and un- 
usual punishment" and, there- 
fore, is un-Constitutional. The 
court noted that in the case of 
rape death is a punishment 
"grossly disproportionate to the 
crime." Supreme Court Justice 
Byron R, White ( a JFK 
appointee) added that, "in terms 
of moral depravity and injury , . . 
rape does not compare with 
murder . . , rape by definition 
does not include the death or even 



/he serious injury of another 
person." 

NAACP lawyer David E. 
Kendall applauded the Supreme 
Court's action and, noting that 90 
per cent of the 455 rapists 
executed in the United States since 
1930 have been Negroes, jubi- 
lantLy commented that "one of 
the most shameful and racist 
chapters in the history" of 
America is now closed. 

Then on July 20 in Los Angeles 
the California Court of Appeals 
referred to the same atmosphere 
of permissiveness invoked by 
Judge Simonson when it reversed 
the conviction of a man for raping 
a woman hitchiker. Noting that 
"it may not speak well of the pre- 
vailing standard of morality," 
Justice Lynn D. Compton said: 
"Under such circumstances it 
would not be unreasonable for the 
defendant here to believe that the 
female would consent to sexual 
relations." 

The next step will be for Ameri- 
ca's courts, as anxious to stay 





<* 



JUSTICE WHITE 

1 'Rape (is not a) serious Injury. ' ' 

'with it" as to avoid the taint of 
racism," to note that to rape a 
woman, so long as the rapist 
doesn't kill her in the process, is 
really equivalent to twisting some- 
one's arm or, at worst, to punch- 
ing someone in the nose. After all, 
the Supreme Court has already 
ruled that rape does not constitute 



JUDGE SIMONSON 

"Rape is a normal reaction. . . " 

"serious injury." And to punish 
someone for violating a woman's 
honor would be terribly old fas- 
hioned and "sexist" — ■ not to 
mention "racist," 90 per cent of 
the time. 

(Issue No. 55, 1977} 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

The Men of the Alamo 



97 



As the dusk gathered in the 
early evening of March 5, 1836, 
William Travis mustered the 183 
men under his command on the 
dusty plaza of the Alamo, a 
fortress-like former Spanish mis- 
sion. As the assembled Texans 
listened intently, the lanky officer 
outlined the situation. He made 
explicit what everyone already 
knew: there was little hope of 
surviving the onslaught of the 
4,000-strong Mexican army which 
surrounded the fortress. They 
could hope for no further relief. 

Then he did something strange. 
As the men watched curiously, 
Travis drew his sword and traced 
a line in the dust along the front 
of the first rank. Now he offered 
the men a choice. If there was 
anyone among them who had 
been deceived as to the gravity of 
their circumstances — if there was 
anyone who wanted to make a 
break for it — they might leave 
without infringing their honor. 
But let those who would stand and 
die with Travis cross the line. 

Micajah Autry, an itinerant 
scholar and poet from Tennessee, 
was first across the line. Davey 
Crockett, the legendary rifleman, 
quickly followed, and then James 
Bonham, the dashing horseman 
from South Carolina. As his wife 
Susannah watched from the 
shadows of the old mission's wall, 
Almeron Dickinson, a blacksmith 
from Gonzalez turned artillery- 
man, crossed the line. The rest 
followed in a rush, whooping 
defiance of Mexican General 
Santa Anna and his horde. 

Only two men remained behind 
the line. One of them, Jim Bowie, 
the storied knife-fighter, lay on a 
cot, desperately ill. He begged 
to be carried across, and two of 
his comrades quickly hefted him 
over the line. 

Now only Moses (Louis) Rose, 
a Jewish mercenary from France, 
hung back. Bowie, who had 
earlier befriended Rose, called out 
weakly, "You seem not to be 
willing to die with us, Rose!" 

Rose answered curtly, "No, I 
am not prepared to die, and I shall 
not do so if I can avoid it." With 
that, he vaulted over the wall, 
stealthily made his way past the 
Mexican pickets, and vanished 
into the night. Some years later, 
he died uneventfully. 

The next day the men of the 
Alamo won immortality, 

Travis's drawing of the line was 
only the most dramatic episode in 
the Alamo saga. At one time the 
details of the siege and fall of the 
Texas stronghold were well known 
to every White American. Even 
today the facade of the Alamo 
chapel (all that remains of the old 
mission) is a familiar picture. 
Movies and television shows, 
dating from an era in which the 
masters of Hollywood found a 
feigned patriotism expedient as 
well as profitable, have acquaint- 
ed many with the externals of the 
story. The most significant aspects 
of the Texans' gallant last stand, 
however, have been for a long 
time carefully veiled, They de- 
serve to become once again the 
common possession of our peo- 
ple, and the bravery of the men of 
the Alamo deserves commemor- 
ation as long as our race endures. 



The Texas Revolution, of which 
the battle of the Alamo was the 
most stirring event, was the 
inevitable result of the confront- 
ation of two vastly different 
peoples. The immigrants from the 
United States whom Mexico had 
reluctantly allowed to settle 
Texas, which was then a part of 
Mexico, were overwhelmingly of 
northern European stock. The 
Texas historian T. R. Fehrenbach 
has described them as a "tall, very 
Caucasoid race, more raw-boned 
than wiry. They filled the ridges 
and valleys with fair-skinned 
people and blue-eyed children." 

Most of them had come from 
the southern and border states. 
There the settlers' race- feeling, 
already strong, had been honed to 
a sharp edge in the murderous and 
incessant Indian wars and by their 
association with Black slaves, 
either as owners or as competitors 
in the labor market. These White 
men and women of Texas felt 
themselves to be the vanguard of 
their race, and they meant to 
wring their destiny, manifest or 
otherwise, from the plains and 
mountains which stretched across 
the remainder of the continent. 

The Mexicans, who were mostly 
of Indian or mixed (mestizo) 
blood, regarded these "Anglo- 
Saxon barbarians" with increas- 
ing fear and resentment. The 
government had only allowed 
Texas to be settled from the 
United States after it had become 
clear that the native Mexicans 
from the south could not be 
induced to move to the sparsely 
settled northern province. As 
American farmers and ranchers 
poured into Texas after 1822, they 
quickly came to outnumber the 
small Mexican population. By 
1830 the Mexican government had 
forbidden any further immigra- 
tion from the growing giant to the 
north. 



When Santa Anna converted 
his presidency into a dictatorship 
and abolished the constitution, 
which had provided for a 
federated rather than a centralized 
Mexican state, the Texans rose 
up. They quickly overwhelmed 
the smaller Mexican garrisons 
throughout the state and then 
seized the capital, San Antonio de 
Bexar, by storm, overpowering a 
large force commanded by Santa 
Anna's brother-in-law, General 
Cos, in December 1835. 

Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna 
was Mexico's leading general as 
well as her most adroit politician. 
He had emerged as a national 
hero after repelling a Spanish 
attempt to reconquer Mexico at 
Vera Cruz in 1829, Monumentally 
vain and extravagant, the self- 
styled "Napoleon of the West" 
was nevertheless a dynamic organ- 
izer as well as a charismatic 
leader. He quickly assembled and 
drilled an army of 6,000 Mexican 
regulars, trained and led in 
accordance with the latest contin- 
ental European principles. With 
this elite force he v marched north 
from Saltillo, Mexico, at the end 
of January 1836, determined to 
crush the upstart American rebels 
and then settle the problem once 
and for all by a program of 
summary executions and mass 
deportations. 

The reports which Santa 
Anna's numerous sympathizers 
among San Antonio's Mexican 
population brought him concern- 
ing the state of the city's White 
garrison must have heightened the 
contempt the Mexican general felt 
for the abilities of the American 
fighting men. The force which 
had seized San Antonio the 
previous December had dwindled 
to fewer than a hundred men in 
January. Only a few dozen 
reinforcements augmented the 



THE ALAMO 



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detachment as the Mexicans made 
their way north. There was bad 
blood between the two top- 
ranking Texans, with both Jim 
Bowie and William Barret Travis 
attempting to exercise command. 

The Texans holding San An- 
tonio had their strengths as well as 
their weaknesses, as Santa Anna 
and his men were to discover. The 
fighting spirit of those who 
remained was high. Most of them 
were volunteers from outside 
Texas whose elan, if anything, 
surpassed that of their Texas 
brethren. 

At the defense, the American 
frontiersmen were among the 
most effective soldiers in the 
world. They fired their long 
Kentucky rifles with deadly ac- 
curacy at ranges up to 200 yards, 
At close quarters they were 
devastating with knife and toma- 
hawk. A tendency toward indisci- 
pline was counterbalanced by a 
self-reliance and a self-sufficiency 
not to be found among the 
Mexicans. 

Nevertheless, Santa Anna near- 
ly caught the Texans napping as 
he advanced to San Antonio on 
February 23. Travis, the nominal 
commander by virtue of his status 
as the senior regular officer, 
hadn't thought the Mexicans 
capable of crossing the several 
hundred miles of .arid plains 
between Saltillo and San Antonio 
so rapidly. Santa Anna, however, 
had driven his troops mercilessly, 
and as his advance guard swept 
into the city the Texans barely had 
time to retire to the shelter of the 
Alamo. 

The Alamo had been built as a 
mission to the Indians by the 
Franciscan order in 1718, but it 
had been abandoned in 1793. 
Although it derived its name from 
a company of soldiers from the 
Mexican town of Alamo de Parras 
who had subsequently been sta- 



^L Ckms»J«a 



tioned there, it was not well suited 
for defense, especially by so small 
a force as Travis commanded. 

The compound consisted of a 
large, rectangular plaza, adjoined 
on the east by a smaller plaza and 
the old mission chapel. The larger 
plaza was enclosed by a thick wall 
twelve feet high. Inside and 
adjacent to the wall were the 
former mission workshops and 
living quarters, which served the 
garrison as barracks, storerooms, 
and offices. The chapel, at the 
southeast corner of the mission, 
was filled with rubble; its roof had 
fallen in years before. 

Green Jameson, a lawyer from 
Kentucky who was the Texans' 
chief engineer, had worked hard 
to strengthen the Alamo's weak 
spots. A breach in the north wall 
had been plugged by stones ands 
timber. On the southeast, where 
there was a dangerous gap 
between the wall and the chapel, a 
palisade of Jogs surrounded a 
hastily constructed earthwork. 

Now the Texans intensified 
their efforts. A well was dug to 
supplement the water from a 
stream flowing close outside the 
walls. Gun emplacements were 
readied in the ruins of the chapel. 
Davey Crockett and his handful 
of fellow Tennesseans, who had 
arrived in San Antonio only two 
weeks before, were assigned the 
critical palisade on the southeast. 

As the men hauled the Alamo's 
fourteen guns into position on the 
walls, they caught sight of Santa 
Anna's flag fluttering from the 
bell tower of the San Fernando 
Cathedral on the outskirts of the 
city, a few hundred yards away. It 
was blood red, and it signified no 
quarter. 

A short while later, the 
Lookouts spotted another flag. 
This one was white. Evidently 
Santa Anna wanted to talk. 
Travis, who knew of Santa 






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Jim Bc*'itj'fl nxwi ^jf 



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98 

Anna's proclaimed intent to 
"exterminate every White man 
within its (Texas's) limits," order- 
ed his gunners to reply with a blast 
of cannon fire. 

That night Jim Bowie collap- 
sed. Bowie, whose reputation as 
an intrepid Indian fighter and the 
master of the knife which bore his 
name was known across the 
frontier, had been regarded by the 
volunteers from outside Texas as 
the garrison's rightful command- 
er. He had not discouraged this 
opinion, for he had been a leader 
all his life and he regarded the 
younger Travis as inexperienced. 
The friction between the two, and 
Bowie's greater popularity among 
the men, had almost led Travis to 
resign. 

Now, with Bowie desperately 
ill, command rested solely in 
Travis's hands. At 28, he had 
already established himself as a 
champion of White Texans' 
rights. Many of his more comp- 
lacent fellow Texans had regarded 
him as an irresponsible firebrand 
until events upheld his audacity. 
In 1832 he had been imprisoned in 
the coastal town of Anahuac for 
challenging the authority of 
Colonel John Bradburn, an 
autocratic American in the Mexi- 
can service who was widely 
regarded as a race traitor by 
White Texans. Then in 1835 
Travis returned to Anahuac with a 
group of comrades and seized the 
town, helping to spark the current 
secession. At the Alamo he would 
capitalize on his opportunity for 
greatness. 

During the night of February 23 
the Mexicans closed the ring 
around the Alamo, carefully 
staying out of range of the 
defenders' rifles after the Texas 
marksmen had claimed several of 
the less cautious. On the next day, 
in a dispatch which still stands as 
a classic expression of American 
heroism, Travis appealed to "the 
people of Texas and all Americans 
in the world" for aid. Recognizing 
the possibility of insufficient 
reinforcement, he ended his 
message, which was smuggled 
through the Mexican lines that 
night by a volunteer: "7 shall 
never surrender or retreat. Then, I 
call on you in the name of 
Liberty, of patriotism & every- 
thing dear to the American 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



character, to come to our aid, 
with all dispatch... If this call is 
neglected, 1 am determined to 
sustain myself as long as possible 
& die like a soldier who never 
forgets what is due to his own 
honor & that of his country — 
Victory or Death. " 

The first week of the siege was 
comparatively uneventful. The 
Mexicans lobbed cannon balls 
into the Alamo periodically 
without inflicting any casualties. 
The Texans, low on powder and 
shot, husbanded their ammuni- 
tion. There was no reply to 
Travis's appeal for help. 

Then in the early morning 
darkness of March 1, 32 horsemen 
burst through the Mexican lines 
and galloped through the hastily 
opened gates of the Alamo. The 
Mexican sentries, caught off 
guard, didn't Fire a shot. The 
riders were Texans from Gon- 
zalez, 70 miles east of San 
Antonio, led by George Kimball, 
a hatter, Almost all of them had 
families and were fully aware of 
the overwhelming odds facing the 
Alamo, but they rallied all the 
more enthusiastically to the relief 
of their countrymen. They were 
the only reinforcements, save one, 
the Alamo would receive. 

One more American braved the 
Mexican lines to reach the Alamo. 
He was James Butler Bonham, a 
chivalrous young lawyer from a 
wealthy family in South Carolina 
and a distant cousin of Travis. 

Bonham had been dispatched 
by Travis on February 27 to 
persuade the sizeable force at 
Goliad to march to the aid of the 
Alamo. The commander at Goliad 
was Colonel James Fannin, an 
indecisive and unstable officer. 
When it became clear to Bonham 
that Fannin intended to stay in 
Goliad, he prepared to return to 
the Alamo. 

When Fannin implored him not 
to throw his life away, Bonham 
spat in the dust and snarled that 
Travis deserved to know the 
answer to his appeals. After 
stopping at Gonzalez and learning 
of the departure of the local men, 
he rode westward to glory, 
passing through the Mexican lines 
unscathed on March 3. 

The drama was drawing to its 
conclusion. As Travis drew the 
line March 5, Santa Anna, buoyed 




JIM BOWIE was one of Amer- 
ica's outstanding fighting men. 
He knew the meaning of honor 
and valued it more than life. 



by reinforcements from the south, 
was planning his assault on the 
Texans' fortress. Shortly before 
daybreak the next morning, 
March 6, 1836, the Texans 
awakened to the alarms of their 
sentries and the rhythmic tramp 
of thousands of marching feet. 
Four columns were heading for 
the Alamo: two groups marching 
toward the north wall of the 
plaza, a third striking from the 
east, the fourth detachment 
moving from the south against 
Davey Crockett's palisade. Over 
the cheers of the attacking 
Mexicans, the Texans could hear 
the regimental band blaring out 
the menacing strains of the 
"Deguello," a march from 
Spain's Moorish past, the name 
derived from a word For throat- 
cutting. 

Even in the dim light of the 
pre-dawn the Texans could make 
out the gaudy braid and silver the 
Mexican officers sported on their 
uniforms. Once again the Ken- 
tucky rifle proved its mettle, as 
the defenders poured a devasta- 
ting fire into the ranks of the 
advancing Mexicans. Officers and 
men fell by the scores, then the 



hundreds. Twice the Mexicans 
reeled back, until, reinforced by 
Santa Anna's reserve, and at a 
terrible cost, the two northern 
columns reached the base of the 
Alamo wall. Now, deprived of the 
advantage the much greater range 
of their rifles had given them and 
hampered by the absence of 
ramparts on the thick walls, the 
Texans began to fall. The 
Mexicans scrambled up their 
scaling ladders, not without heavy 
losses, and poured over the wall. 

Travis fell at the north wall, 
shot through the head. As the 
Mexicans surged into the plaza, 
the Texans engaged them hand-to- 
hand. Towering over the diminu- 
tive mestizos, they wielded toma- 
hawks, knives, and fists to 
murderous effect. A gun crew on 
the west wall swung their piece 
around and riddled the Mexicans 
in the plaza with grapeshot before 
they, too, were overwhelmed. 

As more and more Mexicans 
swarmed over the walls, the 
outnumbered Texans fell back 
into the barracks and storerooms. 
Only at the expense of numerous 
casualties were the Mexicans able 
to kill or dislodge the defenders. 

When the Mexicans burst into 
one small room, they found a 
defiant Jim Bowie, too weak to 
rise from his cot, but brandishing 
a revolver. He shot several of his 
assailants before he succumbed. 

Behind the palisade and in the 
chapel, Crockett's and Bonham's 
men still held out. The Mexicans 
overran them after a brief but 
bitter struggle. Crockett and his 
Tennessee volunteers lay sur- 
rounded by heaps of dead 
Mexicans. 

Major Robert Evans was shot 
down, torch in hand, as he 
crawled to blow up the Alamo's 
powder magazine. Bonham and 
Dickinson fell by their guns in the 
chapel. 

For fifteen minutes after the 
last Texan had been killed the 
Mexican troops, stunned by the 
ferocity of the resistance, contin- 
ued to bayonet and shoot the dead 
defenders. 

Santa Anna hastened to restore 
order. He allowed Almeron 
Dickinson's wife and infant 
daughter, the only White women 
of the Alamo, to ride west to 
Gonzalez, presumably to spread 



terror with their story. The 
Mexican tyrant also ceremonious- 
ly liberated Travis's Black slave, 
Joe, who had been found 
cowering in a storeroom. 

The more than 1,500 Mexican 
casualties were attended to. The 
dead were buried under the 
supervision of San Antonio's 
Mexican mayor, Francisco Ruiz, 
while the wounded were minister- 
ed to by the city's Mexican 
population. But the Texan dead 
Santa Anna sought to dishonor by 
denying them burial. He ordered 
the bodies of every one of the 
Alamo's 183 defenders burned. 

And so the great funeral pyre 
was enveloped in flames, and the 
fire consumed the men of the 
Alamo — just as countless times a 
thousand years before, it had 
consumed the fallen heroes of 
whom their ancestors had sung in 
the longhouses and the great halls 
of northern Europe. Like all the 
champions of their race, the 
Texans treasured honor and 
courage above life itself. The 
echoes of their heroism reverber- 
ated at San Jacinto six weeks 
later, when Sam Houston's men 
avenged them on Santa Anna, and 
for a century afterward their 
memory gave Americans the 
strength to face hopeless odds 
resolutely. 

Now, as the alien subverters 
stealthily work their will behind 
the scenes, few White Americans 
hearken to the lessons of the 
Alamo. Throughout the whole 
American Southwest, the mestizo 
descendants of Santa Anna's 
horde bid to win back what he 
lost, as the brown flood streams 
unchecked across our borders. 

It is time to renew the pact 
between the living and the dead: 
that they shall live on in the 
memory of their race, and that 
we, remembering, shall have their 
example always before us, exhort- 
ing us to carry out unflinchingly 
whatever the future of our race 
requires. 

(Issue No. 55, 1977) 



American Consumption, Conservation, 

& the Third World 



Part II: Patrimony, Environment, and Character 



In the previous ATTACK! we 
examined the world energy crisis 
by way of introduction to the 
larger issue of the exploitation of 

all the world's natural resources, 
and we posed several questions: In 
general, by whom and for whom 
should the world's resources be 
exploited, and at what rate? In 
particular, what should be the 
policy of White Americans to- 
ward American consumption of 
natural resources, toward conser- 
vation, and toward relations with 
the Third World? 

Beyond these questions, which 
we have already discussed — at 
least, in part — from an essen- 
tially material standpoint, we 



raised, but did not discuss, the 
essentially moral question of the 
relation between the national rate 
of consumption and the erosion 
of national character. We asked 
how a nation can, and to what 
extent it should, voluntarily pull 
in the reins on self-indulgence, 
rather than waiting for the 
inexorable law of supply and 
demand to do it instead. 



We want now to begin to ex- 
plore this moral question and to 
see if we can find at least a partial 
answer to some aspects of it. But 
first let us briefly review some of 
the conclusions we reached last 
time. 



Needed: Plan, New Order 

Regarding the energy crisis 
specifically, we saw that, contrary 
to the claims of the conspiracy- 
mongers, it is real, in that the de- 
mand for petroleum is growing 
and the supply is dwindling and 
will, in fact, be exhausted in the 
reasonably near future. 

Not withstanding this, we also 
saw that the technocrats are cor- 
rect in claiming that the energy 
crisis is essentially economic in 
nature, in that there is a virtually 
inexhaustible supply of energy — 
including automotive fuel — from 
sources other than petroleum. All 
we really need is a national 



energy-source development plan, 
coupled to a reordering of our 
economic system so that that plan 
can be implemented. We will 
examine the implications of this 
conclusion in a moment. 

Regarding U.S. relations with 
the non-White world, we saw that 
we are still suffering from the 
"missionary syndrome," which 
had its origins in the 19th-century 
Christian zeal for soul-saving and 
which now manifests itself as an 
irrational belief in the need to help 
non-White nations "develop" 
themselves. We saw that Third 
World development is, in every 
instance, contrary to our interests, 
and that, unless we ourselves con- 



tinue to provide them with the 
capability, the non-White nations 
can pose no genuine threat to 
White survival or prosperity, pop- 
ulation pressures notwithstanding. 

Natural Hostility 

Finally, we concluded that, in 
view of the natural and inevitable 
hostility which must exist between 
the Third World and the West — 
a hostility stemming from a fun- 
damental conflict of racial inter- 
ests which is exacerbated, not 
ameliorated, by the West's present 
missionary efforts — the West 
places itself in considerable jeop- 
ardy by letting itself become ever 



more dependent upon the "good 
will" of non-White trading part- 
ners. Until the West — in particu- 
lar, White America — has 
thoroughly cured itself of the 
libera] sickness which presently 
constrains it to deal with its Third 
World sources of raw materials in 
the same manner it deals with 
White nations, an urgent priority 
for Western economic stability 
and well-being is the ending of the 
aforementioned dependence 
through the achievement of self- 
sufficiency in all essential raw 
materials, whether Arab oil or 
Congolese cobalt. 

So, we established in the last 
issue one compelling reason for 
restraint in the domestic con- 
sumption of energy and other 
resources: namely, national 
security through self-sufficiency. 
But there are other reasons, and 
they are also compelling. The rea- 
sons which we will consider here, 
one at a time, are the conservation 
of our national patrimony, the 
protection of our environment, 
and the rebuilding of our national 
character. 

Conserving the Patrimony 

America is (or was) richly 
endowed with a great many 
natural resources: petroleum and 
natural gas, timber, fresh water, a 
variety of metallic ores, vast tracts 
of grasslands for grazing and 
fertile soil for farming. Some of 
these resources have been used 
with at least a modicum of fore- 
sight and consideration for future 
generations of our people, but 
most have not. 

We have, for example, created 
hundreds of thousands of acres of 
new farmland in previously infer- 
tile areas of our country, and, 
with some glaring exceptions, we 
have, in recent years, generally 
followed sound soil-conservation 
practices in other parts of the 
country. But we have simply 
obliterated the greatest part of 
America's original endowment in 
timber. 

Part of this obliteration has 
been through the gradual en- 
croachment of farms and high- 
ways, factories and suburbs, on 
previously forested areas. And 
part of it has been through a sort 
of get-rich-quick style of exploita- 
tion by timber and paper com- 
panies. 

Some of the larger companies 
are sufficiently concerned with 
profits 20 or 30 years hence that 
they have established large tree 
farms and planted them with fast- 
growing, easy-to-harvest varieties 
of trees. But most are cutting trees 
as if there will be no tomorrow. 

With our sources of fresh 
water, the story is depressingly 
similar. Some efforts at conserva- 
tion are being made, but they are 
entirely inadequate. More and 
more of America's streams, 
rivers, and lakes — even the 
groundwater in many areas — 
have become unusable for any 
purpose but flushing our sewage 
out to sea. The fish and other 
freshwater foods which were 
formerly in such great abundance 
have disappeared in many areas 
and become dangerously inedible 
in others. Dry wells and contami- 
nated wells are becoming the rule 
rather than the exception, from 
California to Maryland. 

Exhausting the Lodes 

When the earth was being 
formed, its constituent elements 



were subjected to thermal, chemi- 
cal, and hydraulic processes over 
enormous time spans which re- 
sulted in the concentration and 
segregation of many minerals — 
even those of very low overall 
abundance in the earth's crust — 
in relatively rich lodes. When 
these lodes are exhausted, there 
may be no economically feasible 
way to recover the minerals in 
them elsewhere — especially in the 
case of the less abundant ele- 
ments. But even in the case of 
such elements as iron and alumi- 
num, which exist in such abun- 
dance that the supply of them is 
virtually inexhaustible, the ores 
from which they can be most 
easily and economically extracted 
are exhaustible. In general, as we 
are forced to resort to ores of 
lower and lower quality, the cost 
of the metals refined from those 
ores will soar. 

Similar considerations apply to 
petroleum. There is a great deal of 
it still in the ground, but not all of 
it is equally easy to recover. Oil 
from deeper wells, from oil shale, 
or from tar sands is all more 
costly oil than that from the 
domestic oil fields which we are 
rapidly depleting today. There 
may still be petroleum left for our 
great-grandchildren, as well as 
quantities of all the other minerals 
which we are presently taking 
from the lodes in which Nature 
spent tens of millions of years 
concentrating them, but our 
descendants will be obliged to 
work harder to recover what is left 
of these resources than we are 
working. 

Beyond Economics 

But there are more than 
economic considerations. When a 
primeval forest is cut down or a 
lake "killed" by using it as a con- 
venient cesspool, far more is lost 
than the monetary value of the 
timber or the fish involved. The 
same is true when an ore-filled 
mountain is converted to an 
unsightly heap of tailings or a 
meadow is bulldozed and 
asphalted over to make a super- 
market parking lot. 

Consumption and pollution are 
strongly linked; generally, the 
more there is of the former, the 
more there will be of the latter. 
But at any given level of consump- 
tion one can have more or less 
pollution, depending upon how 
much one is willing to pay. 
Historically, Americans have not 
been willing to pay very much to 
preserve "non-economic" envir- 
onmental features. 

Today there is a great hullaba- 
loo about "protecting our envir- 
onment," and laws have been 
passed — some of which are 
actually being enforced, in some 
instances — limiting the amount 
of pollutants which automobile 
exhaust pipes and factory smoke- 
stacks can pour into the air and 
municipal and industrial sewerage 
systems can dump into our lakes 
and rivers. 

But, with few exceptions, these 
laws became possible only after 
we discovered that there is a direct 
relationship between the concen- 
tration of certain pollutants in the 
air we breathe, the water we 
drink, and the food we eat and the 
likelihood of our dying an 
agonizing death from cancer of 
one sort or another. It has been 
fear of cancer and other pollution- 
related diseases, not a genuine 



concern for preserving our natural 
environment, which has been the 
real driving force behind so-called 
"environmental protection" 

moves. Self-protection is what we 
were really aiming at, in most 
cases. 

Encouraging Progress 

Those who wish to put restric- 
tions on consumption or exploita- 
tion where economic or health 
considerations are tenuous still 
find the going difficult. Neverthe- 
less, it is encouraging to see what 
a strong effort has been made in 
recent years by conservation 
groups, whether in behalf of Cali- 
fornia redwoods or more obscure 
species of flora or fauna 
threatened by pork-barrel river- 
control projects. 

It is only unfortunate that 
demagogues with motives other 



than conservation have crept into 
some Leadership positions in the 
conservation movement and 
attempted, sometimes with suc- 
cess, to channel the enthusiasm of 
their followers into such projects 
as halting the construction of 
nuclear power plants, which are 
far more congenial to the environ- 
ment than fossil-fuel power 
plants. 

Aesthetic considerations are 
one thing. They argue in favor of 
restricting the production of 
throwaway beverage containers 
and limiting strip mining, com- 
pletely aside from considerations 
of conserving resources or maxi- 
mizing profits. 

Fundamental Considerations 

Even more fundamental spir- 
itual considerations are another 
thing. They argue against waste 



99 

even where waste is not unsightly 
or unhealthful or uneconomic. 
They argue against the mass 
killing of baby seals so that rich 
women can have fur coats; and 
they argue in favor of preserving 
the natural habitat of the raccoon 
and the cougar, even if the land 
developers have to go into another 
line of work. 

Contrary to the decadent 
humanism of the past, these 
considerations are derived from a 
viewpoint from which man and 
the world around him are not seen 
as separate things, the latter exist- 
ing only for the pleasure of the 
Former, but as integral parts of 
one all-encompassing Whole. 
Man is a part of Nature, and his 
consciousness is one aspect of the 
Immanent Consciousness which 
pervades the Whole. 

Man, then, should view the 
natural world as an extension of 




THE TWO EXTREMES — The modern mania for consumption has devoured the land, blotted out the sky 
and poisoned the soul of man. The American people acquiesce in the unbridled exploitation of America's 
natural resources by the capitalists and the developers so long as they remain convinced that it brings them "a 
better life." But does it? We can never quite return to the simple, village life which many Americans experi- 
enced as late as half a century ago; the past cannot be recovered. But there is a better way than the cluttered 
polluted, consumption-oriented rat race which is becoming the norm today. White Americans can have 
healthier, saner lives. The national patrimony can be conserved. The natural environment can be restored. 
America can become self-sufficient in resources and remain militarily and economically strong. None of these 
things are possible, however, under the present political-economic system, because it cannot discipline itself. 



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THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



101 



himself, and his concern for its 
state should be that which he has 
for the state of his own soul. He 
who defiles the world defiles 
himself. 

By the same token, however, 
man is no stranger in Nature's 
house, no mere guest bound by 
the requirements of propriety to 
observe but not to meddle. Just as 
he is sometimes obliged to purge 
himself or even to cut a cancer 
from his body in order that it may 
continue to function, so he is 
obliged to take a hand in the 
affairs of the natural world , some- 
times pruning and sometimes fer- 
tilizing, often guiding, often rear- 
ranging — but always with rever- 
ence, always keeping in mind the 
greater Whole of which both he 
and the natural world are 
inseparable parts. This is the 
Cosmotheist viewpoint. 

Staying Healthy 

But there is also another reason 
for restraint in our mad rush Lo 

convert the natural resources of 
the world around us into billions 
of hula hoops and plastic hair 
rollers and Chevrolets and soft- 
drink containers and pocket 
calculators and fast-food drive-ins 
— and lots of money in the bank 
for everybody. Thai reason is our 
moral health, our national char- 
acter, the fitness-for-survival of 
our collective race-soul; 

White Americans have always 
been a nation of doers and 
makers, a race on the move, and it 
is perhaps understandable that 
they have become infected by the 
spurious notion that economic- 
industrial activity is a good thing 
in and of itself, aside from the 
ends toward which the activity is 
directed. Use it up, wear it out, 
throw it away — then buy an- 
other; that approach is justified 
on the grounds that it keeps the 
wheels of industry turning and the 
economy healthy. 

In a simitar vein, the unre- 
stricted exploitation of natural re- 
sources is justified on the grounds 
that it makes a better life for 
everyone. Often this simply is not 
so, even if one's notion of "a 
better life" is onJy a life cluttered 
with more "conveniences." In 
any event, the true motivation for 
exploitation is more often the 
enrichment of a few capitalists 
than the betterment of a people. 
Thus, it is understandable that the 



American Right habitually de- 
nounces all moves toward conser- 
vation, whether sponsored by the 
government or by a private group 
of environmentalists, as "socialist 
meddling." 

Related Facts 

It is a fact that in the last cen- 
tury the industrialized West has 
generated a vastly higher per 
capita income — expressed in the 
numbers of automobiles, tele- 
phones, refrigerators, TV sets, 
and motorized golf carts per 
citizen — than the world has ever 
before known (and also vastly 
higher than the much more popu- 
lous Third World now knows or 
can ever hope to know), The 
United States is among the top 
half-dozen Western nations in this 
regard. 

It is also a fact that the indus- 
trialized West — including, in 
particular, White America — is 
morally in extremis today. 

The two facts arc not unrelated. 

It is not surprising thai a people 
which is no longer obliged Lo hew 
its own firewood and haul its own 
water no longer has a full appreci- 
ation of the value of these 
commodities and tends to waste 
them. 

It should also not be surprising 
that a people which spends an 
average of 2 1 hours each week 
sprawled in front of its TV sets, 
spends $32 billion each year on 
liquor and cigarettes (40 per cent 
as much as it spends on national 
defense, eight times as much as it 
spends on basic scientific re- 
search), and owns an average of 
1,7 motor vehicles per household 
has lost some of the moral tough- 
ness of the pioneer stock from 
which it is descended. 

A life of ease and consumption 
is not a life which builds strong 
character. A life without daily 
danger and daily hard work and 
the daily necessity to improvise 
does not tend to develop self- 
discipline or will or resourceful- 
ness or the ability to make stern 
decisions. 

As White Americans have be- 
come more affluent and more 
comfortable, they have become 
less morally fit: Jess vigilant and 
less tough-minded in their out- 
look, less conscious of their proud 
racial heritage, less demanding of 
themselves and others, less dis- 



criminating in their choice of 
leaders, less discerning of the true 
significance of events around 
them, less thoughtful of the 
future, less faithful to their 
friends and less relentless against 
their enemies, less willing to bear 
hardship and less able to face 
adversity with equanimity, less 
determined to find meaning and 
purpose in their lives than to 
enjoy themselves, less responsible, 
less dignified, less honorable. 

Pusillanimity, Nonchalance 

How otherwise to explain 
White Americans' pusillanimous 
response to forced racial busing 
and to governmental favoritism 
toward non-Whites? 

How otherwise to explain their 
nonchalance in the face of the 
massive invasion of non-White 
aliens from Mexico now taking 
place? 

How otherwise to explain their 
unwillingness to speak out against 
their government's abominable 
policy toward southern Africa? 

How otherwise to explain their 
continued inability to knock the 
Israeli monkey off their backs? 

How otherwise to explain 
Jimmy Carter? 

Weallh and comfort are in 
themselves morally debilitating, in 
the long run. But what can be 
done about that? Who can rea- 
sonably be expected to willingly 
opt for privation when wealth is at 
hand, for hardship when comfort 
is available? Who can reasonably 
be expected to walk when he can 
ride instead? 

The answer is easy. There has 
always been a minority of men 
and women of our race able to 
forgo an immediate pleasure in 
order to realize an ultimate bene- 
fit — and also with a high-minded 
and long-range view of what con- 
stitutes a benefit and what does 
not. There have always been a few 
incorruptibles, a few immune to 
the temptations of wealth, a few 
willing to do things the hard way 
whenever they see it as the better 
way. 

And we are not referring to 
masochists or flagellants, to those 
who would neurotically reject the 
easy way even when they saw it as 
the better way or the necessary 
way. We are talking about the 
minority of clear vision, strong 
will, and common sense, able to 



Bohemond and 
the First Crusade 



Almost everyone has some ac- 
quaintance with the Crusades, 
those great, collective ventures in 
which the men of Europe strove to 
regain the Holy Land for Christ- 
endom. The aura of romance 
which clings to the exploits of the 
flower of European chivalry 
against the infidel usurpers of the 
holy places of the East needs no 
apology. Yet, as important as 
religious ardor was in this great 
outpouring of our Western civili- 
zation's nascent energies, it was 
not the chief factor in the drive 
against the Levant. 

As the Oxford historian Wil- 
liam Stevenson wrote, "There is a 
national and racial aspect of the 



contest, even more fundamental 
than the religious sentiment." The 
Crusader leaders were more eager 
to conquer the Near East for 
themselves than to make it safe 
for pilgrims, and they came to 
despise the Levantine Christians 
as much as they did their Moslem 
brethren. Perhaps the greatest of 
all the Crusaders who flocked to 
the Levant in search of conquest 
and adventure was the great 
Norman, Bohemond of Taranto. 
On April 9, 1097, Bohemond 
and Emperor Alexius I Comnenus 
confronted each other in the 
ornate chambers of the Blacher- 
nae Palace in Constantinople. 
After Alexius had inquired as to 



the Norman's journey from Italy 
across Macedonia and Thrace, he 
harked back to their previous 
encounters, in that same territory 
over 15 years before, when the 
emperor had met the predatory 
Norman on the battlefield instead 
of in the conference room. 

Bohemond interrupted. There 
was no profit in dredging up the 
past, he pointed out. Now he had 
come as an ally, and he and his 
fellow Normans stood ready to 
help the Greeks recover the east- 
ern lands they had lost to the 
Turks. Despite the honeyed words 
with which the meeting ended, 
however, Bohemond ordered a 
subordinate to sample the costly 



make a program for healthy 
bodies and healthy souls and then 
stick to it; a program which takes 
intelligent advantage of the effi- 
ciencies wrought by science and 
technology, but at the same time 
imposes a regimen for daily living 
which avoids the debilitating pit- 
falls inherent in this technological 
age; a program which, above all, 
is firmly fixed on the purpose of 
carrying the race a step closer to 
godhood, rather than allowing it 
to fall back again to the level of 
sub-man. 

With such a minority in a 
guiding position — with such a 
program elevated to the level of 
national policy — America can 
have national self-sufficiency in 
energy and all other necessary re- 
sources; a non-polluting industry 
and a non-polluting citizenry; an 
unmatched level of efficiency in 
its industry, its transportation, 
and its defense establishment; and 
at the same time a hard, tough, 
disciplined, physically and mor- 
ally fit citizenry. Furthermore, it 
can have all these things and a 
citizenry which is also reasonably 
happy (as happy as one can rea- 
sonably hope to be in this life; 
happier, at the very least, than it is 
now). 

And the reason America does 
not have any of these things now 
— the reason its citizenry is be- 
having collectively with about as 
much dignity, restraint, and fore- 
sight as a gang of niggers at a 
watermelon feast — is that the 
country is neither guided by its 
most fit and high-minded citizens, 
nor does it have a firm national 
policy — of any kind. 

Manipulated Mass 

Despite the mindless assertion 
of the Right that "America is a 
republic, not a democracy; let's 
keep it that way," the fact is that 
America is a democracy — at 
least, a pro forma democracy. In 
reality, it is a headless, soulless, 
cosmopolitan mass of human 
(and sub-human) atoms, exploited 
and manipulated by a diverse 
array of utterly selfish special- 
interest groups, the strongest of 
which are racially and spiritually 
alien to the White majority. 

It may be possible to make a 
convincing argument for demo- 
cracy under some conditions and 
within certain limits — possibly 
under the conditions which existed 

delicacies which Alexius sent to 
his quarters outside the city before 
he would touch them himself. 

The mutual suspicions of Greek 
and Norman were well founded. 
Bohemond was aware that Alex- 
ius's and his courtiers' glittering 
facade of polished manners mask- 
ed an Oriental propensity for 
scheming and treachery which the 
word "Byzantine" has connoted 
to this day. For his part, the 
Greek emperor mistrusted all the 
Western barbarians who were 
marching east to Byzantium, but 
most of all the ruthless and 
cunning Normans, who had al- 
ready given ample evidence of 
their designs on his realms. 

Since his accession in 1081, 
Alexius Comnenus had suc- 
cessfully fought off one threat to 
his empire after another; fierce 
Pechenegs from the north, Bohe- 
mond and his Normans from the 
West, marauding Turks from the 
east. By the early 109O's it seemed 
that the emperor could think of 



25 centuries ago in Greece, a 
democracy limited to participa- 
tion by the Hellenes alone, who 
were a small racial and cultural 
elite ruling over a much larger 
indigenous population of helots. 
Possible, but not likely; 

Racial Suicide 

Under the conditions prevailing 
today, and with a total lack of 
qualifying limitations on partici- 
pation, democracy is tantamount 
to national and racial suicide. In 
particular, a democratic America 
will not and cannot exercise the 
self-discipline needed to achieve 
self-sufficiency in energy and 
other national resources; to con- 
serve the national patrimony; to 
adequately protect the natural 
environment; and, especially, to 
rein in consumption to a level 
more consistent with moral 
health. 

The inability of America and iLS 
corporation- for-profit economy 
to cut back on foreign oil imports- 
was detailed in the previous 
ATTACK! The present spectacle 
of the Congress rejecting one part 
after another of Mr. Carter's half- 
hearted collection of half-mea- 
sures which he calls an "energy 
program" is just another confir- 
mation of the same fact: a demo- 
cracy is inherently incapable of 
disciplining itself, even when its 
collective life is at stake. 

A New Start 

We can conclude that our gov- 
ernment, as it is presently consti- 
tuted, will adopt no adequate, 
long-range resource-conservation 
plan; and that, even if it did, the 
plan would not be successful 
under the present economic 
system. 

These hard facts may be 
unpalatable to those enamored of 
the democratic form of govern- 
ment — as well as to those who 
are unalterably opposed to 
"socialist" solutions — but they 
are facts, nevertheless. 

And they are the facts which 
must be used as a starting point by 
those Americans who believe that 
the survival of the race is infinitely 
more important than any set of 
political, social, or economic 
institutions. 

(Issue No. 56, 1977) 



regaining the heartland of the 
empire in Anatolia (the modern 
Turkey), which had been lost to 
the Seljuk Turks following the 
catastrophic Byzantine defeat at 
Manzikert in 1071, But Alexius's 
request for a force of Western 
mercenaries to spearhead the re- 
conquest had been transformed 
by Pope Urban II at Clermont 
into the proclamation of a great 
Crusade, not only to aid the 
beleagured Greek Christians, but 
also to regain the holy places in 
Palestine where Christ and his 
disciples had walked more than a 
millennium before. 

Urban 's call had first borne 
fruit in a wave of religious 
fanaticism which had swept 
through the peasantry of France 
and Germany. In their enthusi- 
iasm, they carried out a series of 
bloody pogroms against the Jews 
of the Rhineland, whom they 
regarded (with much justice) as 
alien usurers and agents of the 
Moslems. This Peasants' Cru- 



sade, led by the charismatic 
preacher Peter the Hermit, pil- 
laged its way across the Byzantine 
territories in the Balkans. When 
the increasingly unruly mob of 
peasants reached Constantinople 
in July 1096, Alexius hustled 
them across the Bosporus into 
Anatolia, where the undisciplined 
horde was annihilated by the 
Turks. 

The great Western armies which 
had reached or were approaching 
Constantinople in April of 1097 
were, if anything, even more 
threatening to the Greeks. Unlike 
Peter the Hermit's undisciplined 
mob of fool soldiers, the core of 
the official Crusade was formed 
by the mounted lords and knights 
who were the ruling class of 
Western Europe. These men, 
predominantly from France, were 
in many cases the descendants of 
the Frankish cavalry who had 
thrown back the Arabs at Tours in 
732 and had ridden with Charle- 
magne against the Arabs and the 
Avars half a century later. What- 
ever tribal or national affiliation 
they claimed, Flemish or Norman, 
Provencal or German, they all 
thought of themselves as Franks, 
in memory of the Germanic tribe 
which had doneso much to lay the 
foundations of both France and 
Germany. 

Of all the Franks, the most 
formidable were the Normans, 
descendants of those Viking ad- 
venturers who had won and 
settled Normandy in France early 
in the tenth century. Just thirty 
years before the Crusade, in 1066, 
William the Conqueror had led a 
great Norman host across the 
Channel to England, establishing 
one of the most ruthlessly efficient 
regimes in medieval Europe. 
Robert Guiscard, the father of 
Bohemond, had arrived in Italy 
from Normandy around 1035, 
and with the help of his brothers 
and sons had carved out large and 
well-administered holdings in 
Byzantine southern Italy and 
Moslem-dominated Sicily. 

Yale historian Robert Lopez 
has described the Normans as 
"much like the ideal of the sagas 
and chansons de geste: they were 
adventurous, fearless, unruly, in- 
satiable, exceedingly gallant to 
willing and unwilling ladies of any 
social class, indiscriminately hard 
on unwarlike peasants and bour- 
geois of any nation." Most of the 
leaders of the First Crusade — 
including Godfrey of Bouillon 
and his brother Baldwin of Bou- 
logne, as well as Robert of 
Normandy, Bohemond, and his 
nephew Tancred — were Nor- 
mans or could at least boast some 
Norman ancestry. 

The most gifted of them, the 
outstanding Norman of his gener- 
ation, was Bohemond of Taranto, 
soon to be Prince of Antioch. His 
unsurpassed bravery and military 
prowess were matched by his 
political acumen. The only son of 
Robert Guiscard's divorced first 
wife, Alberada, he had outman- 
euvered his father's favorite, his 
half-brother Roger Borsa, to the 
extent that his territory and 
influence on the Italian peninsula 
were now more extensive than 
Roger's. Now he saw the Crusade 
as an opportunity to increase his 
power — at the expense of his old 
Greek enemies, if need be. 

Bohemond was about 45 years 
old at the start of the First 
Crusade. Emperor Alexius's 
daughter, Anna Comnena, has 



provided an unmatched physical 
description of the Norman: "He 
was tall, slender of waist and 
flank, broad of shoulder, and 
full-chested; his whole body was 
muscular, and neither thin nor 
fat, but very well-proportioned 
and shaped... .. His body as a 
whole was very white; his face was 
a mingled white and ruddy color. 
His hair was a shade of yellow, 
and did not fall on his shoulders 
like that of the other barbarians.,. 
His eyes were bluish-gray, and 
gave evidence of wrath and dig- 
nity." 

After his initial meeting with 
the emperor, Bohemond moved 
adroitly to establish his primacy 
among the other leaders of the 
Crusade. He neither allowed him- 
self to be dazzled by Alexius's 
wealth, as did the King of 
France's son, Hugh de Verman- 
dois, nor did he bridle at swearing 
fealty to the emperor, as did the 
Count of Toulouse, Raymond de 
St. Gilles, and Godfrey de Bouil- 
lon. In fact, he showed suspicious 
alacrity in swearing to be faithful 
to Alexius and to return to him 
any former imperial territory he 
might conquer. And the Norman 
was instrumental in persuading 
Raymond to swear, at least, that 
he would countenance no injury 
to the emperor or to his reputa- 
tion, which was the more custom- 
ary form of military oath under 
similar circumstances in Ray- 
mond's French domains. Despite 
his success with Raymond, how- 
ever, Bohemond was unable to 
persuade his hot-headed nephew 
Tancred to swear his fealty, and 
the young Norman crossed over 
the Bosporus into Anatolia by 
night to avoid the oath-taking. 

Bohemond revealed a portion 
of his designs when he asked the 
emperor to appoint him Grand 
Domestic of the East, the Byzan- 
tine equivalent to commander-in- 
chief in that region. Alexius deftly 
parried this bid for imperial 
sanction of Bohemond's leader- 
ship of the Crusade by tempori- 
zing. Things were a bit premature 
for such a step, he indicated. 
Doubtless it would be possible 
later, after Bohemond had shown 
his mettle against the Turks. 
Bohemond, needing the support 
of the Greeks for the moment, 
acquiesced in the denial. 

In April and May of 1097, the 
Franks, perhaps as many as 
30,000 including non-combatant 
pilgrims and dependents, crossed 
the Straits of Bosporus into Asia. 
The resentments aroused by their 
dealings with the emperor and 
with his sometimes over-zealous 
escort troops along the roads to 
Constantinople had been tempor- 
arily dissipated by AJexius's lavish 
gifts, and most of the Crusaders 
were reconciled to fulfilling their 
sworn obligations, as long as 
Alexius did likewise by eventually 
joining them at the head of his 
Byzantine forces. 

The Franks first laid siege to 
Nicaea, which had fallen to the 
Seljuks in 1081 and served Kilij 
Arslan, the Sultan of Roum (as 
the Turks called their Anatolian 
domains), as his capital. A Greek 
flotilla, commanded by the By- 
zantine admiral Butumites, 
blockaded Nicaea from the west, 
where the city fronted the Ascan- 
ian Lake. On June 18, the eve of 
the day the Franks had set for 
their final assault, Nicaea surren- 
dered to Butumites in secret. At 
dawn, the Franks were astounded 
to see the emperor's standard 



above the walls. The army was 
more than a little disgruntled with 
the Greeks by this lost opportun- 
ity for plunder. 

As for the Turks, since the 
sultan was campaigning in eastern 
Anatolia with the bulk of his 
troops, the loss of the capital was 
not a crippling blow. 

On June 19, the Franks began 
to march southeast across Anato- 
lia, guided by a small detachment 
of Greek troops under the Byzan- 
tine general Taticius. At Leuce the 
leaders decided to split the Frank- 
ish forces into two groups: the 
Normans of France and Italy in 
front, and the Flemish, Lothar- 
ingians, and Provencals following 
at the interval of a day's march, 
As the Normans broke camp 
near the ancient city of Dory- 
laeum at dawn on July 1, they 
were attacked by Kilij Arslan's 
large army. The Normans were 
immediately thrown back on their 
tents by the Turkish onslaught. 
Wave after wave of Turkish 
bowmen raced forward, dischar- 
ged their arrows, and then wheel- 
ed to the rear to make way for the 
next line of archers. Bohemond 
saw that the usual Norman caval- 
ry tactics would be useless against 
the Turks, who would give way 
until the cavalry charge had spent 
itself and then surround the 
disordered knights. With some 
difficulty he persuaded the im- 
petuous Normans not to attack, 
but to shelter themselves and their 
precious horses, particularly 
vulnerable to the Turkish arrows, 
behind the foot soldiers. 

As the morning wore on, the 
Normans' losses mounted. The 
Norman women, at great peril 
from the Turkish bowmen, sup- 
plied their men with water from a 
spring in the camp. 

Just when it seemed the Turks 
would prevail, Godfrey de Bouil- 
lon rode up with fifty knights. 
Bohemond's messengers had 
brought word of the Turks' 
attack, and Godfrey was soon 
followed by Robert of Flanders's 
and Raymond of St, Gilles's 
troops. These reinforcements en- 
abled the Franks to take the 
offensive against the sultan. 
Bishop Adhemar of Le Puy, the 
papal legate, delivered the coup de 
grace by striking the Turks from 
the rear at the head of a 
detachment of his fellow Proven- 
cals. The Turks fled in disorder, 
sustaining heavy losses, and the 
Franks captured Sultan Kilij 



Arslan's abandoned tent, over- 
flowing with gold and jewels. 

The Franks' victory at Dory- 
laeum broke the power of the 
Seljuks in Anatolia. Now, as they 
advanced toward Syria, the 
Franks' chief adversaries were the 
unbearable summer heat of the 
Anatolian plateau and the scarcity 
of food and water. The retreating 
Turks compounded the Crusad- 
ers' problems by laying waste to 
the countryside. 

At Heraclea, after Bohemond 
drove off a force of Turks from 
the semi-independent emirates of 
Danishmend and Cappadocia, the 
Franks again split up. Tancred 
and Baldwin of Boulogne crossed 
the Taurus Mountains at the 
Cilician Gates and entered the 
broad plain of Cilicia. After 
squabbling over the ownership of 
several cities, Tancred eventually 
gained Cilicia, and Baldwin went 
east to found the County of 
Edessa. The rest of the army 
pressed on to Antioch, following 
an arduous and circuitous route 
along the Anti-Taurus range. 

On October 20, 1097, the 
vanguard of the Frankish forces 
reached the fortified Iron Bridge, 
a three hours' ride up the Orontes 
River from Antioch. After driving 
off the Turkish defenders in a 
sharp fight directed by Bishop 
Adhemar, the Crusaders, with 
Bohemond at their head, advan- 
ced to the plain of Antioch. 

At that time Antioch was one of 
the great cities of the world. 
Founded 1400 years before by 
Alexander the Great's successor 
Seleucus I, the city had been 
strongly fortified by Justinian in 
the sixth century and again by the 
Byzantines after they had recap- 
tured it from the Arabs in the 
tenth century. The loss of Antioch 
to the Seljuks in 1085 had been a 
severe blow to Alexius. Twelve 
miles up the Orontes from the 
Mediterranean, where it was ser- 
ved by the port of St. Symeon, 
Antioch was an important entre- 
pot of the lucrative East-West 
trade. Furthermore, as the astute 
Bohemond must have recognized, 
the city and its hinterland occu- 
pied a strategic position on the 
fringes of the Byzantine Empire 
and the mutually contentious 
Turkish emirates of Aleppo, 
Mosul, and Damascus. 

On the 21st the remainder of 

the Franks arrived at Antioch. 
Raymond of St. Gilles was for 



storming the city at once, but the 
other leaders demurred. Although 
the Turkish governor, Yaghi 
Siyan, had only 5,000 troops for 
Anuoch's defense, the thick walls 
which ringed the city were sur- 
mounted by over 300 towers, each 
within arrow range of the two 
flanking it. From the marshy 
plain on the southern bank of the 
Orontes, north of the city, where 
the main body of the Crusaders 
were encamped, the east and west 
walls ran southeastward along 
increasingly high ground. The 
southern wall of Antioch, high on 
the steep slopes of Mt. Silpius, 
was bolstered by an almost im- 
pregnable citadel. It was clear that 
Antioch would fall only from 
starvation or from treachery 
within. 

At the beginning of the siege it 
was the Franks who had to be 
concerned with treachery. .A num- 
ber of the Greek and Armenian 
Christians whom Yaghi Siyan had 
expelled from the city at the 
approach of the Crusaders found 
it profitable to spy for the Turks. 
Bohemond discouraged this ac- 
tivity by having a handful of 
Turkish prisoners killed and then 
causing great bonfires to be lit. He 
gave out that the Franks were 
planning to eat as many spies as 
they could capture, and the 
Turks' Christian fifth column 
quickly melted away. 

As the weeks passed the Franks 
found themselves in an increasing- 
ly difficult position. Their provi- 
sions were running low, and the 
Syrians and Armenians charged 
exorbitant rates for the food they 
supplied, making it necessary for 
the Crusaders to dispatch forag- 
ing expeditions into the country- 
side. The consequent weakening 
of the Frankish forces before 
Antioch invited raids from the 
city's garrison. More ominously, 
the surrounding Turkish powers, 
previously hostile to Yaghi Siyan,, 
were beginning to rally to his aid. 

In late December, Bohemond 
and Robert of Flanders led a raid- 
ing party up the Orontes in search 
of food. Near the town of Albara 
they were attacked by a Moslem 
army from Damascus, Robert of 
Flanders and his men were hard- 
pressed by the Damascenes, but 
Bohemond led a counterattack 
which sent them reeling back to 
Hamah, further up the Orontes. 
The Turks in Antioch used Bohe- 
mond's and Robert's absence to 






j*i- 




ANTIOCH as it appeared in the Middle Ages, seen from the north, across the River Orontes. The Bridge 
Gate and the fortified bridge are in the foreground. The Tower of the Two Sisters, where the Crusaders 
entered the city, is on the far right, on the slope behind the buildings of the city. 



102 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



103 



sally forth against the remaining 
Crusaders, who threw them back 
with some difficulty. 

Despite these successes, the 
Franks still lacked food. The 
poorer foot soldiers and pilgrims 
began to flee to the mountains 
and the coast. In January, Peter 
the Hermit, who had joined the 
Crusade after the failure of his 
Peasants' Crusade, tried to desert. 
He was collared by Tancred and 
brought back in disgrace. His 
attempted defection was kept 
quiet, in view of his prestige 
among the humbler Crusaders. 

In early February 1098 the 
Byzantine general Taticius fled, 
on the pretext of obtaining sup- 
plies. He told Alexius Comnenus 
a dubious story of a plot orchest- 
rated by Bohemond to put him in 
fear of his life from the other 
Franks. Taticius, a Turk who had 
entered the Byzantine service, was 
in truth widely disliked by the 
Franks, but his desertion resulted 
more probably from the priva- 
tions of the campaign and from 
the news that a great force of 
Moslems under the leadership of 
Ridvan, Emir of Aleppo, was 
approaching Anlioch. 

On February 8 Bohemond lured 
Ridvan's army into a narrow plain 
between the Orontes and the Lake 
of Antioch, where the Turks were 
unable to exploit their numerical 
superiority. At the critical mo- 
ment Bohemond committed his 
reserve, and his constable Robert 
Fitzgerald "chased them so vehe- 
mently the flames of his banner 
flew above the heads of the 
Turks/ 1 in the words of the 
anonymous vassal of Bohemond 
who wrote The Deeds of the 
Franks. Ridvan and what remain- 
ed of his army fled eastward, 

Supplies landed at the port of 
St, Symeon by a Greek fleet 
manned by Anglo-Saxon refugees 
from Norman England enabled 
the Franks to construct improved 
siege engines and thus tighten 
their hold on Antioch. Through- 
out the spring Bohemond pressed 
his claims to the city in the 
councils of the Crusader leaders. 
There was a good deal of justice 
to them, for the Norman had been 
the real leader of the siege, 
although Stephen of Blois exer- 
cised a nominal authority as a 
sort of executive officer and 
quartermaster — until his precipi- 
tate departure shortly before the 
fall of the city, Raymond of St. 
Gilles vehemently opposed Bohe- 
mond's demands, ostensibly out 
of his anxiety to uphold the 
emperor's rights, but moved, in 
fact, by his own ambitions. Not 
even the news that yet another 
Turkish army had set out for 
Antioch, this time from Mosul, 
could induce the Prankish leaders 
to renege on their assurances to 
Alexius, and Bohemond was 
forced to bide his time. 

Even as he was dickering with 
his fellow barons over the control 
of Antioch, Bohemond had suc- 
ceeded in establishing contact 
with a certain Firouz, a turncoat 
Armenian who had thrown in 
with the Turks and who was 
responsible for the defense of a 
strategic sector of the city walls. 
At dusk on June 2, 1098, a large 
force of Franks marched east- 
ward, as if headed away from 
Antioch. Under cover of dark- 
ness, they circled the city south of 
Mt. Silpius and reached the 
western wall at the Tower of the 
Two Sisters. A handful of Bohe- 
mond 's Normans scaled the wall 




THE GRIM DETERMINATION 
with which (he Franks faced their 
Asiatic foes is embodied in this 
bronze relief. It represents a 
German Crusader of the 12th 
century. 

and were admitted to the tower by 
Firouz, It was short work to admit 
their fellows through a nearby 
postern gate. 

As the Franks poured into the 
city, the stunned Turks were able 
to offer little resistance and were 
cut down mercilessly. Yaghi Siyan 
attempted to flee south over Mt. 
Silpius, but he was thrown from 
his horse. Deserted by his attend- 
ants, he was beheaded by an 
Armenian as he la"y unconscious. 

By dawn, Antioch was largely 
in Prankish hands, except for the 
citadel, which Yaghi Siyan's son 
Shams ad Daula had been able to 
occupy in the confusion. Bohe- 
mond was wounded in an unsuc- 
cessful attempt to dislodge the 
Turks from their strategic position 
high above the city. Two days 
after the fall of Antioch, Ker- 
bogha, the atabeg (or regent) of 
Mosul, arrived with a large force 
and laid siege to Antioch. 

Kerbogha was the most presti- 
gious military leader the Franks 
had faced in Syria, and his army 
was the largest of the relief forces 
which had moved on Antioch, 
incorporating troops from Persia 
and Mesopotamia as well as the 
Syrian cities. Doubtless if 
Kerbogha had reached Antioch 
before the city's capture the 
Crusader army would have been 
annihilated, but Kerbogha had 
wasted three weeks in a vain effort 
to wrest Edessa from Baldwin of 
Boulogne, 

The Franks., nonetheless, found 
themselves in a difficult position. 
As always, food supplies were 
precariously low. The general 
euphoria accompanying the 
seizure and sack of Antioch was 
succeeded by a decline in morale, 
especially among the common 
folk. Nor had Stephen of Blois 
helped matters by deserting, des- 
pite his grave responsibilities. 

Bohemond was tireless in secur- 
ing the defenses of Antioch and in 
maintaining the army's discipline. 
He went so far as to set fire to an 
entire city Quarter which served as 
a haven for numerous idlers and 



slackers, and, with Tancred's 
assistance, he supervised the 
building of an interior wall to 
contain the still-threatening Turk- 
ish garrison in the citadel. 

At this juncture Peter Bartholo- 
mew, a peasant from the ranks of 
the Provencals, approached 
Bishop Adhemar with a story of 
certain visions in which St, 
Andrew had revealed to him the 
location of the lance which had 
pierced Christ's side on the cross. 
Adhemar was skeptical, but dig- 
ging was commenced on June 15 
at St. Peter's Cathedral, and, 
after scrabbling around for a time 
in the resulting excavation, Peter 
Bartholomew triumphantly pro- 
duced a scrap of metal which he 
pronounced to be the holy relic. 

Although the saintly Adhemar 
remained unconvinced as to the 
authenticity of the "Holy Lance," 
an outburst of religious fervor 
followed the discovery. Bohe- 
mond, although hardly a believer 
in the validity of the relic, knew 
how to turn the upsurge in morale 
to his own and the Franks' 
advantage. In an unprecedented 
step the other Frankish chiefs 
elected Bohemond the military 
commander of the Crusade, and 
he decided to stake the Franks' 
forliines on a single pitched battle 
with the larger Turkish force. 

On June 28 the Franks marched 
forth through the Bridge Gate on 
the north wall. Bohemond had 
formed them into six divisions: 
the French and Flemish, led by 
Hugh of Vermandois and Robert 
of Flanders; then the Lotharing- 
ians, captained by Godfrey of 
Bouillon; the Normans of Nor- 
mandy, under their duke, Robert; 
the Provencals, led by Bishop 
Adhemar of Le Puy, since Ray- 
mond was sick; and lastly, two 
detachments of Bohemond's and 
Tancred's Italian Normans. The 
First group negotiated the danger- 
ous crossing of the bridge over the 
Orontes without incident, and 
then wheeled to the left and right 
to prevent the Turks from attack- 
ing the main force as it marched 
across the bridge. 

For some reason Kerbogha 
hesitated in pressing the attack. 
The Franks swept forward against 
the Turkish center in a mighty 
charge. A Turkish bid to outflank 
the Frankish left was thrown back 
by Reginald of Toul, whose forces 



Bohemond had held in reserve for 
just such an eventuality. In the 
heat of battle the more impres- 
sionable Crusaders thought to 
discern a great company of 
knights on white horses advancing 
to their aid, at the head of whom 
rode St. George, St. Mercury, and 
St. Demetrius. 

Shaken by the fury of the 
Crusaders, supernatural or other- 
wise, the Turks began to give way. 
First Emir Dukak of Damascus, 
then the Emir of Horns, and 
finally Kerbogha himself headed 
south and east in headlong flight. 
The Franks followed as far as the 
Iron Bridge, taking a heavy toll of 
the fleeing Moslems. Kerbogha 
and a pitiful remnant of his army 
straggled back to Mosul, his glory 
irreparably tarnished. 

Once the Franks were secure in 
their possession of Antioch (the 
Turks in the citadel surrendered to 
Bohemond), the question of the 
city's ownership was again raised. 
Bohemond's part in capturing the 
city and in its subsequent defense 
inclined the barons to favor his 
claims. 

But Raymond of St. Gilles 
continued to insist on the emper- 
or's prerogatives, all the while 
upholding his own, since his 
forces had occupied Yaghi Siyan's 
palace and the Tower of the 
Bridge Gate. The majority of the 
Frankish leaders decided to hold 
the final decision in abeyance 
until they captured Jerusalem . Of 
course, if and when Emperor 
Alexius arrived with his army, 
Antioch would revert to the 
Byzantine Empire. 

But the emperor never came. 
Stephen of Blois had reached 
Alexius as he advanced through 
Anatolia. Stephen informed the 
emperor of the Franks' imminent 
destruction by Kerbogha. Al- 
though Bohemond's half-brother, 
Guy, a Norman in the imperial 
entourage, had begged Alexius to 
honor his oath and speed to his 
fellow Christians' aid, the emper- 
or decided there was nothing to be 
done but return to Constantin- 
ople. Thus, the Greeks lost all 
claim to Antioch and the other 
Crusader conquests in Syria and 
Palestine, although Alexius was 
not shy about asserting his rights 
to Antioch in the years to come. 



Stephen of Blois returned home 
to his French lands, but his 
Norman wife Adele gave him no 
peace until he rejoined the Cru- 
sade. He died a hero's death at 
Ramleh in Palestine in 1102. 

In late November the Crusaders 
left Antioch for Palestine. Bohe- 
mond accompanied them for a 
short way and then returned to 
Antioch. His men overpowered 
Raymond's small forces, and 
Bohemond proclaimed himself 
Prince of Antioch. 

While the rest of the Crusaders 
busied themselves with the con- 
quest of Jerusalem, Bohemond 
consolidated and enlarged his 
principality. In 1102, while rang- 
ing north with a small force 
against the Turks, he was taken 
prisoner by the Emir of Danish- 
mend. Ransomed in 1104, he 
returned to Europe, married the 
King of France's daughter 
Constance, and raised a large 
army. In 1107, with papal sanc- 
tion, he returned to Greece, 
determined to crush the perfidious 
Alexius and replace the empire of 
the Byzantines with his own 
Norman empire. As in the expedi- 
tion of 1081, however, Bohe- 
mond's resources proved inade- 
quate to defeat the Greeks. He 
returned to his Italian territories, 
and in I 111, while raising yet 
another army to lead against 
Alexius, Bohemond of Antioch 
died at Otranto. 

Of all the Franks, Bohemond 
perhaps best epitomizes the stri- 
ving, Faustian spirit of our race 
which manifested itself so drama- 
tically in the Crusades. As the 
contemporary chronicler of Nor- 
man Italy, Romuald of Salerno, 
said of him, "He was always 
seeking the impossible." 

In his determination to employ 
whatever means were necessary to 
attain his goals, Bohemond fore- 
shadowed Machiavelli's prince. 
In the words of the hostile Anna 
Comnena: "Brought up in the 
school of Norman heroes, he 
concealed calculations of policy 
beneath the exterior of force, and 
although he was of a haughty 
disposition, he knew how to be 
blind to a wrong when there was 
nothing to be gained by avenging 
it, . . . He was not restrained by 
fear of God or by any man's 
opinions." 



During the nearly 200 years 
which followed Bohemond's seiz- 
ure of Antioch, successive Crusa- 
der armies poured out oceans of 
blood and squandered mountains 
of treasure in a series of vain 
efforts to secure Outremer (as the 
Crusader states came to be known 
to the medieval French). The 
Franks were never numerous 
enough to form more than a small 
ruling elite over the dark, teeming 
masses of Syria and Palestine. 



As the originally hardy Crusa- 
ders accustomed themselves to the 
luxuries of the East, they became 
decadent. They began to rely on 
the racially alien Levantines for 
administrative and military sup- 
port, and in many cases interbred 
with them. The doom of the 
Crusader states had been sealed 
long before the last Frankish 
stronghold at Acre fell in 1291. 

For the racially conscious 
White of our era, the history of 



the Crusades has a dual aspect. In 
their inevitable failure the Cru- 
sades form yet another bitter 
chapter in our race's tragic history 
in the lands of the eastern 
Mediterranean. Like the Aryans 
who preceded them — Hellenes 
and Persians, Hittites and Mitan- 
nians, and all the others — the 
Franks flouted the laws of race, 
and the states they founded per- 
ished. We must not fail to draw 
from the consequences of the 



Crusades a lesson for the present 
situation of our own race. 

On the other hand, the decision 
of tens of thousands of Europeans 
to leave their homes and face the 
unknown perils of campaigning in 
Asia sprang from that same urge 
which leads and will continue to 
lead our people to break the 
bonds of this planet and venture 
forth into the vast and lonely 
reaches of the universe. And the 



indomitable courage and iron will 
with which men like Bohemond 
faced the enemies of their race 
should serve to inspire us to face 
them in the same spirit: without 
fear and without pity. 

{Issue No. 56, 1977) 




Whither America: 
Elitism or Racism? 

This editorial is based on a talk given by ATTACK! editor Dr. William Pierce at the Sunday-evening meeting of National 
Alliance members, supporters, friends, and other interested persons in the Washington area on October 16, 1977. 



THE KRAK DES CHEVALIERS, ope of the many castles the Crusaders built in the East. Dating from the 
reign of Fulk, Frankish King of Jerusalem (1131-1143), the fortress commanded the fertile plain inland from 
Tripoli, the present-day Tarabulus in Syria. It was garrisoned by the Knights of the Hospital, one of the great 
crusading orders of the 12th century, and it withstood numerous Moslem sieges before its fall in 1271. Like 
the other magnificent castle ruins of the Levant, the Krak des Chevaliers bears silent witness to the deeds of 
the Franks. 



In our universities today and in 
the pages of the scientific journals 
a battle is being waged between 
scientists concerned with racial 
matters on the one hand — biolo- 
gists, psychologists, and anthro- 
pologists of professional integrity 
— and pseudo-scientists con- 
cerned with upholding the funda- 
mental liberal dogma of universal 
human equality on the other 
hand. Despite the well-entrenched 
position of the pseudo-scientists 
and their powerful allies in poli- 
tics and the communications 
media, encouraging progress is 
being made by the scientists. Bit 
by bit the truth is coming to the 
fore, and the forces of censorship, 
moral intimidation, and liberal 
bigotry are losing ground. Refer- 
ence was made to this struggle- in 
an article on sociobiology in a 
recent issue of ATTACKI 

The battle is far from being 
won, however, even in the pages 
of the scientific journals. And on 
the popular front the pseudo- 
scientists still rule almost without 
opposition. The same, tired, old 
lies about race are being fed to 
high school students and college 
undergraduates via their text- 
books and their brainwashed 
teachers and to the general public 
via their television receivers and 
their daily newspapers. The slow 
and painful progress being made 
on the scientific front is not filter- 
ing down to the man in the street. 

And it will never filter down to 
him if a dangerous trend now 
under way is not halted.. That 
trend is cosmopolitan elitism, and 
it is flourishing most unwhole- 
somely in those very segments of 
our society where the greatest 
progress has been made against 
the pseudo-scientific equali- 
tarians. 

Consider, for example, the 
scientists themselves. Their classes 
have been picketed on university 
campuses, and they have been 
heckled and sometimes physically 
attacked by gangs of Jewish, 
Chicano, Negro, and other non- 
White students who have accused 
them of being racists. The all-too- 
common response to this intimi- 
dation has been the claim by the 
heckled scientists that they are not 
racists; that they are not interested 
in promoting Tacism but only in 
establishing the truth in racial 
matters. William Shockley, a 
Nobel laureate physicist-turned- 
geneticist at Stanford University; 
Arthur Jensen, a psychologist at 
the University of California at 



Berkeley; and Richard Herrnstein, 
a Jewish psychologist at Harvard 
University, are all in the forefront 
of the battle against the equality 
myth, and all have repeatedly 
announced that they are not 
racists. 

To the hecklers, of course, 
wantirig to establish the truth is 
racism; the only way not to Oe a 
racist is to fervently believe the 
equality myth. For our discussion 
here let us adopt a somewhat less 
extreme definition of racism; let 
us define it as a subjective prefer- 
ence for living, learning, and 
loving among the members of 
one's own race — as a spiritual 
and emotional bond between the 
members of a racial group. That is 
a definition with which most rea- 
sonable people will agree. That is 
the definition most scientists have 
in mind when they claim they are 
not tacists: they are claiming that 
they have no subjective preference 
for members of their own race. 

That does not mean that they 
regard their race as equal to all 
others. They recognize the mani- 
fest fact that individual men are 
unequal in intelligence, in aggres- 
siveness, in creative ability, and in 
every other characteristic you 
might name — and they also rec- 
ognize that there are racial differ- 
ences in all these characteristics. 
They recognize the scientifically 
demonstrated fact, for example, 
that the Negro population as a 
whole is less intelligent than the 
White population as a whole. But 
they maintain that it is not the 
population as a whole with which 
they are concerned in making 
personal decisions about living, 
learning, and loving but only the 
individual. 

This attitude was illustrated 
especially well by an article which 
appeared in American Opinion, 
the magazine of the conservative 
John Birch Society t some months 
ago. The author of the article was 
complaining about the Federal 
government's forced -housing pro- 
gram. His position was that a 
person should have the right to 
sell or rent a home to the kind of 
people he wants to, not those the 
government says he has to. 

The Bircher said that he — and 
conservatives generally — have no 
objection whatever to living next 
to clean, quiet, orderly, upper- 
class Negroes — in fact, they 
prefer such Negroes as neighbors 
to lower-class Whites; they just 
don't believe the government 
ought to stick its nose into the 



business of choosing people's 
neighbors for them. 

Now, 1 have a suspicion, al- 
though I can't prove it, that if that 
Birch Society writer were pre- 
sented with the choice of living 
next to an upper-class Black — 
say, a Black neurosurgeon like we 
see on TV — or an upper-class 
White, he would choose the 
upper-class White; and if given 
the choice of having his daughter 
marry a Black garbage collector 
or a White garbage collector, he 
would again choose the White. 

In other words, there is racism 
in all of us, even Birch Society 
members. It's in our genes, and 
even the unnatural and artificial 
life-style of today hasn't been able 
to suppress it entirely. 

But the Birch Society writer — 
and, I am afraid, a great many 
other upper-class Whites who 
consider themselves conservatives 
— still consider race a matter of 
only secondary importance. It is 
the individual, not the race, which 
comes first in their scheme of 
values. 

They recognize that the average 
Negro is less intelligent than the 
average White, but they're per- 
fectly ready to accept the Negro 
who isn't average. The Black 
banker, the Black store-owner, 
the Black high school principal, 
the Black judge are perfectly 
acceptable to them, while they 
look down their, noses at the 
White factory worker, the White 
coal miner, the White who never 
finished high school and never 
earned more than $600 a month in 
his life. 

They judge a person by his 
socio-economic status — by his 
class — rather than by his race. 
They are elitists. 

Elitism certainly isn't a new 
phenomenon — and, in fact, it is 
not inherently an undesirable" 
phenomenon, under the right cir- 
cumstances, and I'll get to that in 
a minute. But elitism is an espe- 
cially important phenomenon to- 
day, because it is gaining ground 
among White intellectuals, among 
upper-class Whites, among intelli- 
gent Whites who think of them- 
selves as conservatives — and it is 
gaining that ground at the expense 
of White racial solidarity. 

There are several reasons for 
this, and we should understand 
them. One of the reasons is that 
elitism is an acceptable alternative 
to equalitarianism. 

As we are all painfully aware, a 
lot of White people are not very 



bright. They actually believe their 
TV and their morning newspaper 
and their minister when these 
oracles tell them that the races are 
really equal and that all indica- 
tions to the contrary are illusory. 
They really believe that. 

But that's a pretty hard thing 
for an intelligent White person to 
believe — a hard thing for a hard- 
headed, alert, successful White 
person to swallow. After all, he 
makes his living by having a good 
head on his shoulders and by 
using it, and it's just too obvious 
to him that Blacks and Whites 
aren't inherently, biologically 
equal. He just can't swallow the 
equalitarian lunacy the TV 
preaches. Such myths may be all 
right for the boobs, for the great 
unwashed, but not for him. He 
knows better. 

So what is he to do? Is he to be 
a racist? 

Goodness, no! That's not ac- 
ceptable. That's disreputable. 
That's dangerous. 

So he becomes an elitist. 
"Equality is a bunch of baloney," 
he says. "But f'm not a racist. I 
don't have anything against 
superior Blacks, against Blacks 
who are. a credit to their race. I 
despise only inTerior Blacks, just 
as I despise inferior Whites " 

And why is this an acceptable 
alternative to equalitarianism? 
Well, it's acceptable because it is 
the position held by Mr. Herrn- 
stein — and by a number of other 
Jews as well. The elite is an open 
club; Jews are admitted. There- 
fore, one will not be socially 
stigmatized by the controlled 
media for being an elitist. It's a 
safe position. 

Of course, the communists 
don't like elitists. They denounce 
elitism almost as vehemently as 
they denounce racism, But, then, 
one can live with that. 

Elitism can be justified by the 
successful, aggressive White per- 
son in terms of his essentially 
individualistic outlook on life. 
Furthermore, it jibes with the 
insidious idea, which was subtly 
planted deep inside his head by 
the braihwashers during his earli- 
est years, that it is somehow un- 
just to judge a person by his race, 
but that each person should in- 
stead to be judged only on his 
individual merit. 

The elitist reasons that a person 
can't be blamed for his race, 
because he has no control, over 
that; but he can be blamed for his 
socio-economic status, because he 



does have control over that. If a 
White person — or a Black — had 
any intelligence and any ambition, 
reasons the elitist, he wouldn't be 
a garbage collector or a coal 
miner. If he isn't making a lot of 
money, then that's his fault, 
because in our free and demo- 
cratic society it's only ability that 
counts. 

Again, the communists dis- 
agree. They claim that a person's 
class is forced on him: that if a 
person is doing disagreeable work 
for low wages it's not his fault, 
not his lack of ability or ambition, 
but the fault of the capitalists, of 
the ruling class, which is holding 
him down,. But, again, who cares 
what the communists say? 

Finally, elitism is an unconsci- 
ous and indirect way of satisfying 
— at least, partially — the 
inherent racism in all of us. 
Because, after all, it is really the 
lower-class Blacks — the field 
niggers — who evoke the strong- 
est racial feelings in most of us. 
They behave more naturally, 
whereas the Black bankers and the 
Black judges and the Black neuro- 
surgeons — the house niggers — 
have repressed their Blackness to 
a greater or lesser extent. They 
have learned to dress like Whites, 
to talk like Whites, to act like 
Whites. (Most of them, in fact, 
are more White than Black, 
genetically.) 

They are what the real Blacks 
refer to as "oreos" — Black on 
the outside, but White on the in- 
side. And oreos just don't evoke 
as strong a feeling of racial anti- 
pathy on the part of most upper- 
class Whites as genuine Blacks, as 
real niggers, do. It's easier to 
accept the oreos, easier to live 
next door to them, easier to con- 
vince oneself that they're really 
equals. 

And, in a certain sense, they are 
equals. It is clear that, despite the 
low average intelligence of Blacks, 
there are some who are quite 
intelligent. And if intelligence is 
all that counts, if IQ is all we 
measure a man by, then, there are 
Blacks — or, at least, mulattos, 
part-Blacks — who are roughly 
equal to most upper-class Whites. 

Intelligence, of course, is not all 
that counts, but there is a 
tendency in some circles today to 
believe that it is. This tendency is 
associated with one of the 
prevailing errors of our times: the 
error of rationalism, the error 
which leads a man to the conceit 












104 

that, because he is capable of 
reason, he stands far above the 
animal world, which is merely 
mechanical. Reason, the rational- 
ist believes, is the master of every- 
thing. 

The amazing accomplishments 
of Western science in the last cen- 
tury help to reinforce this conceit. 
And if one is a rationalist, then it 
is easy to slip into an elitist atti- 
tude and reject the primacy of 
race, 

The elitist will say: "Reason is 
above race; it has nothing to do 
with race. Nuclear physics has no 
race; thermodynamics has no 
race. How can one decide the race 
of a mathematical equation or a 
chemical formula?" 

"I recognize," says the elitist, 
"that fewer Blacks than Whites 
are capable of learning what the 
mathematical equation or the 
chemical formula means, but 
there is still no race to it. The ex- 
ceptional Negro, who is able to 
understand it, is just as good as 
the White man who is able to 
understand it — and just as ac- 
ceptable to me." 

So elitism has whal seems to be 
quite a substantial basis. That 
basis consists of three elements — 
if we ignore the fear of being con- 
sidered a racist, the all-too-human 
tendency to have only socially ac- 
ceptable opinions. 

First, there is the tradition in 
this country of individualism, a 
tradition which is used today to 
justify the claim that only the 
individual counts and not the 
group to which he belongs. It is 
considered wicked to categorize 
people, to stereotype them. 

Second, we have a tradition 
closely related to the first one, and 
that is our tradition of merito- 
cracy, the tradition that a man 
should be able to rise just as far as 
his brains and his energy and his 
character will carry him, and that 
no artificial barriers should be 
placed in his way. 

And finally we have rational- 
ism, the belief in pure reason as 
the highest faculty, coupled with 
the notion that reason is inher- 
ently raceless. 

Let's examine these elements 
one at a time. 

First, an individual Black may 
be superior in some particular 
regard to the average White 
person, but he is still a member of 
his race, despite all our prejudices 
against stereotyping. That is, he is 
still genetically a Negro, and when 
he mates his genes carry not only 
his specific qualities but also the 
general qualities of his race. In 
other words, his genes carry two 
competing tendencies: the ten- 
dency to yield an offspring identi- 
cal to himself.and the tendency to 
yield an offspring representing the 
average Negro. This latter ten- 
dency is called by geneticists 
regression toward the mean. 

What that means is that when 
two persons mate, who both 
exhibit some particular quality 
(e.g., intelligence) to a greater 
degree than the average for their 
race, their children will, on the 
average, not exhibit this quality as 
strongly as their parents. On the 
average they will exhibit' it to a 
degree which falls somewhere 
between that of their parents and 
the norm for the race as a whole. 

And if these children mate 
indiscriminately with each other, 
generation after generation, the 
degree to which each generation 
exhibits the particular quality in 
question will approach more and 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



immigration, in hiring people, in 
promoting them, in assigning 
them to schools, or what have 
you, and that it should be con- 
sidered in such a way as to pro- 
mote the welfare of our race. In 
other words, America should not 
be a country where Whites have 
equal rights, but where they have 
the only rights. 

And the other position, of 
course, is that which the pro- 
Bakke people are taking in the 
present Supreme Court case: the 
position that race must never be 
considered, in anything — that we 
must have an absolutely color- 
blind society — that individual 
merit must be the only criterion by 
which people are judged. 

The especially insidious and 
dangerous character of elitism 
under multi-racial conditions is 
now becoming evident: Whites 
who feel threatened by the govern- 
ment's programs favoring racial 
minorities are locking themselves 
into a position which cjenies that 
any group should have priority. 
The present threat of special 
minority rights is leading people 
who might otherwise have some 
healthy racial feelings leTt in them 
to react in a panicky way and 
reject any claim to special status 
as a consequence of their White 
birthright. 

They suppress all feelings of 
solidarity with their less able and 
less fortunate racial kinsmen, 
abandoning them to fend for 
themselves, and they grasp for the 
elitist straw. And once they do 
that, they're fighting on the 
enemy's terms. It's a no-win 
position, a purely defensive posi- 
tion. 

Third, we have rationalism. 
The rationalist position is false for 
several reasons. It is false, in the 
first place, because even pure rea- 
son — or what appears to us to be 
pure reason — is influenced by 
race. 

We speak, Tor example, of 
Western science, and the racial 
adjective, Western, is meaningful. 
That is because the way our minds 
work — not just how well they 
work, but the particular way in 
which we reason — is a function 
of our race. A White man, a Black 
man, a Chinaman, and a Jew have 
different types of minds, and the 
different types of cultures they 
develop, when left to themselves, 
are reflections of these differ- 
ences. 

The differences tend to be 
masked today, because of the uni- 
versal dominance of Western 
science. When a Negro, for 
instance, writes a mathematical 
equation the same way a White 
man would write it, it is not be- 
cause his mind is the same as the 
White man's, but because the 
Negro has adapted himself to the 
White man's way of reasoning, to 
the extent that he can. 

Actually, it's difficult to imag- 
ine the ways in which a Negro 
science, a native African science, 



more closely to the norm for the 
race. 

From the foregoing we can 
understand that racial intermarri- 
age is not just a private matter 
between two individuals, as it is 
regarded by the equalitarians and 
the libertarians. In a very real 
sense, one does not marry an 
individual of another race: one 
marries the other individual's 
race. 

There is nothing mysterious 
about this tendency of regression 
toward the mean — it is a statis- 
tical thing — and geneticists today 
understand it, But our genes have 
always understood it, and this 
gene-based understanding mani- 
fests itself as xenophobia, as an 
instinctive abhorrence of race- 
mixing. This is just one more case 
of our instinct being ahead of our 
intellect. 

Clearly, the natural, human 
tendency toward stereotyping, 
toward categorizing people ac- 
cording to the group to which they 
belong, is a manifestation of a 
much deeper wisdom than that 
which tells us not to stereotype, 
but only to see each person as an 
individual. Only because our 
ancestors stereotyped are we 
White today, And only if we con- 
tinue seeing people not just as 
individuals but also as members 
of groups — as White men or 
Black men or Chinamen or Jews 
— can our race survive. 

Second, our tradition of meri- 
tocracy was largely responsible 
for America moving out ahead of 
the rest of the world economically 
and industrially during a time 
when American society was, for 
all practical purposes, all White. 
Allowing each man and each 
woman to contribute to society to 
the limit of his abilities, allowing 
him to reap a commensurate re- 
ward and also to rise to a position 
of influence and control commen- 
surate with his individual achieve- 
ments — thai is the social, princi- 
ple which, with certain safe- 
guards, should govern any racially 
homogeneous society, It is the 
principle of greatest social effi- 
ciency — in a racially homogene- 
ous society. But it is one of the 
shorter paths to hell in a racially 
mixed society, because it alienates 
the natural leaders of a race from 
the masses of their racial kinsmen. 
America today, of course, is no 
longer strictly a meritocracy. 
There is no reigning social princi- 
ple at all, but rather a shifting and 
confused state of affairs in which 
old institutions and patterns are 
being obliterated, and a general 
scramble is underway on the part 
of a great many factions to set 
new patterns most favorable to 
themselves. 

Thus, we have the grotesque 
and shameful situation in which 
White conservatives — ideological 
elitists and actual members of the 
former elite — are fighting 
desperately now, in the Supreme 
Court and elsewhere, not to 
restore the former precedence of might develop differently from 



ments on scientific matters, and it 
becomes painfully obvious that 
the thought processes of the 
beings who wrote those docu- 
ments were rather different from 
ours. 

Classical science, Hellenic 
science, was also different in 
many ways from modern, West- 
ern science, and philosophers of 
history who overemphasize the 
purely cultural aspects of history 
at the expense of its racial aspects 
(e.g., those of the Spengierian 
school) make much of th£se dif- 
ferences. But the fact remains that 
when we read today the works of 
Euclid or Archimedes, there is no 
sense of alienness, as there is with 
the Egyptian or Chinese works. 
The reason of the Hellenes was 
our reason, because they were of 
our race. 

But reason, as 1 mentioned 
earlier, is not everything. In par- 
ticular, it is not the supreme 
faculty, not the master of our 
lives. Reason is a tool, a weapon, 
an instrument, a means. It is a 
servant — not the master. 

Reason is a very powerful tool, 
to be sure, an extremely important 
servant — but still a servant. Pure 
reason can tell us the easiest way 
to get from A to B, but it cannot 
fell us, in the final analysis, why 
we should want to go from A to 
B. Reason cannot define our ulti- 
ma le objectives for us; it cannot 
give us our basic values, our fun- 
damental criteria. Those things 
are all purely subjective — that is, 
they come only from within us, 
while reason has power only over 
objective things. 

Why should a man live? Why 
should he shun death? He cannot 
answer, except to say that he 
should live because he wants to — 
which is another way of saying 
that he has an instinct to survive. 
It is in his genes, it is subjective, 
and reason has nothing to do with 
it. Reason can be used as a tool to 
make survival easier, to make it 
more nearly certain. But it is quite 
clearly the instinct which is the 
master, and reason the servant. 



their race, but rather to outlaw all 
forms of racial preference in an 
attempt to salvage their own, 
individual rights. Even people 
with misgivings about cosmopoli- 
tan elitism are grasping for it as a 
counter to those who want special 
rights for minorities. 

Whites who object to favori- 
tism for Blacks or Mexicans or 
other non- Whites can take one of 
two positions. They can take our 
position, which is that race should 
be considered in everything, in 



Western science, because the 
former has never existed. But 
there have been in the past, before 
Western science became the domi- 
nant model everywhere, other 
sciences, of sorts: what served the 
ancient Egyptians as science, for 
example, or the ancient Chinese. 
The former science was as 
distinctly Egyptian as the latter 
was distinctly Chinese, and they 
were both distinctly un-Western. 
We can read translations from 
ancient Egyptian or Chinese docu- 



And the same applies to every- 
thing else. Reason cannot tell us 
what is beautiful and what is good 
and what we should strive for, It 
does not give purpose or funda- 
mental meaning to our lives, but 
only helps us to achieve those 
things which our souls, our genes, 
tell us we should try to achieve, 

Purpose, values, ultimate 
meaning are in our genes — which 
is another way of saying that they 
are all racially determined. When 
a society's racial composition 
changes — even if it is able to 
maintain its ability to reason, its 
average IQ — then its values 
change, its ultimate meaning 
changes. 

And that is why elitism — race- 
less elitism, cosmopolitan elitism 
— is a false and dangerous posi- 
tion, 

If we are to survive as a race, 
then we must be White before we 
are physicians or lawyers or other 
members of the professional class. 
We must be White before we are 
rich or before we have high IQ's. 
We must prefer the White garbage 
man to the Black neurosurgeon or 
the Jewish psychology professor, 
We must, in other words, be 
racists rather than elitists. Elitism 
is only permissible after we have 
solved our race problem, and then 
it must be an elitism which is 
coupled to a strong sense of racial 
consciousness. 

The White elitists in America 
today may think that they have 
every justification for rejecting, 
for cutting themselves off from, 
their less successful racial kinsmen 
and allying themselves with Blacks 
and Jews and other non-Whiles of 
their own educational level or 
income class, but the day will 
come when they themselves are 
the ones who are rejected and cut 
off and cast out. Then they can 
turn to their fellow elitists for 
help, but they will not find it. 

{Issue No. 57, 1977) 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

' 'JVazi "Chic 



105 




IT'S NO JOKE — this Is Abednigo K. Hlope, an official delegate from 
Swaziland, addressing the General Assembly of the United Nations and 
demanding Black rule in White Rhodesia, Swaziland is a bona fide 
"nation" of 470,000 naked Negroes, ruled by a polygamous absolute 
monarch, King Sobhuza, who will have you skinned alive and staked 
down to an anthill if you look sideways at him, Swaziland has exactly as 
much a voice in the General Assembly as the United States does. The 
piece of filth currently occupying the White House agrees with the 
feather-bedecked Mr. Hlope that the White people ought to be forced 
out of Rhodesia, so the Blacks can take over and run things there the 
way they're run in Swaziland. 

[Issue No. 57, 1977) 



Some years ago, Jewish pro- 
ducer Mel Brooks turned out a 
mildly amusing film called The 
Producers, which appears to have 
anticipated some of the murkiest 
currents in the present "Hitler 
wave." The Producers contained 
a wonky play-within-a-play en- 
titled Springtime For Hitler, a 
splashy musical lovingly dedicated 
to the memory of the good old 
days of the Third Reich. Spring- 
time For Hitler was an effective 
double-edged satire: while it 
maliciously castrated and trivial- 
ized Hitler, it also hacked Broad- 
way musicals to death. In any 
case, Springtime For Hitler 



marked Adolf Hitler's posthum- 
ous debut as the star of a musical 
extravaganza. . 

Around the time Alec Guiness 
was -being filmed in his anemic 
portrayal of the German leader, a 
wit over at Time magazine com- 
pared Hitler to a rock star — he 
had a large following among the 
youth, you know, and swarms of 
adolescent girls swooned at the 
sound of his voice . . . You get the 
picture. A few years later, British 
rock 'n' roller David Bowie said 
much the same thing. 

Now it seems the worst tongue- 
in-cheek musings of the Time 
essayist have proven prophetic: 



Adolf Hitler is about to go the 
same route as Jesus Christ. Hitler 
is now the inspiration for a brand 
new "rock opera" entitled (what 
else?) Der Fuehrer. The Electrola 
Record Company has marketed a 
two-disk album, and preparations 
are underway for stage produc- 
tion. Der Fuehrer is the work of 
two young West German rock 
musicians who are, by the way, 
stridently anti-Nazi. 

Although he is not yet a sympa- 
thetic "superstar" like Jesus 
Christ, Hitler might have his day. 
Composers and performers ad- 
dicted to the driving, insistent 
rhythms of "heavy metal" rock 




PUNK ROCK and "Nazi" rock have a similar appeal to a Jaded, Judaized, deracinated youth. The quasi- 
military uniforms, the chains, the safety pins puncturing cheeks and earlobes, the painted faces have nothing 
whatever to do with the inherently healthy world view of National Socialism, but reflect instead the soul-sick 
"Nazi" image created in twisted Jewish minds and purveyed to Western youth as just the latest way to turn a 
profit from the accelerating tide of social, cultural, and moral decay engulfing the West. 



music have a concomitant craving 
for "Nazi" stage effects. 

One such group, KiSS, uses the 
double lightning-flash rune of the 
elite German SS in its logo. How- 
ever, their music — such as it is — 
has no discernible "Nazi" ideo- 
logical content (the ravings of cer- 
tain New Left sheets not with- 
standing); it has no ideological 
content, period. It is just a lot of 
howling and electronic noise. 
Your garbage-disposal unit, 
grinding away on a full load of 
chicken bones, will produce a 
more pleasing sound. 

The Blue Oyster Cult, another 
half-baked collection of zit-faced 
rock 'n' rollers, also attempted to 
sport a Hollywood "Nazi" image. 
The fact that their lead vocalist is 
named Eric Bloom doesn't cramp 
their style a bit. The creepy group, 
Iggy Pop and the Stooges, were 
also said to be "Nazis," but their 
performances were like something 
out of William Golding's novel 
Lord of the Flies, with strong sug- 
gestions of human sacrifice and 
cannibalism. And there are a host 
of lesser-known groups — such as 
the Dictators, or Hitler and the 
Belmonts — that are similarly 
afflicted with the leather-and- 
swastika fetish. 

Homosexuals, drug-glazed 

kids, racial undesirables, and 
other human dross are responding 
to the viciously distorted National 
Socialist image presented by these 
rock groups (indeed, they wrap it 
around their weirdest fantasies), 
just as the equally jaded pseudo- 
intelligentsia enjoyed exquisite 
spasms of masochism when they 
viewed such films as The Damned, 
The Conformist, and The Night 
Porter (see ATTACK!, February 
1975, page 10). These rock 'n' roll 
acts, like the above-mentioned 
film's, are often expressions of the 
composers' own hang-ups and 
aberrations. They imbue National 
Socialism with a spurious evil they 
themselves find most attractive, 
one which allures other warped 
minds. 

To be sure, some of the rock 
groups doing their version of the 
"Nazi" thing are only attempting 
to make a buck off the shock 
effect. (And there are plenty of 
Jews who help to promote this 
rot, because they stand to pull in 
10 per cent of the profits.) Others 
do it as a way of being naughty (or 
anti-social) without much risk of 
being spanked by elders who have 
ceased to care how youth amuses 
itself. These "artists" and their 
camp followers are the sympto- 
matic waste products every termi- 
nally sick society excretes. 

This, of course, doesn't explain 
why all the interest in Hitler exists 
in these circles, or why there is 
such a big turn-on associated with 
SS insignia and all the rest. These 
trappings are certainly almost as 
important as the music, for some. 

The majority of kids who flock 
to KiSS or Blue Oyster Cult "con- 
certs" probably attend because it 
is considered "chic" or "campy" 
— or something. They lack direc- 
tion and go with the flow. But 
there are others — very political 
neo-liberals — who find the 
"Nazi" end of these acts delici- 



ous. Their idiosyncrasies compel 
them. 

It must be understood that lib- 
eralism is essentially an effeminate 
ideology. National Socialism, on 
the other hand, is masculine, and 
liberals (who habitually eroticize 
everything in unhealthy ways) get 
a thrill out of riding boots and 
leather whips. Jean Genet, for 
example, a petty thief and a 
homosexual, eroticized the appeal 
of National Socialism in his novel 
Funeral Rites. Obviously, his is 
not the wholesome, masculine 
attraction to comradeship and 
natural male bonding seen in Leni 
Riefenstahl's masterful documen- 
tary, Triumph of the Wilt. 

And Jean Paul Sartre, who led 
the campaign for Genet's release 
from prison, also wrote some 
rather revealing passages in his 
Troubled Sleep, a novel in which 
he describes the German army's 
march into Paris in 1940. 
Although Genet and Sartre dwell 
on the far side of the French 
political left, both novels exhibit 
an attraction for National Social- 
ism with a distinctly homo-erotic 
stench. Daniel, one of Sartre's 
rnilitantly anti-fascist protago- 
nists, says he would have liked to 
have been a woman, so he could 
throw flowers to the conquering 
Germans, and he murmurs, 
"How handsome they are!" 

Jewish novelist Erica Jong said 
it well: every woman loves a 
fascist. That's why androgynous 
rock star David Bowie can call 
Hitler "marvelous" and say he 
"moved," on stage, "quite as 
good as (Mick) Jagger." 

This so-called "fascist" rock 
and "Nazi" chic is not a wholly 
unexpected development. Since 
the counter-culture now relies 
even more heavily on massive 
injections of freakishness to keep 
itself alive, anything is possible. 
All I know is that their world is 
not ours. 

Nick Camerota 

(Issue No. 57, 1977) 

Jews Boot Blacks 

Israeli authorities have expelled 
another 25 members of the Black 
Hebrew sect from Israel — the 
fourth mass expulsion of Ameri- 
can Blacks from Israel in recent 
months. 

The Black Hebrews, most of 
whom originally lived In the 
Chicago area, speak Hebrew, 
practice a form of Jewish ritual, 
and claim the right to settle in 
Israel like other Jews, under the 
"law of return," which grants 
automatic Israeli citizenship to 
every Jew in the world. Israeli 
officials do not recognize the 
Black Hebrews as genuine Jews, 
however, and have been engaged 
in a running battle with them since 
1969, when they first began 
trickling into Israel. 

According to Jewish law, only 
the child of a Jewish mother can 
be a full-fledged Jew. Speaking of 
the Black Hebrews, an Israeli 
official complained, "They obvi- 
ously are not Jews. They are a 
nuisance,, and we don't want them 
here." 

(Issue No. 57, 1977) 



106 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

Those Mltford Girls 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



107 




A Fine Old Conflict, by Jessica 
Mitford, published by Alfred A, 
Knopf, $10.00. 

Unity Mitford: An Enquiry 
Into Her Life And The Frivolity 
Of Evil, by David Pryce-Jones, 
published by Dial Press/James 
Wade, $9.95. 

Jessica and Unity Mitford are 
two of six remarkable daughters 
of the Redesdales, an aristocratic 
British family. It would be an 
understatement to say that these 
two sisters blazed dissimilar" polit- 
ical pathways. 

Unity, three years older than 
Jessica, joined Sir Oswald 
Mosley's British Union of Fascists 
at 19 and later traveled to 
Germany and became friendly 
with Hitler. 

Jessica, a communist by age 15, 
eloped with her Red cousin 
Esmond Romilly (Churchill's 
nephew) to the Spanish civil war 
and then journeyed to America, 
where she eventually remarried. 
(Her second husband, lawyer 
Robert Treuhaft, is a Jewish com- 
munist.) In the early 1940's 
Jessica joined the Communist 
Party, USA. Since then she has 
become a widely read muckraker, 
best known for her nicely done 
expose of the funeral industry 
entitled The American Way of 
Death. 

A Fine Old Conflict is Jessica's 
second autobiography, a sequel to 
Daughters and Rebels (an account 
of her early life with her titled 
parents). More importantly, it is a 
brief on behalf of the American 
Communist Party, which Jessica 
justifiably argues was the earliest 
champion of the Negro "civil 
rights" movement and a pre- 
cursor of a variety of left-radical 
groups which blossomed in the 
1960's. 



It contains much information 
of interest to ATTACK! readers. 
Among other things, A Fine. Old 
Conflict poinls out that Jews were 
once the key sparkplugs of the 
CPUSAand the Black revolution. 
(Incidentally, it was Al Bernstein, 
father of Washington Post re- 
porter Carl, who recruited Jessica 
for membership in the commu- 
nist-dominated United Federal 
Workers Union.) We learn, for 
instance, that Bella Abzug, a 
doyen of the communist-front 
National Lawyers Guild, was an 
attorney for convicted Black 
rapist Willie McGee, whose case 
was a communist cause celebre. 
However, Jessica left Lhe CPUSA 
in 1958 to work within more well- 
established mass organizations of 
the left because she believed the 
Party had become irrelevant to 
the wider struggle for "civil 
liberties." 

Just what kind of communist 
was Jessica? Well, when she was 
14 Jessica spitefully told her sister 
Unity, "If you're going to be a 
fascist, I'm going to be a commu- 
nist!" One wonders if she also 
stuck out her tongue. The girls 
divided their room down the 
middle, and Jessica festooned her 
side of the battleground with 
communist posters. For Jessica, a 
political infant, left-wing politics 
was no more than a child's game, 
The appendix to A Fine Old Con- 
flict, her silly spoof of Commu- 
nist Party jargon, is an expression 
of her puerile nature. In any case, 
it certainly isn't the work of a 
fanatic. Philip Toynbee, an old 
friend of Jessica's, said that she 
spends a good deal of her con- 
siderable fortune "in ensuring 
that she herself shall never be 
threatened by the slightest avoid- 
able discomfort. She likes good 
whiskey, good food, and sleek 
hotels. " Odd how these convinced 
Marxists manage to live it up. 

It seems to me that Jessica's 
communism was, au fond, an act 
of rebellion staged by a difficult 
child trying to attract the atten- 
tion of her preoccupied father and 
glacial mother. Communism also 
set her apart from other members 
of her family and gave her a 
personal identity. It should be 
noted that both her parents were 
sympathetic to National Social- 
ism. Lord Redesdale had even 



translated Houston Stewart 
Chamberlain's monumental 
Foundations of the Nineteenth 
Century into English from its 
original German. Her sister Diana 
married British fascist leader 
Mosley. 

Furthermore, Jessica never 
showed the same promise as her 
sister Nancy, who achieved some 
prominence as a novelist. While, 
her other sisters — especially 
Diana and Unity — were excep- 
tionally beautiful, Jessica was 
rather plain. Her younger sister 
Nancy became the Duchess of 
Devonshire, but Jessica became 
Mrs. Treuhaft. It is easy to see 
how Jessica's politics could be 
fueled by bitterness and resent- 
ment. 

Jessica rejects Pryce- Jones's 
assertion that she and Unity repre- 
sent two sides of the same coin, 
Jessica is correct, of course: Unity 
was far less frivolous than she. 
The Pryce-Jones book, with its 
long and pretentious title, is a 
cheap smear job which even 
Newsweek admitted was "badly 
organized" and "unsatisfactory." 
It is not worth reviewing as 
history, but has great merit as an 
example of calculated dishonesty. 

First and foremost, Mr. Pryce- 
Jones 's book is an exercise in 
ethnic axe-grinding. His hatred 
for his subject stems from the fact 
that his mother was a sister to 
Baroness Elie de Rothschild. Sir 
George Weidenfeld, the book's 
"British" publisher, has held his 
title for only a short time. He is 
one of those who fled Vienna 
after the Anchluss, for racial 
reasons. And while many British 
(genuine Britons, not the other 
kind) critics have damned the 
Pryce-Jones "history," Zionist 
John Gross attempted to assist the 
beleaguered author by killing the 
publication of a review that was 
hostile to his book. Gross is the 
editor of the London Times 
Literary Supplement, by the way. 

Pryce-Jones gathered data for 

his book by misrepresenting him- 
self as a friend of the Mitford 
family. Many of those he inter- 
viewed later denounced him for 
misquoting them. Lady Lamb, 
whose complaint is typical, said 
that Pryce-Jones "twisted" her 
words "to give a very different 




UNITY (left) and Diana Mitford at a 1937 rally In Germany. While 
their perverse younger sister Jessica turned toward Jews and com- 
munism, Unity and Diana had a deep and sincere enthusiasm for the 
Western renaissance which blossomed in Germany under the guidance 
of Adolf Hitler. On the day that Churchill and his fellow conspirators 
forced Great Britain to declare war on Germany, the grief-stricken 
Unity fired a bullet into her brain. 



impression to what I intended." 
Furthermore, Pryce-Jones failed 
to send publisher's galley proofs 
to most of those who had asked to 
check them for mistakes. How- 
ever, one person who requested 
and received these proofs, the late 
Sir John Heygate, wrote: "The 
bits he sent me were so full of 
errors it would have been useless 
and probably impossible at this 
stage to correct them." It is note- 
worthy that Lord Weidenfeld still 
has great "faith in the personal 
integrity of Mr. Pryce-Jones." 
Ethnic comradeship is a great 
thing; ask Mr. Gross. 

The very liberal Hugh Thomas 
takes an enlightened view of Unity 
Mitford, one more in line with the 
traditional Anglo-Saxon sense of 



fair play. In a review in the New 
Statesman of Diana Mosley's 
recent autobiography, he wrote: 
"It is ridiculous to think that all 
of our enemies are charmless. I 
believe Hitler was bad, not mad. 
Diana and her sister Unity, two 
original and beautiful girls who 
made jokes and answered back, 
evidently brought out a benign 
side in Hitler, and, rather than 
condemn them for being so 
friendly, we should surely regret 
that they weren't with him more 
... It is ... to be regretted that 
Unity Mitford did not displace 
Eva Braun." 

{Issue No. 57, 1977) 



Roger Degueldre 
and the O.A.S. 



When William Levy left his 
Algiers apartment on the evening 
of November 39, 1961, he failed 
to notice two men lounging non- 
chalantly on a motor scooter half 
a block from his door. As Levy 
walked down the street, the 
scooter kicked up and began to 
follow him, very slowly. As it 
drew even with him, the man be- 
hind the driver pulled out a 
revolver and fired three shots at 
Levy's head. Levy collapsed in the 
gutter, dead instantly. Before they 
roared off, the executioners 



scattered black cardboard tri- 
angles around Levy's body. 

William Levy should have been 
more careful. The secretary 
general of the French Socialist 
Party in Algiers and an outspoken 
opponent of Algeria's White 
colonists, Levy had drawn the 
inevitable wrath of the man the 
black triangles symbolized: Roger 
Degueldre, leader of the Delta 
commandos of the O.A.S. De- 
gueldre had condemned Levy to 
death two months before. In the 
week Levy died, numerous Jews 



and French liberals who opposed 
the last desperate effort of the 
European inhabitants of Algeria 
to preserve their homeland were 
gunned down mercilessly. 

The movement on which the 
hopes of the European settlers 
rested, the O.A.S. — the Organi- 
sation d'Armee Secrete, or Secret 
Army Organization — had been 
founded in early 1961 by a group 
of exiled French Algerians and 
Army officers. The O.A.S. 's most 
effective operatives, Degueldre 
and his Deltas, were driven by the 



cold and relentless hatred of men 
betrayed. They struck again and 
again, not at the Moslems of the 
Algerian National Liberation 
Front, the F.L.N. , whom they 
had already vanquished, but at 
the government of Charles de 
Gaulle, the man who had given 
them his solemn word that Algeria 
was to remain "organically 
France now and forever." 

Strange as it may seem, the 
nominal commander of the 
O.A.S., General Raoul Salan, re- 
acted violently to Levy's execu- 



tion. Salan, like a number of the 
higher officers who led the 
O.A.S., considered himself less a 
man of action than a politique. 
He passed for something of a 
socialist, and he had hopes of 
appealing to Liberal and Jewish 
opinion in metropolitan France. 
The outcry which French politi- 
cians raised at Levy's death 
horrified the general, and he 
wrote a hastily composed letter to 
Guy Mollet, the Socialist leader, 
disavowing the act. 
The division over the execution 



of Levy within the higher echelons 
of the O.A.S. was characteristic 
of the organization's split person- 
ality during its brief and bitter 
history. From its beginnings in the 
first months of 1961 to its death 
throes little more than a year 
later, the O.A.S. suffered from 
the same confused thinking and 
deficiency of revolutionary will 
which have frustrated every White 
political effort since the end of 
World War II. Yet, despite its 
flaws, the O.A.S., in its struggle 
against the alien-dominated gov- 
ernment of FTance, came closer to 
success than any other postwar 
White resistance movement to 
date. 

Roger Degueldre was the anti- 
thesis of the politicized officers 
and civilian theorists from whom 
he took his orders. Degueldre 
scorned his leaders' attempts to 
rationalize the O.A.S. 's struggle 
in terms of transcendant philoso- 
phical and moral schemes. A man 
of primitive instincts and loyal- 
ties, he laid bare his motives to his 
commanding officer more than a 
year before he joined the O.A.S.: 
"We have all sworn to keep 
Algeria French. As far as I am 
concerned, I keep my oath. That 
means I keep it to the end." 

Roger Degueldre was born in 
1925 in a small town near the 
Belgian border. To this day it 
remains uncertain whether De- 
gueldre was a member of the 
French Resistance, as he claimed, 
or whether, as the French govern- 
ment maintained, he had fought 
as an enlisted man in the 
Wallonian Legion of Hitler's SS. 
He was tight-lipped about the 
past, brushing off questioners 
with a terse formula: "No photos, 
no letters, no memories." 

After the war Degueldre en- 
listed in the Foreign Legion, 
under a nom de guerre which he 
continued to use until 1958. For 
the next 15 years he experienced 
unremitting combat, first in Indo- 
china, then in Algeria. During this 
time he distinguished himself 
through his heroism and military 
skill, advancing through the 
enlisted ranks to first lieutenant, a 
rare occurrence in the Foreign 
Legion. 

Like his fellow soldiers, De- 
gueldre had been embittered by 
the political sellout of the French 
troops in Indochina. When the 
Arabs and Berbers of the F.L.N. 
initiated a campaign of terror 
against the French of Algeria in 
1954, the French Army fought 
from motives even more com- 
pelling than military pride and the 
national honor. 

The soldiers of the French 
Army — and particularly those of 
the Foreign Legion, which was 
headquartered in Algeria — had 
close ties to the more than one 
million French Algerians. Many 
Legionnaires had married local 
girls, and they planned to stay on 
as residents of Algiers or Oran 
after they retired. The pieds noirs, 
as the Whites of Algeria were 
known (from the story that their 
landless forefathers had arrived in 
Algeria without shoes, hence their 
"black feet"), idolized the French 
troops, especially the elite para- 
troopers and Legionnaires. 

When, in May 1958, it became 
evident that the leaders of the 
corrupt French Fourth Republic 
were ready to negotiate with the 
F.L.N. , the military moved deci- 
sively. General Salan, the com- 
mander-in-chief of French forces 




LIEUTENANT ROGER DEGUELDRE was a true European, and 
when forced to choose between his race and his career, he chose his 
race. Unlike most of the top O.A.S. leaders, Degueldre was neither a 
liberal nor a deracinated conservative, but a straightforward fighting 
man. While other White leaders argued and compromised, careful 
always not to seem racists, Degueldre set about the necessary business 
of killing the enemies of his race. 



GENERAL JOSEPH KATZ, the Butcher of Oran, was de Gaulle's 
most enthusiastic henchman In Algeria. Katz, a Jew, was one of the few 
top French Army officers who could be trusted by de Gaulle and the 
people behind him to feel no sympathy for the pieds noirs, the White 
settlers of Algeria. Katz was sadistically ruthless in implementing de 
Gaulle's betrayal of the pieds noirs and the delivery of Algeria to the 
h .L.N. 



in Algeria, made it plain to the 
government that the Army would 
not countenance another sellout 
like the one in Indochina, four 
years earlier. The Fourth Republic 
collapsed. By the end of May the 
government of France was Firmly 
in the hands of the one man both 
the French Algerians and the 
French Army trusted to keep 
Algeria French: Charles de Gaulle. 

De Gaulle's appeal to French 
nationalists was based on a 
number of myths, myths pro- 
moted by the small group of alien 
interlopers who wielded the real 
power in postwar France. One of 
the most effective of these myths 
was the one to the effect that 
Charles de Gaulle had single- 
handedly "saved the honor of 
France" by rebelling against the 
legally constituted French govern- 
ment of Marshal Petain and 
siding with the Anglo-Soviet 
Allies against Europe during the 
Second World War. A con- 
comitant falsehood was the idea 
that de Gaulle, by presiding over 
the bloody purges of anticommu- 
nist and anti-Gaullist Frenchmen 
which were perpetrated after the 
war, had "purified" France. 

No one believed this nonsense 
more fervently than the officers of 
the French Army. Those who 
were old enough to have done so 
had rallied to de Gaulle and the 
Resistance during the war. Under- 
standably, there were few Petain- 
ists left in the postwar French 
officer corps. If French soldiers 
were perplexed by the fact that 
their Jewish and leftist allies of 
the Second World War had 
proved to be France's bitterest 
enemies in the succeeding years, 
they still harbored no doubts as to 
de Gaulle's sincerity, 



Initially de Gaulle encouraged 
these illusions by journeying to 
Algeria, immediately after his 
election as president, and assuring 
the French population of his un- 
wavering support. Behind the 
scenes, however, he was preparing 
to do the bidding of the men to 
whom he owed his position: the 
small nucleus of Jewish 
"advisers," media barons, and 
other assorted wirepullers who 
called the tune in France and the 
rest of the Western world, in 1958 
as today. 

For two years, de Gaulle, with 
the help of press czars like Pierre 
Lazareff, the so-called "Napoleon 
of the French press," hoodwinked 
the French people and outmaneu- 
vered his more perceptive oppo- 
nents. Gradually de Gaulle weak- 
ened his assurances on the future 
of French Algeria. In January 
1959 he was speaking of a future 
Algeria "tightly associated with 
France.!' In September of that 
year he expressed his preference 
for "a government of Algeria by 
Algerians." After each trial 
balloon, Army officers who pro- 
tested were transferred or forced 
into retirement. 

In January 1960, de Gaulle 
transferred the popular comman- 
der-in-chief of the troops in 
Algeria, General Massu, for ques- 
tioning his intentions for Algeria. 
The pieds noirs took to the streets, 
with the circumspect assistance of 
anti-Gaullist Army officers. De 
Gaulle waited them out, and the 
"Affair of the Barricades," as it 
came to be called, failed to topple 
him from power. But during the 
succeeding months the ringleaders 
of the "barricades" affair, as well 
as a number of additional disaf- 
fected officers, gravitated to 



Madrid, where they laid the 
groundwork for the O.A.S. 

By early 1961 de Gaulle had 
largely purged the French Army 
of suspected opponents and was 
ready to proceed with the 
abandonment of Algeria to the 
F.L.N. At this point he met un- 
expected resistance. 

The men who had organized the 
O.A.S. were hardly the "fascists" 
or "militarists" of the leftist 
stereotype. In addition to officers 
who had dabbled in left-wing 
politics, like General Salan and 
Colonel Joseph Broizat (who was 
later to edit the O.A.S. paper The 
Centurions), there were enthus- 
iasts of Maoist-style guerrilla war- 
fare, notably Colonel Yves 
Godard and Colonel Roger 
Gardes. And the cold, cerebral 
French Algerian student leader 
and political theorist, Jean- 
Jacques Susini, delighted in de- 
scribing himself as a communist. 

The ideologically disparate 
group who headed the O.A.S. 
were united in an additional 
respect besides their hatred of de 
Gaulle and their devotion to a 
French Algeria: all of them had 
declared their opposition to any 
sort of racism. It was the policy of 
the O.A.S. from its beginning to 
its end that Algerian racial and 
cultural problems could be settled 
only by the complete Integration 
of the ten million Algerian Arabs 
and Berbers into the French 
community. 

The O.A.S. leaders showed a 
distinctly philo-Semitic bias. It 
was thought that the Jews of 
France could be swayed to the 
O.A.S. out of sympathy for the 
plight of the 300,000 Jews of 
Algeria, who were despised by the 
Moslem Algerians as grasping 
usurers. Jean-Jacques Susini, who 



emerged as the O.A.S.'s chief 
theorist and propagandist, even 
appointed a Jew, Andre Saada, as 
his secretary. 

During the spring and early 
summer of 1961 the O.A.S. 
organized clandestinely in 
Algeria. Colonel Godard and 
Lieutenant Degueldre, who had 
left his Foreign Legion regiment 
for the O.A.S. in February, 
created efficient intelligence and 
operational sections in Algiers 
and Oran. Cells were formed in 




PIERRE MENDES-FRANCE, 
the Traitor of Dien Bien Phu, was 
the Jewish premier of France who 
surrendered French Indochina to 
the communist Viet Minn in 1954, 
setting the pattern followed later 
by de Gaulle — and by Kissinger 
and Nixon. The rule laid down 
after the Second World War by 
Mendes-France and the other 
leaders of his tribe, under the pre- 
tense of abolishing imperialism, 
was: "No more White victories"; 
White men everywhere must learn 
to begin yielding to non-Whites. 



108 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



109 



the cities of metropolitan France. 
By the middle of the summer the 
O.A.S. was ready to act. 

Degueldre's Delta commandos 
struck first at de Gaulle's police. 
Inspector Gavoury was stabbed in 
his apartment in Algiers. In- 
spector Goldenberg was shot dead 
as he drove home through the 
Algiers University tunnel. Soon 
Gaullist anti-O.A.S, efforts in 
Algeria had been fought to a 
standstill. 

When the Deltas then began to 
aim their attacks at political oppo- 
nents of a French Algeria, the 
softer members of the O.A.S. 
high command took umbrage. 
The reaction of the press to Levy's 
death alarmed Salan, who enter- 
tained notions of winning leftist 
support in the fight against de 
Gaulle. But Salan was not even 
willing to hazard an attempt 
against de Gaulle himself. When a 
group of right-wing freelancers 
unaffiliated with the O.A.S. 
narrowly missed assassinating the 
president in September, Salan 
hastily assured the press that his 
men had played no part in the 
operation. 

Even as liberal-minded leaders 
of the O.A.S. were attempting to 
placate "public opinion" in 
France, de Gaulle's henchmen 
were readying a new and murder- 
ous weapon against the O.A.S. 
The barbouzes ("bearded ones" 
or "spooks"), as they came to be 
called, were organized under the 
aegis of the Gaullist Movement 
for Cooperation, which had as its 
rationale the promotion of Euro- 
pean-Moslem friendship. They 
were recruited largely from the 
Civic Action Service, a private 
army of toughs whose fanatical 
loyalty to de Gaulle was useful in 
intimidating his political oppo- 
nents. They were joined by a 
number of professional assassins, 
mostly Arabs and Vietnamese, the 
human detritus of the former 
French colonies, as well as a 
sprinkling of common criminals 
from the Marseilles waterfront, 
Few of them were newcomers to 
the arts of torture and murder. 

These assassins had no legal 
standing and were likewise subject 
to no legal constraints. Their very 
existence was denied by the 
government. They owed loyalty 
only to de Gaulle, and their 



mission was to destroy the O.A.S. 

When news of the barbouzes 3 
existence and purpose leaked out 
in mid-November, shortly before 
their arrival in Algiers, Degueldre 
moved swiftly and decisively. As 
the barbouzes cleared customs at 
Maison Blanche Airport outside 
the city, hidden cameras photo- 
graphed them, and clerks and 
officials sympathetic to the 
O.A.S. recorded the names on 
their passports. Within hours 
posters blossomed on walls and 
fences all over Algiers, bearing the 
barbouzes* pictures and current 
aliases, and the chilling, legend: 
"Barbouzes — wanted dead or 
alive.'* 

At first, the Deltas and the 
barbouzes circled one another 
warily, each looking for an open- 
ing. But quickly the barbouzes 
found themselves confined to 
their headquarters in two Algiers 
villas, the hunted rather than the 
hunters. On December 1 1 a Delta 
team ambushed two barbouze 
leaders, Lucien Bitterlin and 
Jacques Goulay, outside their 
villa, raking their car with sub- 
machine gun bullets. Miracul- 
ously, only Goulay was wounded. 

On the evening of December 31 
the barbouzes in Bitterlin's villa 
decided to lower their guard for 
New Year's Eve. As they cele- 
brated, Degueldre and his men, 
armed with machine guns and 
makeshift bazookas, crept into 
position on neighboring roofs. 
The whoosh of the first several 
rockets, wide of the mark, sent 
the startled merrymakers rushing 
to their weapons. Before they 
could return the Fire, a rocket 
struck home, hitting a cache of 
the barbouzes' hand grenades, 
which blew up with a lethal spray 
of shrapnel. Simultaneously, De- 
gueldre's machine gunners caught 
the defenders in a murderous 
crossfire. The Deltas vanished 
into the night, leaving a score of 
barbouzes dead or wounded. 

As the barbouzes' losses 
mounted, their bitterness toward 
the O.A.S. exploded in a frenzied 
orgy of torture and murder. Com- 
pletely thwarted in their efforts to 
eliminate the O.A.S. leadership, 
they vented their fury on which- 
ever pieds noirs fell into their 
hands, whether they were O.A.S. 
members or not. 



On January 29 the barbouzes 
kidnaped Alexander Tislenkoff, 
the son of a Tsarist officer who 
served the O.A.S. as a radio 
technician, Tislenkoff was 
brought to a shack behind the 
barbouzes' remaining villa on the 
heights overlooking Algiers. 
There he was tortured by two 
Vietnamese and a Tunisian. 

Tislenkoff s ordeal was inter- 
rupted by the arrival at the villa of 
a large crate, shipped from Paris, 
which his torturers hastened to 
help unload. The crate contained 
a large printing press, the arrival 
of which had been expected. With 
it the barbouzes intended to churn 
out anti-O.A.S., pro-Moslem 

posters and tracts by the hundreds 
of thousands. 

The barbouzes crowded 
around, eager to inspect the new 
machinery. As an Arab barbouze 
jimmied open the crate, he 
triggered a booby trap rigged to a 
60-pound plastic charge which the. 
Deltas had planted as the crate lay 
on an Algiers dock. 

The villa was completely demo- 
lished by the force of the blast. 
The barbouzes standing near the 
press were literally blown to bits. 
Others were crushed to jelly 
beneath tons of rubble. Alto- 
gether nearly 40 of de Gaulle's 
picked executioners were elimi- 
nated in one bold coup, among 
them barbouze leader Mario 
Lobianco, a fanatical leftist who 
had served with the communist 
International Brigade in Spain. 

Tislenkoff and another pied 
noir captive managed to escape 
after the blast, but Jacques 
Gosselin, a French Algerian unin- 
volved with the O.A.S., died in 
the cellar of the villa, where he 
was being held captive. 

The remaining barbouzes re- 
grouped for a last stand in the 
Hotel Rajah in downtown Algiers, 
It was not long before the Delta 
commandos came to call at their 
new headquarters. 

On February 19 two Army half- 
tracks rolled to a stop in front of 
the Hotel Rajah. The barbouzes 
suspected nothing until the Delta 
commandos, who had com- 
mandeered the military vehicles, 
directed a withering fire at the 
facade of the Rajah. Badly out- 
gunned, the barbouzes who were 



able to saved themselves by fleeing 
out the back doors and windows. 

Among the barbouzes who 
managed to escape was a badly 
wounded Vietnamese. His com- 
rades brought him to the Maillot 
Hospital, near the strongly pro- 
O.A.S. Bab el Oued district, The 
next day they returned to retrieve 
him. 

As the barbouzes departed the 
hospital grounds in their Peugeot, 
Delta gunmen opened fire. The 
auto careened down the street, out 
of control, its tires deflated, and 
crashed head on into a wall, The 
fuel tank caught fire and ex- 
ploded, As the Gaullist killers 
clawed frantically at the doors, 
the Deltas surrounded the car and 
pumped submachine gun bullets 
into the hapless occupants. 
Shortly, all was still inside the car. 
As the flames from the burning 
Peugeot roared aloft, curious 
pieds noirs from Bab el Oued 
gathered around. They evinced no 
sympathy for the rapidly charring 
barbouzes. 

After the Hotel Rajah incident, 
the barbouzes were destroyed as 
an effective force in Algeria. But 
despite Degueldre's brilliant suc- 
cesses the situation of the O.A.S. 
was beginning to deteriorate. De 
Gaulle and .his masters still held 
almost all the cards, and now they 
plotted new and brutal expedients. 

De Gaulle's first step, on March 
7, was to open negotiations with 
the F.L.N.' Although the F.L.N, 
had long since ceased to be a 
military factor in Algeria, 
France's alien-controlled press 
hailed de Gaulle's move- as a 
master stroke, foreshadowing by 
1 1 years the nearly identical press 
reaction to the Kissinger-Nixon 
"peace with honor" in Vietnam. 
The largely apathetic and self- 
centered Whites of metropolitan 
France were assured that the 
troublesome events in Algeria 
would soon be at an end and no 
longer their concern. The majority 
of Frenchmen acquiesced in de 
Gaulle's plans for the gratuitous 
surrender of Algeria. 

The O.A.S. propagandists, 
however, continued to try to 
appeal to the sense of fairness of 
men who, in fact, were the sworn 
enemies of a White Algeria. 
Salan, for example, seemed 
genuinely surprised when the 




CHARLES DE GAULLE was 
France's Eisenhower, a willing 
front man for the shadowy wire- 
pullers behind the scenes of world 
politics. Like Eisenhower, de 
Gaulle was a war "hero" who was 
able to deceive the shallow 
patriots and the foolish, short- 
sighted conservatives of his nation 
into believing that he was a true 
patriot. 

O.A.S. pirate radio broadcasts, to 
the effect that de Gaulle's forces 
were the new SS and Gestapo, 
failed to find sympathetic Jewish 
ears. Similarly, when Georges 
Bidault organized a pro-O.A.S. 
National Council of Resistance, 
patterned on the Resistance he 
had led during the war, he found 
no support whatsoever. 

Once de Gaulle was assured of 
the French public's passivity, he 
moved to take the offensive 
against the O.A.S. Since his 
security forces had made Little 
progress against the O.A.S. in- 
frastructure, de Gaulle's strate- 
gists made plans to move against 
the organization's grass-roots 
civilian base. 

Initially it had been difficult to 
find Army officers and men eager 
to combat the O.A.S., let alone 
French Algerian civilians. But as 
it became clear that de Gaulle was 
likely to prevail, he found willing 
accomplices among the more 
cynical military careerists. 

De Gaulle's commander in 
Oran, General Joseph Katz, 
brought a special ruthlessness to 




FRANCE'S FOREIGN LEGIONNAIRES represented the racially sound portion of the 
nation, and the barbouzes fright) represented the racial dregs; most barbouzes, in fact, had 
no Prankish or Gallic blood in their veins at all. Among the barbouzes in the group shown 
here are Jim Alcheik, a Tunisian killed by Degueldre's booby-trapped printing press 
(extreme right); Lucien Bitterlin, one of the principal barbouze leaders (left, with ciga- 
rette); and Mario Lobianco, a communist who also died in the printing-press blast 




his straggle with the O.A.S. It was 
Katz who had promised a day's 
leave to any soldier "eliminating a 
terrorist." Katz had developed 
particularly -brutal and effective 
methods of anti-O.A.S. combat. 
It was Katz's methods that were 
applied against the civilians of 
Algiers. 

On March 23, French tanks and 
armored cars rumbled into the 
pied noir neighborhood of Bab el 
Oued. House-to-house searches 
were carried out with utter dis- 
regard for the pieds noirs' rights 
as French citizens. Girls and 
women were stripped naked by 
leering recruits. European males 
who aroused suspicion were 
bound, beaten, and hauled off for 
further interrogation. Scores of 
Algerian Frenchmen, including 
women and children, were shot 
down by trigger-happy conscripts. 

A few days later thousands of 
French Algerians gathered to 
protest the Army's brutality in the 
Rue d'Tsly in downtown Algiers. 
They were confronted by squads 
of Arab troops of the French 
Army. When the peaceful demon- 
strators refused to disperse, the 
Arabs in French uniforms opened 
fire. The fusillade lasted nearly 
eight minutes. When it was over, 
50 men, women, and children lay 
dead in the street, with hundreds 
more wounded. 

As de Gaulle poured more and 
more police and troops into 
Algeria, and media support and 
popular indifference gave him an 
ever freer hand, the O.A.S. began 
to crack under the strain. Lower- 
level O.A.S. members were in- 
creasingly susceptible to police 



bribes. One by one, the O.A.S. 
leaders began to be captured. 

Degueldre was seized April 7. 
He had been betrayed by Francois 
Lecca, like Degueldre an ex- 
Legionnaire. Salan was taken on 
April 20. 

As the O.A.S. collapsed, its less 
honorable members began to flee. 
Andre Saada, the Jew who served 
as Susini's secretary, attempted to 
abscond with the O.A.S. treasury. 
He got no further than the Algiers 
railroad station, where his bullet- 
riddled body was discovered the 
next day. 

With the demise of the O.A.S., 

the French Army, in adherence to 
de Gaulle's orders, refused to 
assume the Secret Army's role in 
protecting the French Algerians. 
The terrorists of the F.L.N. , 
emboldened by the recognition 
the French government had ex- 
tended them, embarked on a 
bloody campaign of terror against 
the fleeing Europeans. During the 
last several weeks of the European 
presence in Algeria, more than 
3,000 Whites disappeared, a pop- 
ulation loss comparable to the 
kidnaping of three-quarters of a 
million Americans in the space of 
a month. Few of them were ever 
found, but those who were — a 
schoolgirl repeatedly raped and 
then stoned to death in a forest 
outside Algiers, a shopkeeper 
fiendishly tortured and mutilated 
— gave ample evidence of the 
nature of the men to whom de 
Gaulle was surrendering Algeria. 

With the forced exodus of 
nearly a million Europeans, the 

Algerian tragedy was nearly 




MASSACRE in the Rued'Isly, Algiers, on April 7, 1962, in which 50 pied noir civilians were killed. Although 
this was de Gaulle's worst atrocity in Algeria, the controlled press managed to play it down, just as it later 
played down the gruesome kidnap-murders of thousands of White men, women, and children by the F.L.N, 
during the pied noir flight from Algeria. 



ended. Only the final purge re- 
mained. 

The captured O.A.S. leaders 
went on trial for their lives before 
military courts in France. The 
generals and the colonels enjoyed 
a certain sympathy in French 
social and military circles. They 
were afforded the best legal 
counsel available. Some, like 
Salan, were acquitted outright, 
while de Gaulle commuted the 
death sentences of the higher- 
ranking officers to life imprison- 
ment. Almost all the remaining 
O.A.S. prisoners were pardoned 
at the time of the leftist student 
riots in Paris in 1 968, when, in the 



eyes of many of the O.A.S.'s 
former supporters, de Gaulle once 
again "saved France." 

Roger Degueldre, however, en- 
joyed little support among fas- 
hionable Parisians. Those sup- 
porters of the O.A.S. who 
thought of themselves as "re- 
sponsible" shied away from the 
leader of the dread Delta com- 
mandos. Degueldre's 1 lawyer, 
Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour, 
who had been brilliant in winning 
acquittal for Salan, badly botched 
Degueldre's defense. On June 28, 
Degueldre was found guilty on ten 
counts of murder. 



At dawn on July 6, 1962, 
Degueldre was transported to the 
execution ground at Fort d'lvray 
outside Paris, He told his execu- 
tioners, "1 want to say to all my 
fellow officers that 1 am proud to 
go to the end and die for having 
held to the oath I made that every 
fighting officer has sworn at least 
once, not to deliver Algeria to the 
F.L.N. " He declined a blindfold. 
As the six rifles cracked, De- 
gueldre sang the Marseillaise, 

(Issue No. 57, 1977) 



No Place in Hell 



Law-enforcement statisticians 
estimate that in 1977 some two 
million American juveniles will 
run away from home. Many of 
these are White girls in their early 
teens, and a horrifyingly large 
number of them will end up being 
lured into prostitution by Black 
pimps. 

Pimping is a virtually all-Black 
profession in America's decaying 
eastern cities, but prostitution, 
unfortunately, is not. While 
prostitutes bring a much higher 
price than Black women do, and 
the pimps consequently concen- 
trate on Finding White girls for 
their "stables." 



Especially in demand are 
blonde, blue-eyed Nordic girls 
from the Middle West. Black 
pimps have organized a regular 
"pipeline" of Nordic farm girls 
from Minnesota and other Mid- 
western states to New York City. 
A six-block stretch of Manhat- 
tan's Eighth Avenue near Times 
Square is known as "the Minne- 
sota Strip," because of the large 
number of young girls from the 
Middle West on the street there. 

When the girls run away from 
home they head for the Minne- 
apolis-St. Paul metropolitan area, 
which is the urhan hub of the 
upper Middle West. The bus sta- 



tions in Minneapolis and St, Paul 
are thick with Black pimps, all 
decked out in their Superfly 
finery, just waiting for the girls to 
get off the buses. The pimps ap- 
proach the frightened, lonely 
young girls with big smiles, offer- 
ing to help them with their 
luggage. 

Then they buy them lunch and 
begin sweet-talking them. The 
object is to get them aboard 
another bus, bound for New 
York. The girls all too often end 
up going along with the pimps, 
and as soon as they arrive in New 
York City the pimps have them at 
their mercy and force them into 



prostitution, usually forcing them 
into a drug habit at the same time, 
the better to control them. 

Why does a young White girl 
fall for a Black pimp's come-on? 
Officer Warren McGinnis of the 
New York Police Department's 
runaway unit explains: "The kid 
has been brought up not to have 
any racial bias, and she is bending 
over backward to show she is not 
prejudiced when she's accosted by 
this nicely dressed, sweet-talking, 
perfumed Black man. She's so 
conscious that she shouldn't put 
him down that she forgets she's 
being picked up by a street 
hustler." 



On the day when justice finally 
comes to America, there will be 
no place in hell deep enough to 
hide for the White preachers and 
Sunday school teachers and high 
school principals and newspaper 
editors and all the other pillars of 
our degenerate society who have 
collaborated in pumping the lie of 
racial equality into those blue- 
eyed farm girls from Minnesota. 

(Issue No. 57, 1977) 



Afrikaners OJK. Racemixing in S.W. Africa 



(seated). It is not surprising that France's hidden masters, who had nothing in common 
with the Legionnaires, put their faith instead in the barbouzes, with whom they felt a 
natural kinship. The tragedy Is that so many good Frenchmen, exemplified by the Legion, 
allowed themselves io be decerVed by de Gaulle into spilling the blood of other good 
Frenchmen, instead of making a common cause with them against the true enemies of their 
race and nation. 



South Africa's conservative 
leaders raised no objections to the 
abolition late last year of anti- 
racemixing laws in South West 
Africa, the former German colony 
which has been ruled by South 
Africa since World War I. All 
bars against sexual cohabitation 
and intermarriage between Whites 
and non-Whites in South West 
Africa were dropped by Martinus 
Steyn, the South African judge 
who is the chief administrator of 
the territory. 

South Africa is yielding, step by 
step, to demands from the United 
States government and the United 
Nations that South West Africa 
be given its "independence" — 
i.e., be turned over to Black rule. 
The South African government 
has so far not granted the total in- 



dependence demanded, but has 
taken a number of steps in that 
direction. 

Although South Africa's Eng- 
lish-language press, which is very 
largely under Jewish control, 
applied the principal internal pres- 
sure for allowing racemixing in 
South West Africa, the conserva- 
tive Afrikaans press put up no real 
fight against the change. After- 
ward, Die Vaderiand, regarded as 
a voice of South Africa's conser- 
vative National Party, editorial- 
ized: 

"The abolition of the Immor- 
ality and Mixed Marriages Acts in 
South West Africa could again 
give rise to questions being asked 
about the desirability of these 
laws in South Africa. 



"Even among Nationalists 
there is the feeling that such laws 
might perhaps do more harm than 
good to the country, and that they 
should be given more thought, . , , 

"It is clear that the South 
Westerners do not foresee any 
problems as a result of the aboli- 
tion of the laws. And if it should 
appear that they are right in the 
long run, it could only further 
stimulate the insistence on a 
similar step being taken in the 
Republic of South Africa, . . , 

"Any steps or formulas that 
help to make peaceful coexistence 
of races and groups possible in 
South West Africa in future, must 
necessarily also have to enjoy seri- 
ous attention in South Africa." 

The weaseling, compromising 
tone of this conservative oracle 



typifies the conservative readiness principles in return for peace and 

everywhere and at all times to profits. 

barter away the most fundamental (Issue No. 5S, 1978) 




MIXED COUPLE heading back to South West Africa. Now that they 
can cohabit legally, this Black preacher and his White wife, who is preg- 
nant with a mongrel child, are leaving New York City for Windhoek, 
South West Africa. The Black, James Kauluma, has been appointed 
bishop of South West Africa by the Anglican Church. The White, Sally 
Camp, is a former teacher in a church mission school ■ 



110 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



111 



The Trouble with Conservatism 



Last year a group of sick, guilt- 
ridden Dutch liberals in the 
Netherlands formed an anti-racist 
group, the Person-to-Person 
Committee, for the purpose of 
fighting apartheid among the 
Dutch-descended Afrikaners of 
South Africa. They distributed 
packets of postcards to Dutch 
schoolchildren, each card bearing 
a printed message attacking 
apartheid and a photograph of an 
alleged ' "atrocity" by South 
Africa's police and defense forces 
against Black ' ' freedom fighters. ' ' 
Each schoolchild was asked to 
add his return address and sign his 
name to the postcard and then 
mail it to an Afrikaner chosen at 
random from a South African 
telephone directory. 

The South African response to 
this poison-pen campaign was to 
organize the Afrikaans-Dutch 
Working Group, which prepared 
its own postcards to be mailed 
back to the Dutch children. Each 
card bore a photograph of South 
Africa's renowned heart-trans- 
plant pioneer, Professor 
Christiaan Barnard, holding and 
comforting a Negro baby. The 
printed message on the card was: 
'We are not the Black-haters 
many of you think we are." 

When I read the account of this 
episode in a recent issue of the 
South African Digest, a weekly 
public-relations magazine pub- 
lished by the South African gov- 
ernment, I thought to myself, 
"How typically conservative!" 

In fact, the pride with which the 
postcard ploy was related meshes 
perfectly with the whole tone of 
the conservative South African 
government's stance toward its 
critics. Each issue of the South 
African Digest is filled with 
articles which say, in effect, what 
the Barnard postcard said. They 
cite example after example of new 
concessions to Blacks; of millions 
of dollars of White South 
Africans' tax money being spent 
on shiny, new schools and 
hospitals for Blacks; of a 500 per 
cent increase in the wages of Black 
workers in the mining industry 
between 1970 and 1977; of the 
step-by-step dismantling of the 
South African policy of apartheid. 

They say to the world: "Look 
how good we are to our Blacks. 
We are not racists. We only want 
what is best for all South Afri- 
cans, Black and White. We don't 
shoot Black terrorists and rioters 
for being Black but only for being 
communists and lawbreakers. We 
have a conservative, law-and- 
order, anti-communist govern- 
ment." 

Closer to home, isn't that 
exactly the sort of mentality 
displayed by our own conserva- 
tives — by our anti-bussing 
groups, for example? "We are not 
racists," they all say. "We only 
want what is best for all children, 
Black and White." One of the 
more prominent of these groups, 
the National Association of 
Neighborhood Schools, even goes 
so far as to expel any member 
organization which is deemed to 
ihow "racist tendencies." 

Unfortunately, this reluctance 
on the part of many conservatives 
to take a forthright stand on racial 
matters is only one of several 



deeply troubling aspects of con- 
servatism, but it is an important 
one. It illustrates, perhaps better 
than anything else, the moral 
bankruptcy of the standpoint 
which more and more responsible, 
essentially decent Americans are 
adopting as they grope helplessly 
for an understanding of what is 



want our daughters forced to 
submit to fondling and pinching 
by Black males in hallways and on 
playgrounds. We don't want our 
sons picking up Black gutter 
language and 'jive talk.' We don't 
want our kids coming home with 
drugs and head lice. We don't 
want the opportunity to arise for 



"Conservatives' fear of the truth . . . 
totally undermines their position* They 
are morally defeated before they begin, 
because they have allowed themselves to 
be convinced that their true motivations 
are disreputable . . . .' 



happening to their world and how 
to cope with it. 

Do South Africans really be- 
lieve that all their professions of 
love for Blacks will ameliorate the 
hatred of the liberals the world 
over who are lusting for their 
blood? Do America's antL-bussers 
really believe that they can con- 
vince anyone (except, possibly, 

themselves) that race has nothing 
to do with their stand against 
bussing? 

Beyond the question of self- 
delusion is the related one of 
moral cowardice. Inability to 
admit to oneself one's basic 
motivations is one side of the 
coin; lack of the necessary cour- 
age to stand up before the world 
and declare those motivations to 
others is the other side, 

It is a fact that the average, 
conservative Afrikaner, if he woke 
up one morning and discovered 
that sickle-cell anemia had carried 
away all South Africa's Blacks 
during the night, would not be 
overwhelmed with grief. And it is 
a fact that the National Associa- 
tion of Neighborhood Schools 
would not exist if it were not for 
the racial aspect of bussing. 

Conservatives' fear of the truth, 
whether in South Africa or 
America, totally undermines their 
position. They are morally de- 
feated before they begin, because 
they have allowed themselves to 
be convinced that their true 
motivations are disreputable and 
must, therefore, be concealed — 
either from others alone or from 
everyone, including themselves. 

Why don't South African con- 
servatives, instead of continuing 
their disgusting game of trying to 
prove how solicitous they are of 
their Blacks' welfare, simply an- 
nounce to the world: "South 
Africa is a White man's country, 
and we intend to keep it that way. 
We have no use at all for Blacks 
except as a source of cheap labor, 
and when they get out of line we'll 
shoot as many as necessary to 
straighten them out again."? 

And why don't American anti- 
oussers, instead of trying to 
maintain their pretense that they 
don't care whether their children 
are forced to go to school with 
Blacks, just so it's a neighbor- 
Hood school, simply admit: "We 
don't want our children intimi- 
dated, beaten, and shaken down 
for their lunch money. We don't 



them to date Blacks."? 

If you take a conservative 
acquaintance aside and ask him 
why, he'll glance nervously over 
his shoulder and then explain that 
that wouldn't be smart. The 
newspapers would crucify them. 
The you-know-whos would be 
after their hides. By being moder- 
ate, he'll explain, they get a lot 
more support for their position. 

Which is just another way of 
saying that the enemy may go 
easier on you if you are careful 
not to pose a real threat to him 
— and if you agree before- 
hand to fight according to his 
rules. It reminds me of the old 
joke about the man who is down 
on his hands and knees on the 
pavement under a streetlamp one 
dark night looking for his lost 
wallet. "Are you sure this is where 
you lost it?" a friend asks. "No, I 
lost it in the next block," the man 
replies, "but there's no streetlamp 
there." 

Actually, the foregoing remarks 
overstress the average conserva- 
tive's lack of courage and under 
stress his lack of understanding. I 
should have said, "If / take a 
conservative acquaintance aside 
..." — that is, a conservative 
who has already been exposed to 
the National Alliance position — 
he will try to represent conser- 
vatism as a shrewd tactical 
approach, as a clever game plan. 
Most conservatives, I am 
afraid, are even more confused 
than that. They are fighting a 
losing battle, and fighting it by the 
enemy's rules, not so much from 
cowardice as from a lack of 
understanding as to what the fight 
is all about. 

There are a great many con- 
servatives who are not only afraid 
to tell the world what they are 
fighting for, but who are afraid to 
tell themselves. There are a great 
many conservative South Africans 
who are ashamed that they don't 
want Blacks running their coun- 
try, and there are a great many 
conservative Americans who are 
ashamed they don't want their 
children dating Blacks, 

If you know many conserva- 
tives — or if you have passed 
through a conservative phase 
yourself — then you know that is 
true. And that's very interesting, 
because it reveals the dangerous 
similarity between conservatism 
and liberalism. The liberal is 
driven by guilt and shame too. 



The difference between the 
liberal and the conservative is in 
the way they react to this inner 
conflict. The liberal surrenders to 
his guilt and tries to compensate 
for it. The conservative keeps 
fighting it, tries to keep it sup- 
pressed. 

But the source of the inner 
conflict — the source of the 
shame — is the same for both. It 
is the tacit acceptance of an 
artificial, unnatural, alien set of 
values. It is much worse than 
agreeing to fight by the enemy's 
rules: it is accepting the enemy's 
point of view — or, rather, the 
point of view the enemy has 
designed especially for his 
opponents. 

And therein lies the irredeem- 
ably fatal flaw in conservatism: it 
is a position with no grounding in 
a natural world view, no con- 
sistent ideological basis of its 
own, no underlying set of values 
rooted in the souls of Hts ad- 
herents, 

One might ask why we wring 
our hands in anguish over the 
shortcomings of conservatism; 
why not just let it die in peace, 
while we get on with the job we 
have to do? The answer is that, 
while conservatism itself is a 
hopeless position, a substantial 
portion of the persons who have 
stumbled into the conservative 
camp are salvageable. We need to 
understand conservatism and con- 
servatives if we are to salvage 
some of them. 

People enter the conservative 
camp for various reasons. For 
some — and this, unfortunately, 
includes many of the leaders — 
the reason is nothing but oppor- 
tunism. With America's troubles 
mounting, more and more re- 
sponsible Americans feel them- 
selves obliged to take a stand 
against the policies or tendencies 
or institutions they perceive as the 
causes of those troubles. They feel 
the need to align themselves with a 
candidate for public office or an 
organization or a publication 
which will speak out against those 
causes. And there is no lack of 
opportunists eager to satisfy that 
need — for a consideration, of 
course. 

And among rank-and-file con- 
servatives there are also ignoble 
motives. There are the greedy, the 
self-centered, the narrow-minded, 
the monomaniacs, the cranks. 
There are conservatives whose 
whole orientation is narrowly 
economic: opposition to income 
taxes, for example. 

But there are also sensitive, 
essentially decent Americans who 
feel drawn to the conservative 
position. Partly this feeling is a 
genera] reaction to an era of too- 
rapid change. More specifically it 
is a reaction against the perversity 
and sickness which is neo-liberal- 
ism. These conservatives under- 
stand only a one-dimensional 
ideological spectrum, a line with 
liberalism at one end and con- 
servatism at the other. Becoming 
a conservative, it seems to them, is 
expressing the maximum possible 
repudiation of liberalism. 

But this is so only under the 
unrealistic and artificial con- 
straint of one-dimensionality. The 
world just isn't that way, and to 
solve its problems requires more 



than a one-dimensional approach. 
Only by taking off one's ideologi- 
cal blinders and looking outside 
the linear ideological spectrum at 
the multi-dimensional world of 
ideas (in which liberalism and 
conservatism are only two points 
in space — and not so far apart at 
that, as we have seen), can one 
hope to gain the understanding 
needed for implementing an effec- 
tive cure of the sickness which 
afflicts our world today. 

Whatever their motives, Ameri- 
cans are identifying themselves as 
conservatives in larger numbers 
than ever before (although con- 
servatism is still a minority posi- 
tion). As liberal governmental 
programs continue to produce 
more failures and more chaos, the 
reaction is bound to continue to 
grow. And as this reaction grows 
the politicians and the hucksters, 
realizing the growing market for 
selling conservative nostrums, will 
change their tune accordingly. 

Even the Jews, perennial stal- 
warts of the left, are shifting 
slightly to the right: they see the 
need for a counter force to that 
segment of liberal opinion which, 
having slipped its leash, now 
identifies Israel as a racist, im- 
perialist state. And conservative 
leaders, displaying the ultimate 
proof of conservative moral 
astigmatism, are passionately em- 
bracing their newfound Jewish 
friends (and their friends' money). 
Conservative reasoning (if one 
may call it that) on the Middle 
East problem has always run 
something like this: "The 
commies are backing the Arabs; 
ergo, we should back the Jews." 
Never mind that half the Arab 
states are monarchies, with rulers 
who hate and fear communism 
like the plague. Never mind that 
other Arab states — most notably 
Egypt — have found the Soviets 
such treacherous allies that they 
have booted them out and re- 
jected offers of further Soviet 
backing; or that the few Arab 
states currently accepting aid from 
the U.S.S.R. were driven reluc- 
tantly into Soviet arms by prior 
American backing of Israel. Never 
mind all that, because the TV tells 
us that the Arabs are backed by 
the evil forces of international 
communism, and so we must help 
the Jews. 

The one embarrassing fact 
which kept the conservative pas- 
sion for Israel within decent 
bounds in the past was the openly 
avowed Marxism of Israel's 
Labor Party leaders. Golda Meir, 
a lifelong member and top official 
of the Socialist International 
(after she graduated from the 
ultra-red Zionist Labor Bund), 
made some of the finickier U.S. 
conservatives nervous, as did her 
equally Marxist successor as top 
Jew, Yitzchak Rabin. 

But now the Jews have a 
"conservative" leader: Zionist 
mass-murderer and former under- 
ground terrorist Menachern 
Begin, boss of Israel's "right 
wing" Likud faction — and 
American conservatives are 
swooning. 

Congressman Philip Crane 
(R-IL), chairman of the prestigi- 
ous American Conservative 
Union, says; "We American con- 
servatives are envious that Israel 



has a leader who possesses the 
economic insight that Prime 
Minister Begin has obviously 
shown in asking a man like Milton 
Friedman for counsel and 
advice." (Friedman is a Jewish 
economist much beloved of con- 
servatives for his laissez faire 
theories.) 




MENACHEM BEGIN, the most 
sinister political leader of modern 
times, Is greatly admired by the 
conservative politicians and writ- 
ers of America, because of his ad- 
vocacy of capitalism. The sly and 
crafty Mr. Begin began his politi- 
cal career as an underground ter- 
rorist and was responsible for the 
cold-blooded massacre of hun- 
dreds of civilian women and child- 
ren, for scores of political assassi- 
nations, and for dozens of terror 
bombings. The torture and grue- 
some mutilation of British prison- 
ers was his specialty. His present 
status as a conservative idol 
speaks volumes for conservative 
values. 

Another money-is-all-that-mat- 
ters conservative, Congressman 
Steve Symms (R-ID), echoes 
Crane, praising Begin because 
"the move in Israel toward a free- 
market economy should lessen 
tensions with the Arab nations." 

Congressman Larry McDonald 
(D-GA), a John Birch Society 
member, goes further: "Mena- 
chern Begin's election could very 
well be an extremely important 
gain for Western civilization in its 
struggle for survival against world 
communism .... [Begin's] pro- 
nouncements regarding the threat 



of world communism are like a 
breath of fresh air, and they 
should be a rallying cry for con- 
servatives, indeed, for all Ameri- 
cans." 

Other conservatives in Con- 
gress, such as Robert Dornan 
(R-CA) and Robert Bauman 
(R-MD), do not hesitate to add 
their own crocodile tears to the 
bucketsful being shed by Jewish 
spokesmen wailing about the 
"pressure" Jimmy Carter is sup- 
posedly applying to Israel in order 
to "force" a Middle East peace 
settlement. 

"President Carter has to realize 
that it is not important what 
makes him happy ... or makes 
his foreign policy look good for a 
while, but it is what is important 
for the existence of Israel," says 
Dornan. 

Bauman adds, "The problem 
for Israel is not Mr. Begin but Mr. 
Carter .... Our main commit- 
ment has to be to Israel." 
Bauman is a former national 
chairman of the ultra-conserva- 
tive Young Americans for 
Freedom (YAF). 

A current YAF leader, Execu- 
tive Director Ron Robinson, 
views support for Israel as a 
fundamental premise of conserva- 
tive thought: "Conservatives have 
a basic support for the position of 
Israel in the Middle East." 

Conservative writers are gen- 
erally marching in lockstep with 
conservative politicians in their 
admiration for Israel's present 
"free enterprise" administration. 
The conservative weekly tabloid, 
Human Events, spoke for most of 
them in a glowing editorial last 
year titled "Begin; Israel's Ronald 
Reagan." 

Another prominent conserva- 
tive periodical, National Review, 
regularly echoes the cliched praise 
in Human Events for Israel and 
Begin. Editor M. Stanton Evans 
claims, "Israel is ... an enclave 
of Western [sic!] society 
struggling for survival against the 
surrounding non-Western socie- 
ties." 

A recent article in the English- 
language Jerusalem Post gloat- 
ingly sums it up: "The American 
Right now views right-ruled Israel 
as sharing a common set of tradi- 
tional anti-collectivist values. 
More importantly it views Amer- 
ica and Israel as among the last 



bastions of freedom in a world 
gone increasingly totalitarian . . . 
Finding an American conservative 
politician who does not back 
Israel in strong terms these days is 
a difficult task." 

Conservatives are correct, of 
course, in viewing communism as 



a 



and it, as a doctrine which inter- 
prets history and all social phe- 
nomena solely in economic terms, 
predicates the primacy of gold 
over blood. 

It is true that a perceptive 
minority of conservatives has 
awakened to the fact that big 



And therein lies the irredeemably fatal 
flaw in conservatism: it is a position with 
no grounding in a natural world view, no 
consistent ideological basis of its own, 
no underlying set of values rooted in 
the souls of its adherents. 9 ' 



a serious danger, an evil which 
should be opposed. But — and 
this is the essence of the matter — 
conservatives oppose communism 
for the wrong reasons. They see it, 
first and foremost, as a threat to 
free enterprise: a threat to their 
bank accounts. What they really 
hate about communism is that it is 
collectivist (i.e., that it subordi- 
nates the welfare of the individual 
to the welfare of the community 
— at least, in theory) and that it is 
statist (i.e., that it vests ultimate 
authority in a highly centralized 
party-government apparatus in- 
stead of in more-or-less auto- 
nomous local governments). 

But if collectivism and statism 
were the only aspects of commu- 
nism we had to worry about, I, 
for one, would welcome it with 
open arms, as an infinitely 
superior alternative to the Jew- 
ridden, minority-coddling, cul- 
ture-defiling, soul-stifling, filth- 
wallowing, corruption-breeding, 
decadence-producing, race-de- 
stroying monstrosity of a System 
which now squats so unwhole- 
somely in the power centers of our 
nation (and which, of course, is 
also collectivist and statist, in the 
worst sense of the words, even if 
not so forthrightly as the 
Kremlin). 

No, the real evils of commu- 
nism are that it, like capitalism, is 
alien to us in origin and essence; 
and it, also like capitalism, is 
racially destructive. The doctrine 
of communism was born in the 
alien mind of Karl Marx (ne Levi); 



capitalism, private monopoly cap- 
italism, is by no means antitheti- 
cal to communism (state capital- 
ism). They have finally reached a 
vague understanding, after years 
of observing the backslapping 
camaraderie between Western 
capitalists, like the Rockefellers, 
and the masters of the Kremlin, 
that the fundamental values of the 
two systems have certain similari- 
ties — that they are merely varia- 
tions on the same economic- 
materialist theme. 

But it has not yet dawned on 
even the most alert conservatives 
that they themselves have a 
serious problem with values. 
Whether the issue is bussing or the 
Middle East or the menace of 
Marxism, the conservative's lack 
of a race-based world view invari- 
ably leads him astray — either by 
putting him on the wrong side of 
the issue, as in the case of the 
Middle East; or by robbing him of 
the courage of his conviction, as 
in the case of bussing; or by so 
confusing his motivations that he 
becomes ineffective, as in the case 
of opposition to Marxism. 

Beyond this, conservatism suf- 
fers the serious drawback of being 
an inherently defensive position, 
It has no aggressive, forward- 
looking program of its own, no 
great and shining Idea on high to 
guide the steps of its pioneers, no 
stirring anthem to inspire its 
troops to rush forward and slay 
the unbelievers. 

The goal of the conservative is 
not to create something new but 



merely to protect what is or, at the 
extreme, to restore what recently 
was. The goal of the revolutionary 

— of the "radical" whom the 
conservative so passionately hates 

— on the other hand, is to trans- 
form in a fundamental (i.e., radi- 
cal) way what is or to do away 
with it altogether, so that it can be 
replaced by something entirely 
different. 

It is a fact of history that the 
advantage has always lain on the 
side of the contender who is pre- 
pared to take the offensive, as 
well as maintain his defenses. And 
when one contender has a revolu- 
tionary ideology, a fighting creed 

— a true or a false ideology, a 
good or an evil creed — the 
opponent can only hope to win if 
he also has a revolutionary 
ideology. He may, for a long 
time, deny his revolutionary 
opponent a full and complete vic- 
tory, but he is bound to be de- 
feated in the end. 

What those Americans (and 
those White men and women 
everywhere in the world) must do 
now who are instinctively repelled 
by the alien and unnatural 
programs of the left; who intui- 
tively feel that there must be a 
better world than today's spirit- 
ually degenerate liberal Utopia; 
and who, not understanding their 
error, are swallowing the poison 
of conservatism as an imagined 
antidote to the poison of liberal- 
ism — what these good people 
must do now is exchange the 
sterile, defensive, race-denying 
cliches of conservatism for a race- 
based fighting creed; for a revolu- 
tionary ideology of ultimate goals 
and ideals; for a great spiritual 
Truth capable of illuminating the 
innermost depths of their own 
race soul, so that they not only be- 
come conscious of the essence of 
that race soul but proudly and 
bravely think and speak and act in 
accord with its dictates. 

Then they will no longer be con- 
servatives, but members of a new 
vanguard which will, one day, 
wrest from the morass which lib- 
eralism has made of our world a 
new order of truth and beauty and 
health and sanity and genuine 
progress. 

(Issue No. 58, 1978) 



Two Worlds, Not One 





CARL GUSTA V JUNG SIGMUND FREUD 

The unending war: Western science vs. Jewish charlatanry. 



The great Swiss pioneer in psy- 
chology and psychiatry, Carl 
Gustav Jung (1875-1961), was a 
contemporary of the Jewish "psy- 
choanalyst," Sigmund Freud 
(1856-1939). 

Initially Jung found merit in 
some of Freud's early work in 
psychiatry, but he did not hesitate 
to withdraw his endorsement of 
Freud when the latter deviated 
more and more from a scientific 
approach to the study of the 
human mind and instead began 
attempting to popularize various 
kinky sexual theories. Finally 
Freud abandoned science alto- 
gether for unabashed charlatanry 
and accumulated a fortune in 
Vienna by explaining to wealthy, 
neurotic Jews that their problems 
were rooted in a suppressed desire 
to have sexual intercourse with 
their mothers — or, in the case of 



his female patients, in their sub- 
conscious disappointment at being 
born without penises. 

Jung then began to understand 
that Freud's peculiar interpreta- 
tion of man's nature was not an 
entirely arbitrary thing but was 
rooted in his Jewishness. Freud's 
fascination with unnatural sex 
and the willingness of his Jewish 
patients to accept his theories 
both had a racial basis — as did 
also, for example, the Talmud's 
obsessive preoccupation with the 
same subject. 

Jung came to realize that the 
mental world of the Jew and the 
mental world of the European 
were two entirely different worlds. 
He hinted at this when he said: 
"We cannot help being prejudiced 
by our ancestors, who want to 
look at. things in a certain way, 
and so we instinctively have cer- 
tain points of view. I would be 
neurotic if I saw things in another 
way than my instinct tells me to 
do .... I cannot say I have a 



Freudian psychology, because I 
never had such difficulties in rela- 
tion to desires. As a boy I lived in 
the country and took things very 
naturally, and the natural and un- 
natural things of which Freud 
speaks were not interesting to me. 
The talk of an incest complex just 
bores me to tears." 

Jung's insight into the nature of 
neurosis has particular meaning 
for us today. He said, "I know 
exactly how I could make myself 
neurotic: If I said or believed 
something that is not myself." If 
this offers us a clue as to why 
Jung could not accept Freud's 
point of view, it is also a clue as to 
why our entire Western world — 
steeped as it is in alien spiritual, 
cultural, and political concepts — 
is so neurotic. 

(Issue No. 58, 1978) 



112 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



113 






Fichte and the German Nation 



Fichte's Patriotism Roused His Countrymen 






Johann Gottlieb Fichte was one 
of those rare men who are both 
thinkers and heroes. His chal- 
lenging Wissenschaftslehre ("doc- 
trine of science") remains one of 
the most ambitious attempts to 
encompass the world and its 
meaning in a speculative philo- 
sophical system. In his elabora- 
tion of Immanuel Kant's philos- 
ophy of ethical idealism, Fichte 
achieved a compelling synthesis of 
the complementary values of 
freedom and duty. His conception 
of the world as the material pro- 
jection of an ultimately all- 
embracing World-Ego exercised a 
seminal influence on the Roman- 
tic movement, that radical reasser- 
tion of Aryan racial values which 
in Fichte's time was displacing the 
shallow rationalism of the En- 
lightenment. 

Yet it is as the hero who called 
for a regeneration of the German 
spirit in an epoch-making series of 
addresses in a conquered Berlin 
swarming with hostile French 
troops that Fichte will live on in 
the memory of his countrymen, In 
his Addresses to the German 
Nation, the philosophus teuton- 
icuSj as the patriot-poet Ernst 
Moritz Arndt dubbed Fichte, 
revealed a vision of his people's 
destiny which transcends national 
boundaries and still beckons to 
our own and future generations 
for fulfillment. 

In December of 1807, it seemed 
that Napoleon and his all-con- 
quering French armies had extin- 
guished the last ember of German 
nationhood. In the year before, 
the Holy Roman Empire, the only 
tangible expression of the political 
unity of the German nation, 
feeble though it was, had been dis- 
solved* More important, Fichte's 
adopted homeland, Prussia, had 
reaped the fruits of over a 
decade's timidity and indifference 
to the fate of its German neigh- 
bors. On October 14, 1806, at the 
twin battles of Jena and Auer- 
staedt, Napoleon's troops had all 
but annihilated the once matchless 
Prussian military machine. After 
fleeing to Koenigsberg in East 
Prussia, {he well-meaning but 
irresolute Hohenzollern, King 
Frederick William III, had been 
forced to sign away half his 
country's territory in the humili- 
ating Treaty of Tilsit. Prussia was 
further obligated to pay a 
crippling indemnity, and Berlin 
was garrisoned by French troops. 

More ominous than the military 
collapse of Prussia and the other 
German states was the con- 
comitant decline in German 
morale. The purely dynastic 
patriotism which the various Ger- 
man princes had attempted to 
foster among their subjects had 
proved no match for the intense 
nationalism which spurred the 
French invaders. Although, pre- 
dictably, Germany's Jews had ac- 
corded Napoleon his most enthus- 
iastic welcome, many a Berlin 
burgher had also cheered the 
triumphant entry of the French 
imperial army. Prominent citizens 
sought audiences with the 
emperor, and sycophantic writers 
wrote panegyrics to his genius. 

In pointed, contrast to Napo- 
leon's effusive admirers, German 
patriots had fallen silent, content 
to denounce the foreign op- 
pressors only to their most trusted- 



friends in the privacy of their 
drawing rooms. There was ample 
justification for their timidity. 
French spies and German in- 
formers in their service were 
everywhere, and the French cen- 
sors had more than blue pencils at 
their disposal. 

Little more than a year before, 
Johannes Palm, a Nuremberg 
bookseller, had been arrested in 
connection with the writing and 
circulation of an anonymous anti- 
French pamphlet entitled Ger- 
many in Her Deepest Humilia- 
tion. He had been betrayed to the 
authorities by a German police- 
man. On August 26, 1806, Palm 
had been shot in the little Austrian 
town of Braunau-on-the-Inn 
(which, 83 years later, was to ac- 
quire even greater cause for the 
veneration of German patriots). 

In these desperate circum- 
stances, the philosopher Fichte re- 
solved to speak out publicly in the 
cause of the German nation. He 
had accompanied the Prussian 
court and the remnants of 
Prussia's battered army to 
Koenigsberg in 1806. There, his 
reptuation for radicalism had 
frustrated him in his attempts to 
be appointed field preacher to the 
troops. Disappointed but still 
overflowing with determination to 
rekindle the German spirit, Fichte 
returned to Berlin in August 1807. 
He took up residence with his 
family in the secluded Georgen- 
garten, in a section of Berlin 
rarely frequented by the French 
soldiers. In the following months, 
he immersed himself in the writ- 
ings of Machiavelli and the Swiss 
educator Pestalozzi, but above all 
in the Annals of Tacitus, in which 
the heroic deeds of Hermann the 
Cheruscer against the Roman 
legions find their echo. 

Drawing on these writers for in- 
spiration, Fichte began to com- 
pose a series of lectures which in- 
corporated the spirit of Machia- 
velli 's and Hermann's fervent 
patriotism, and drew on Pesta- 
lozzi's concrete proposals for 
educational reform. Professor 
Fichte (who was at that time a 
member of the faculty of the Uni- 
versity of Erlangen) announced 
the addresses in a brief notice in 
the Vossischer Zeitung, one of the 
leading Berlin newspapers of the 
day. According to the announce- 
ment, the lecture series was to be 
the continuation of a popular 
course Fichte had delivered in 
Berlin three years before, which 
he had titled The Characteristics 
of the Present Age. 

The Berliners who crowded the 
amphitheatre of the Academy of 
Sciences at noon on Sunday, 
December 13, 1807, were doubt- 
less drawn by more than intel- 
lectual curiosity. Fichte had 
never shrunk from controversy, 
particularly in addressing the vital 
questions of the day, nor did he 
show any qualms in skewering his 
intellectual opponents on the 
sharp prongs of his scathing 
polemics. Would he be as forth- 
right in dealing with the French? 

There was also the problem of 
continuity with the previous lec- 
ture series. Attentive students of 
Fichte could recall that in his 
Characteristics addresses, the 
philosopher had represented him- 
self as something other than the 







JOHANN GOTTLIEB FICHTE (1762-1814) dedicated his Ufe not only 
to finding the truth but to proclaiming It to Ibe world, regardless of the 
consequences, His stirring Addresses to the German Nation, delivered 
at the risk of arrest or even death at the hands of the French authori- 
ties, marked the dramatic high point of his public career, but his contri- 
butions to the philosophical basis of the Romantic movement were evea 
more valuable to his posterity. Fichte stressed the Importance of intui- 
tive knowledge, that deep wisdom which Iks in the race-soul and is 
sustained by the Universal Consciousness. 



fervent patriot he had revealed 
himself to be in the intervening 
years. In fact, Fichte had proudly 
boasted of a cosmopolitanism in 
which "we ourselves and our 
descendants can remain indiffer- 
ent forever to the affairs and fates 
of nations and states." How were 
these sentiments to be reconciled 
with Fichte's present stance? 

Fichte was not unmindful of 
Palm's fate. Later, during the 
course of his lectures, he wrote to 
his friend, the Prussian counselor 
Beyme: "I know full well what I 
am risking; I know that I can be 
shot just like Palm. But I have no 
fear, and would gladly die for the 
realization of my goal." 

Elsewhere Fichte wrote: "The 
only decisive factor is, can you 
hope that the good to be accomp- 
lished is greater than the danger to 
be risked? That good is inspira- 
tion, exaltation. My personal 
danger doesn't matter; rather, it 
could be extremely advantageous. 
My family and my son would not 
lack the nation's assistance; my 
son would reap the benefits of his 
father's martyrdom. That would 
be the best outcome. I couldn't 
make better use of my life." 

It was in this spirit that Fichte 
inaugurated his Addresses to the 



German Nation. On the podium 
of the packed amphitheatre, he 
presented a commanding appear- 
ance. Short but robust, his sharp 
features radiated firmness of pur- 
pose. As Immanuel Hermann 
Fichte, his son and biographer, 
later wrote, "Fichte's words in his 
lectures sweep along like a storm- 
cloud that sheds its fire in separate 
strokes. He does not move, but he 
uplifts the soul." 

Fichte immediately established 
the connection with his lectures on 
The Characteristics of the Modern 
Age. In the Characteristics, Fichte 
had developed a scheme of five 
successive ages, somewhat similar 
to that propounded by the great 
German dramatist and critic Gott- 
hold Ephraim Lessing some years 
before. According to Fichte, 
human history was a process of 
evolutionary progress, yet during 
the Enlightment the all-too-rapid 
supersession of the age of blind 
faith and obedience by a human 
reason not yet anchored in a 
foundation of a real knowledge 
had ushered in an age of "com- 
pleted sinfulness." 

Now, Fichte proclaimed, the 
age of completed sinfulness had 
come to an end, and it was the 
task of the Germans to lead all 



mankind to a new epoch of libera- 
tion. Despite his universal aims, 
Fichte made clear that he spoke 
"only of Germans and only for 
Germans." It was only the 
German people who had the qual- 
ities of character demanded for 
initiating the new era. But first it 
was necessary "to avert the down- 
fall of our nation, which is 
threatened by its fusion with 
foreign peoples, and win back 
again an individuality that is self- 
supporting and quite incapable of 
any dependence on others." 

From time to time as Fichte 
spoke, the blare of martial music 
reached the ears of his listeners. 
The broad Berlin avenue Unter 
Den Linden ran past the Academy 
of Sciences, and Napoleon's 
officers staged frequent parades 
to maintain the elan of their 
troops. 

Within the amphitheatre itself 
there were Berliners whose atten- 
tiveness was neither the product 
of patriotic ardor nor of a thirst 
for philosophical enlightenment. 
They were well known to be in- 
formers to the French authorities, 
and they pricked up their ears to 
catch any hints of rebelliousness 
against the rule of the heralds of 
the "Rights of Man." 

Fichte had cleverly anticipated 
them. It was not his purpose to 
castigage the French so much as to 
promote a German national 
revival. Besides, as he pointed 
out, it was not at that time possi- 
ble to dislodge the conquerors by 
merely military means. Despite his 
surface disavowal of anti-French 
aims, however, Fichte never 
missed an opportunity, all 
through the Addresses, to belabor 
the French and, indeed, Napoleon 
himself, with a characteristically 
French irony, which evidently 
eluded the French military govern- 
ment's journeymen snoops. 

The solution which Fichte 
offered to the ills which beset the 
German nation, both at the hands 
of the French and in the context 
of the self-seeking which had per- 
vaded all classes in Germany even 
before defeat, was "a total change 
of the existing system of educa- 
tion." In its place was to be in- 
stituted a system of national 
education (Nationaterziehung), to 
apply to "every German without 
exception, so that it is not the 
education of a single class, but the 
education of the nation, simply as 
such and without excepting any of 
its individual members." 

Fichte concluded his first 
address with an inspirational 
evocation of his purpose in speak- 
ing out: "The dawn of the new 
world is already past its breaking; 
already it gilds the mountaintops, 
and heralds the coming day. 1 
wish, so far as in me lies, to catch 
the rays of this dawn and weave 
them into a mirror, in which our 
grief-stricken age may see itself; 
so that it may believe in its own 
existence, may perceive its real 
self, and, as in a prophetic vision, 
may see its own development, its 
coming forms pass by." 

Fichte's own life and intel- 
lectual development uniquely 
qualified him for his role as herald 
of Germany's awakening. The 
philosopher's career provides 
ample evidence of his own 
possession of those qualities of 



mind and will which he sought to 
instill in others, in sharp contrast 
to certain other world-betterers 
(Rousseau and Marx spring to 
mind). 

Johann Gottlieb Fichte was 
born on May 19, 1762, in 
Rammenau, Upper Lusatia, in 
what was then the electorate of 
Saxony, His origins were humble. 
His father was a weaver, his 
mother a woman of simple piety. 
When Fichte was nine, his quick 
intelligence caught the eye of a 
local nobleman, Baron von 
Miltitz, who decided to sponsor 
his education. After two years of 
instruction at a neighboring par- 
sonage, Fichte was enrolled in the 
renowned Schulpforta, a private 
boarding school which today 
numbers, in addition to Fichte, 
the poet Klopstock, the historian 
Ranke, and the philosopher 
Nietzsche among its illustrious 
alumni. 

The education which Fichte ac- 
quired at Schulpforta qualified 
him for membership in Germany's 
intellectual elite without estrang- 
ing him from a consciousness of 
himself as a man of the people. 
When Fichte was forced to 
abandon his university studies 
after only a year, due to his 
patron's death, his democratic 
feelings were reinforced by nearly 
a decade's experience as a tutor to 
the sons of the noble and wealthy. 
Treated as little better than a 
servant by his wealthy employers, 
Fichte gained a life-long contempt 
for the aristocracy. 

The turning point in Fichte's 
life came with his introduction, by 
a university student whom he was 
tutoring, to the philosophy of 
Immanuel Kant. Fichte immedi- 
ately embraced Kant's rejection of 
the shallow rationalism and 
materialism in vogue in German 
and French philosophy during the 
18th century, as well as his 
"intuitive" justification of God 
and the immortality of the soul. 
Fichte quickly mastered Kant's 
philosophy and in 1791, with 
Kant's approval, anonymously 
published A Critique of All 
Revelation, which was immedi- 
ately taken to be Kant's own 
work. When Fichte's authorship 
became known, his reputation 
was assured. Shortly thereafter, at 
the urging of Goethe, Fichte was 
appointed a professor of philos- 
ophy at the University of Jena in 
Saxe-Weimar. 

While at Jena, Fichte evolved 
his Wissenschaftslehre, in which 
he dispensed with Kant's conces- 
sions to a reality capable of being 
objectively apprehended in favor 
of a world view based entirely on 
the supremacy of the mind and 
the will. Among the students he 
decisively influenced were the 
poet Novalk, the philosopher 
Schelling, and the Schlegel 
brothers, who were both to be- 
come outstanding philologists. 

In 1799, Fichte was forced out 
of Jena following a controversy 
worked up by his opponents 
around the specious charge that 
Fichte was an atheist. Departing 
the allegedly tolerant Saxe- 
Weimar, he found a ready recep- 
tion in absolutist Prussia. 

In Prussia, Fichte began to de- 
velop his philosophy in a direction 
which took more cognizance of 
the importance of the nation and 
the state in providing the condi- 



tions under which knowledge and 
virtue might be attained and culti- 
vated. In 1800 he wrote The Closed 
Commercial State, which sought 
to harmonize the exigencies of 
economic justice and the needs of 
the state. As the first description 
of a national socialism in other 
than Utopian terms, The Closed 



French models. Yet, in the politi- 
cal sphere, the ideal of men such 
as Goethe and Kant remained a 
hazy cosmopolitanism. 

Goethe, in particular, affected 
an Olympian detachment, going 
so far as to receive Napoleon 
cordially when the emperor passed 
through Weimar. As we have 



Unwieldy as this sort of bold 
reductionism strikes us today, 
Fichte made good use of it in 
stirring national pride. Despite his 
ignorance of the biological factors 
underlying group differences, 
Fichte was unerring in delineating 
the strong points of the German 
character. In a memorable pass- 




A TRIUMPHANT NAPOLEON leads his troops through the Brandenburg Gate into Berlin on October 27, 
1806, thirteen days after annihilating the Prussian Army at Jena and Auerstaedt. This pro-French painting, 
by Charles Meynier, scarcely exaggerates the acclaim turncoat Berliners showered on the emperor. Prominent 
among the supporters of the French conquerers were the members of a race synonomous with treachery. As 
one historian put it, "Only the Jews were wholeheartedly and unhesitatingly pro-French, since they knew 
that one of the [French] revolutionary principles was their political and social emancipation . . ." 

Fichte, even when he had tended to support the ideals of the French Revolution, pointedly excluded the 
Jews from consideration as German citizens. In anticipation of the National Socialist program, he advocated 
their deportation from Germany. 



Commercial State had no small 
influence on future political 
thought in Germany. 

By 1806 Fichte had evolved the 
essentials of the ideology of Ger- 
man nationalism which animated 
the Addresses to the German 
Nation. 

Despite Fichte's situation of the 
Addresses in the context of his 
complex Wissenschaftslehre, their 
central thesis — that Germany's 
rebirth was to be accomplished 
through a program of "national 
education" — is relatively easy to 
grasp. The ideas which underlie 
this thesis, however, require a cer- 
tain amount of elucidation, 
especially for the modern reader. 

Those who approach the Ad- 
dresses in anticipation of a super- 
charged distillate of anti-French, 
patriotic fustian will doubtless be 
disappointed. Fichte's purpose in 
delivering the Addresses was not 
so much to excoriate the Corsican 
tyrant and his French (and Ger- 
man) minions as to galvanize his 
fellow Germans into effective 
thought and action. 

Americans weaned for two gen- 
erations on propaganda depicting 
the Germans as frenzied chau- 
vinists will have difficulty in 
visualizing the degree of indiffer- 
ence to Germany's political for- 
tunes which prevailed among Ger- 
man intellectuals in Fichte's time. 
During the previous fifty years the 
leading writers and thinkers of 
Germany had emancipated the 
nation's literature and philosophy 
from their slavish imitation of 



seen, even Fichte was long able to 
delude himself in the notion that 
he, too, was a "citizen of the 
world." 

The special task which Fichte 
set himself in the writing the 
Addresses to the German Nation 
was to imbue educated Germans 
with a sense of national mission. 
To that end, he played on the feel- 
ings of cultural and linguistic 
pride which German intellectuals 
had developed over the preceding 
decades. 

Fichte argued that the German 
Volk was superior in character to 
those peoples in Europe, often 
originally German, who had 
abandoned their original lan- 
guages for new ones derived from 
Latin. Drawing heavily on the 
theories of the philologist and 
literary critic August Wilhelm von 
Schlegel, Fichte differentiated 
between German, a "living lan- 
guage" or "original language" 
{(Jrsprache), able to form an intel- 
lectual and philosophical vocabu- 
lary from its own roots, and the 
Romance languages, which were 
forced to draw their scholarly 
words from a dead language. 

According to Fichte, this reli- 
ance (in the case of the German 
language) on native words with 
concrete connotations to depict 
the "supersensuous" insured a 
clarity and honesty of expression 
sadly lacking in such languages as 
French and Italian. In fact, the 
Germans owed their "honest 
diligence and earnestness in all 
things" solely to their language. 



age, he described the German 
spirit as "an eagle, whose mighty 
body thrusts itself on high and 
soars on strong and well-practiced 
wings into the empyrean, that it 
may rise nearer to the sun 
whereon it delights to gaze," in 
contrast to the less inspired Latin 
peoples, whose genius he likened 
to "a bee, which with busy art 
gathers the honey from the 
flowers and deposits it with 
charming tidiness in cells of regu- 
lar construction." 

Having established at length the 
worth of German culture and 
character, Fichte emphasized that 
the German language, the basis of 
character and culture, was in 
danger of disappearing in a 
Germany dominated by aliens. 
("Where a people has ceased to 
govern itself, it is equally bound 
to give up its language and 
coalesce with its conquerors, in 
order that there may be unity and 
internal peace and complete 
oblivion of relationships which no 
longer exist"). 

The system of national educa- 
tion which Fichte proposed to 
insure the future survival of the 
German language — and, thus, of 
the German people — embodied a 
far more radical conception than 
is perhaps evident at first glance. 
The idea of inculcating in an elite 
a virtue which can only be ac- 
quired through knowledge goes 
back at least as far as Plato's 
Republic. Fichte revised this idea 
by boldly mandating such an 



education for the entire youth of 
the nation. 

In the words of Fichte, "So 
there is nothing left for us but just 
to apply the new system to every 
German without exception, so 
that it is not the education of a 
single class, but the education of 
the nation, simply as such and 
without excepting any of its mem- 
bers. In this, that is to say in the 
training of man to take real 
pleasure in what is right, all dis- 
tinction of classes which may in 
the future find a place in other 
branches of development will be 
completely removed and vanish. 
In this way there will grow up 
among us, not popular education, 
but real German national educa- 
tion." 

The educational system which 
Fichte envisioned was indebted to 
the theories of Johann Heinrich 
Pestalozzi, a Swiss who had made 
his life's work the education of 
the children of the poor. In con- 
trast to the force- feeding of the 
intellect which was the staple of 
rationalist educational practice, 
Pestalozzi laid stress on the devel- 
opment of the child's character. 
To this concern Fichte added a 
special emphasis on the training 
of the will, which he felt had long 
been greatly neglected by German 
educators. Briefly, Fichte's con- 
ception of national education was 
' ' the art of training the whole man 
completely and fully for man- 
hood." 

According to Fichte, "When 
once the generation that has been 
formed by this education is in 
existence — a generation impelled 
by its taste for the right and the 
good and by nothing else what- 
ever; a generation provided with 
an understanding that is adequate 
for its standpoint and recognizes 
the right unfailingly on every 
occasion; a generation equipped 
with full power, both physical and 
spiritual, to carry out its will on 
every occasion — when once this 
generation is in existence, every- 
thing that we can long for in our 
boldest wishes will come into 
being of itself from the very exist- 
ence of that generation, and will 
grow out of it naturally." 

Fichte concluded the Addresses 
with some of the most stirring 
oratory in the German language. 
He threw down a challenge to his 
German hearers in these words: 
"Review in your own minds the 
various conditions between which 
you now have to make a choice. If 
you continue in your dullness and 
helplessness, all the evils of serf- 
dom are awaiting you; depriva- 
tions, humiliations, the scorn and 
arrogance of your conqueror; you 
will be driven and harried in every 
corner, because you are in the 
wrong and in the way everywhere; 
until by the sacrifice of your 
nationality and your language, 
you have purchased for yourselves 
some subordinate and petty place, 
and until in this way you 
gradually die out as a people. If, 
on the other hand, you bestir 
yourselves and play the man, you 
will continue in a tolerable and 
honorable existence, and you will 
see growing up among you and 
around you a generation that will 
be the promise for you and for the 
Germans of most illustrious 
renown. You will see in spirit the 



114 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



115 



German name rising by means of 
this generation to be the most 
glorious among all peoples; you 
will see this nation the regenerator 
and re-creator of the world." 

As is well known, Fichte's 
Addresses helped fan the dying 
embers of German national feel- 



ing into a raging inferno which 
swept the French invaders from 
the fatherland in the Wars of 
Liberation five years later. Yet 
Fichte's radicalism in demanding 
a united Germany organized 
along the lines spelled out in his 
Addresses waited a century and a 
quarter for its brief realization. 



In the short period of Germany's 
resurgence under National Social- 
ism, Fichte's ideal of a generation 
of German youth steeled in char- 
acter and will first began to take 
shape. 

Fichte's courage in saying what 
had to be said at the risk of his 



own life in 1807 should serve to 
embolden White men and women 
in possession of the truth today to 
speak out unhesistatingly. The 
philosopher's vision of a national 
education cutting across class 
lines and embracing the whole 
people to mold young men and 
women into principled members 



of their nation and race will 
remain a beacon urging us on to 
the future reality. 

(Issue No. 58, 1978) 



Farmers Fighting 

to Survive 



A Way of Life 
Is Threatened 

Farmers are usually among the 
last Americans to join protest 
marches and demonstrations. But 
now farmers under the banner of 
the American Agriculture Move- 
ment are waging the largest 
nation-wide protest in many years. 
They came to Washington from 
all across America to demand a 
hearing. They stormed and seized 
the office of the Secretary of 
Agriculture, jeered President Car- 
ter, and marched by the thousands 
through the capital. 

Angry farmers driving hun- 
dreds of tractors blocked traffic in 
Plains, Georgia; outside the Chic- 
ago Board of Trade; and else- 
where. In Texas they hurled eggs 
and insults at Agriculture Secre- 
tary Bergland and battled with 
police to stop the import of cheap 
Mexican produce. Many have 
halted new crop planting and the 
buying of supplies in the greatest 
protest strike action in the history 
of American agriculture. 

Squeezed by rising costs, high 
interest rates, inflated middle- 
man profits, and stagnating or 







THREE FACES OF AMERICAN FARMING: American farmers have 
traditionally personified (he virtues of self-reliance, independence, and 
pride in nation and race. Now government neglect and large 



corporations are forcing independent farmers into financial ruin and 
family farming into extinction. If America's independent farmers are 
destroyed, future generations of Amercians will pay a heavy price. 



falling crop prices, farmers across 
America are facing economic ruin 
and the end of a way of life. Farm 
income, discounting inflation, is 
at its lowest level in over 40 years. 
Grain growers have been es- 
pecially hard hit, but independent 



family farmers everywhere are 
hurting badly. The American 
Agriculture Movement is demand- 
ing that the government guarantee 
parity prices, which would insure 
farmers the buying power received 
for agricultural produce between 



«*v ■"» 



%Mi^Mit»ia#NiPi 




America's cities and industrial areas depend upon a stable, prosperous, and independent farming community. 
The destruction of family farming wouid tighten the hold of financial speculators, big-money interests, and 
vote-hungry politicians upon our people. 



1910 and 1914. 

For decades now, thousands of 
farmers have been forced into 
bankruptcy each year. This pro- 
cess cannot go on much longer. If 
the family farmers now threatened 
are squeezed out, they will be 
replaced by corporate "agribusi- 
ness," and American farmers will 
be forced into proletarian em- 
ployee status, robbed of their 
independence and freedom. 

The men who marched in 
Washington are not marginal, 
inefficient farmers. They repre- 
sent the last bastion of family 
farming. The System is threaten- 
ing more than just the takeover of 
U.S agriculture by powerful cor- 
porate financial interests. It 
threatens to destroy independent 
family farming altogether, an 
important part of our American 
cultural and racial heritage. 

Independent farmers put their 
Lives and property on the line in 
the risky war for independence 
from Britain. No Americans 
fought or died more heroically or 
in greater numbers than did the 
farmers of colonial America. 
Pioneer farmers gave their blood 
in the countless battles against the 
Indians, as part of the great 
conquest of the continent for our 
nation and race. 

In the early years of our in- 
dependence, farmers were our 
most honored citizens. In several 
states, for example, only White 
landowners could vote because 
our Founding Fathers correctly 
believed that they were the best 
moral and cultural bearers of our 
heritage. Thomas Jefferson wrote, 



"Cultivators of the earth are the 
most valuable citizens. They are 
the most vigorous, the most 
independent, the most virtuous, 
and they are tied to their country 
and wedded to its Liberty and 
interests by lasting bonds." 

White American folklore and 
folk music have grown up for the 
most part in our farming com- 
munity. Culturally, socially, and 
economically, a healthy landfolk 
is the precondition for a vital and 
vigorous national community. 
"Great cities rest upon our broad 
and fertile prairies," declared 
populist leader Wjlliam Jennings 
Bryan. "Burn down your cities 
and leave our farms, and your 
cities will spring up again as if by 
magic. But destroy our farms, and 
grass will grow in the streets of 
every city in the country." 

The way of life and the values 
of farmers differ sharply from 
those of the city. The family farm 
organically unifies work and 
family life. The entire family is 
involved in farm work, whereas 
city people work in one place and 
live in another, and different 
family members do unrelated 
kinds of work. Work binds the 
farm family together, while it 
breaks up the family in the city. 

Farm life is often called "sim- 
ple" and "uncomplicated." But 
the simplicity of rural life and the 
farmer's greater independence 
mean that he must master many 
complex and diverse kinds of 
work and assume many more 
responsibilities to deal with differ- 
ent problems, which is the pre- 
requisite of a truly free society. 



That rural way of life also 
develops a stronger loyalty to the 
land and to family heritage. Not 
surprisingly, divorce, homo- 
sexuality, suicide, and race-mixing 
are far rarer among farm folk 
than among the more rootless 
urban population. 

City life, on the other hand, is a 
"complex" world, in which work 
is specialized and individual re- 
sponsibility tends to be dis- 
couraged. The city worker is 
usually an easily replaceable un- 
derling whose tasks are set by 
others and whose main worry is 
avoiding stress and unemploy- 
ment. His responsibilities are 
limited, but so is his real freedom. 

Ancient Rome offers a lesson in 
what happens to a civilization 
when family farming is wiped out. 
The independent soldier- farmers 
who built the Roman Empire were 
forced out of existence by large 
agricultural enterprises employing 
cheap, imported laborers, and the 
government bought low-priced 
grain from agribusinessrnen to 
distribute free of cost to the 
unproductive big-city masses. 

The Roman farmers became 
second-class citizens in a multi- 
racial country. Corrupt and 
demagogic politicians gained 
power by giving full civil rights to 
foreigners and former slaves and 
by heavily taxing the productive 
workers. All of this made a 
certain sense from a strictly short- 
term economic and political point 
of view, but it was disastrous for 
the Empire in the long run, 
economically, socially, culturally, 
and racially. 

It is dangerous to look at 
problems from just an economic 
viewpoint. For example, an of- 
ficial bulletin issued recently by 
American's protesting farmers 
claims that, "The American Agri- 
culture Movement was conceived 
to preserve the family farm sys- 
tem, the most efficient food- 
producing unit in the nation." 
This argument is both hazardous 
and incorrect. 

It is dangerous, because it 
implies that the only reason for 
protecting family farming is be- 
cause it is "efficient." Actually, a 
healthy and ethical social order 
would protect and maintain a vital 
family farming community, no 
matter what the cost, solely for 
cultural, racial, social, and moral 
reasons. 

The claim is also incorrect, 
because corporate agribusiness is 
actually more "efficient" in 
churning out huge quantities of 
agricultural products. Corporate 
agribusiness can work larger land 
areas, hire many more low-paid 



(and often non-White) laborers, 
reduce marketing costs, and ob- 
tain easier financing than can the 
independent family farmer. Cor- 
porate agribusiness is more "effi- 



Soviet grain deals, while White 
farmers did the productive work. 
Jews have been conspicuous in 
farming throughout history by 
their absence. Angered by their 



III Fares the Land 

III fares the land, to hastening ills a prey, 
Where wealth accumulates, and men decay; 
Princes and lords may flourish, Or may fade; 
A breath can make them, as a breath has made; 
But a bold peasantry, their country's pride, 
When once destroyed, can never be supplied. 

A time there was, ere England's griefs began, 
When every rood of ground maintained its man; 
For him light labour spread her wholesome store, 
Just gave what life required, but gave no more: 
His blest companions, innocence and health; 
And his riches, ignorance of wealth. 

But times are altered; trade's unfeeling train 
Usurp the land and dispossess the swain; 
Along the lawn, where scattered hamlets rose, 
Unwieldy wealth and cumbrous pomp repose, 
And every want to opulence allied, 
And every pang that folly pays to pride. 

— from The Deserted Village 
(1770), by Oliver Goldsmith, 
Irish-born English poet, drama- 
tist, and novelist. 



cient" in the same way that the 
plastic, fast-food restaurant, or 
the huge chain supermarket is 
more "efficient." 

And, unlike other kinds of 
business, family farming, once 
wrecked, is destroyed for good. 
This is because it is more than a 
business. It is a way of life 
developed over many years and 
passed on through the genera- 
tions. Family farming is some- 
thing like a forest: easy to destroy, 
but difficult to build up again. 

American family farming has 
an important racial dimension. 
American farmers are White and 
almost exclusively of northern 
and western European stock. This 
is no coincidence. Our race natu- 
rally has a distinctive attitude 
toward land, Nature, and work, 
which has evolved, as our race has 
evolved, over many hundreds of 
thousands of years. 

The White man's view of 
farming differs sharply, for ex- 
ample, from that of the Jew. That 
eternally urban race of middlemen 
views the fruits of Nature only as 
goods to be bought and sold. An 
outstanding representative of the 
parasitic tribe is Michel Fribourg, 
personal owner of Continental 
Grain, the largest privately 
held U.S. company ($2.5 billion 
annual sales). Fribourg made 
millions from the recent U.S.- 



wealth gained at the expense of 
others, King Edward I of England 
passed the Act Concerning Jews 
in 1275, which prohibited them 
from engaging in usury and 
offered them free farm land to 
encourage them to become pro- 
ductive workers. Not one Jew 
accepted the offer, and 15 years 
later all Jews were expelled from 
England. Today, Jews "take 
part" in American agriculture as 
produce and livestock speculators 
and as "agribusinessrnen" who 
would profit enormously from the 
destruction of White family farm- 
ing. 

We, in contrast, must not view 
food as merely the product of an 
economic process, but as the 
reward for honest work, the 
harvest of our native land, and the 
sustenance of our national com- 
munity. We must regard farming 
not as just another way of doing 
business, but as an essential and 
honored part of a harmonious 
and organically organized social 
order. A secure farming commun- 
ity is also a spring of life for the 
race. A healthy and vigorous 
landfolk insures the unbroken 
vitality of our White kind. 

The System now in power has 
no real interest in protecting the 
family farmer, because it is based 
on the principle of "the greatest 
happiness for the greatest num- 



ber" — and the American farmer 
is clearly outnumbered. As the 
American Agriculture Move- 
ment's press bulletin put it, "We 
area minority of people, less than 
i four per cent of the population, 
and consequently we have no 
political voting power." 

Welfare parasites and the Negro 
descendants of former slaves, for 
example, have greater political 
influence because of their sheer 
numbers than do American 
farmers. The government will 
move quickly to bail out bank- 
rupt, parasitic, Jewish-controlled 
New York City, but it will not 
effectively help the farmers. Votes 
and dollars are all that matter to 
the politicians and business inter- 
ests which run America. 

The uncontrolled flood of 
Mexicans into our country is 
another serious threat to Ameri- 
can family farming. These mil- 
lions of unskilled, alien workers 
make up a cheap agricultural 
proletariat which only large cor- 
porate agribusinesses can utilize, 
with devastating consequences for 
the competing independent family 
farmer. 

Recent Presidential administra- 
tions, both liberal and conserva- 
. tive, have done nothing effective 
to stop illegal immigration, nor to 
protect family farming. Liberals 
view tight controls on Mexican 
immigration as "racist" and op- 
pose protection for farmers be- 
cause that might mean higher 
prices for urban consumers. Fur- 
thermore, liberals instinctively 
fear and distrust White farmers. 

Conservatives, on the other 
hand, support "free enterprise" 
competition, even if that means 
bankruptcy and ruin for family 
farmers. Conservatives oppose 
social measures to strengthen 
family farming as forms of "col- 
lectivism" leading to a "socialist 
welfare state." But as the AAM 
itself points out, "Whether we like 
it or not, we no longer have a free 
market system. We can no longer 
have a free market system. We 
can no longer exist with these 
types of [financial] manipula- 
tions." 

The System is inherently in- 
capable of solving the fundamen- 
tal problem. As the liberal, Jew- 
ish-owned Washington Post (Feb- 
ruary 19) admitted, "Yet, officials 
and farm experts — both Demo- 
crats and Republicans- — agree 
there's no real solution for the 
situation. Some even question 
whether anything should be done 
at ail." Carter's Secretary of 
Agriculture, Bob Bergland, cyni- 
cally told the farmers to "use the 
tools that are available." 



Family farming must be pro- 
tected even if that means some- 
what lower profits for distributors 
and middlemen, or slightly higher 
food prices for consumers. In the 
same way that a healthy national 
community protects forests and 
wildlife, preserves parklands, sub- 
sidizes museums, and encourages 
culture and the arts, so also must 
a healthy social order protect and 
encourage independent family 
farming. 

Although protesting farmers 
are generally motivated by a 
simple desire for higher prices, 
their revolt is an attack against the 
materialistic values basic to the 
System. Only a new social order 
based on different values can 
protect American family farming, 

Among farmers there is a 
growing realization that the poli- 
ticians, financial interests, and 
masters of the mass media are not 
going to give up without a 
struggle. In a letter to the Wash- 
ington Post, a determined Vir- 
ginia farmer warned those who 
run the System that the militant 
protests are only the beginning: 

"We have seen our com- 
modities manipulated by our na- 
tional leaders, seen our crops used 
as weapons in the politics of 
hunger in international relations, 
and have se&n our politicians 
purchase a measure of voter 
content by a policy of cheap food 
at the farmers' expense. 

"Do not underestimate us, We 
are not outsiders among our own, 
as you suggest. We are united in 
our purpose. We mean to be 
heard. If this means the world will 
be a little hungry for a while, until 
we get its attention, so be it. But 
be sure we are in earnest, and that 
we will prevail. The wind of 
unrest that today blows in from 
the plains and fields is only the 
first stirring of the storm that is to 
come." 

The farmers' rebellion is a 
precious opportunity to forge a 
new alliance of Americans for a 
social order based on the prin- 
ciples of national loyalty and 
racial solidarity. The National 
Alliance supports the farmers in 
their fight for social justice and to 
preserve a vital and important 
part of our American way of life. 

M.W. 

(Issue No, 59, 1978) 



The Roots of Civilization 

Human intelligence has more than one facet. The relative degree of development of the different facets varies 
from person to person and, much more markedly, from race to race. White Americans must learn to 
distinguish between these facets — which is equivalent to distinguishing between style and substance — and 
they must understand that it is the substantive facet only which nourishes the roots of their civilization. 



Turn on a local television news 
program in just about any large 
city in this country, and the 
chances are excellent that you'll 
see and hear at least one Black 
announcer telling what's happen- 
ing. He'll be dressed and groomed 
just like the White announcers, 
and, in most cases, his enuncia- 
tion will be so similar that you can 
close your eyes for a moment and 
almost convince yourself that you 
are listening to a White person. 



In smoothly modulated tones 
the Black announcer will tell you 
about the intricacies of the latest 
financial scandal at city hall, give 
you a crisp rundown on coming 
cultural events, and perhaps even 
offer a sage comment or two on 
the state of public morality. Never 
once will he stumble over the 
polysyllabic words in his script or 
lapse into Kingfisher-style 
maJapropisms. At the end of the 
program he will engage in the 



customary few seconds of light 
banter with the other news an- 
nouncers, and you can hardly help 
being overwhelmed by the convic- 
tion that, really, the only dif- 
ference between the Black and his 
White colleagues is a matter of 
pigmentation. 

That, of course, is exactly the 
conviction the producers and 
directors of the program intend 
for you to be overwhelmed by. It 
is a conviction vastly different 



from that held by most White 
Americans only a generation ago. 
Then the prevalent image was one 
of Blacks who could hardly be 
taught to tie their shoes or ride a 
bicycle, much less read a news 
script; of Blacks who, if hired as 
newscasters, would as likely as not 
come shuffling into the newsroom 
late and drunk, dressed in orange, 
pink, and chartreuse finery, and 
proudly announce to the world in 
slurred accents, "Ain't I jes* 



about de uppities' nigger you is 
ever see'd?" 

That is a simplistic image — but 
so is the one created by today's 
media managers. Blacks can be 
taught to read news scripts, to get 
to work on time (and sober), and 
to dress and talk like Whites. But 
the differences between Blacks 
and Whites remain far deeper 
than their skins, and those con- 
cerned with the survival of Wes- 
tern civilization need to under- 



116 

stand the differences fuUy. 

The difference which has been 
most widely discussed is a quan- 
titative difference in the average 
IQ's of Blacks and Whites: the 
Black population of the United 
States consistently scores 15 per 
cent lower on standard IQ tests 
than does the White population. 
So, while Blacks can be taught to 
read, they cannot be taught to do 
so as easily as Whites. 

But there is also a qualitative 
difference in the intelligence of 
Blacks and Whites, and this 
difference is even more significant 
than the quantitative difference in 
IQ's. Blacks, in other words, are 
not just slower to learn, on the 
average, than Whites, but Blacks 
— all Blacks — have mental 
processes which are qualitatively 

different from those of Whites. 

In this regard, it is interesting to 
note that liberal apologists for 
Blacks who have tried to explain 
away low Black IQ scores with the 
claim that the tests are biased 
against Blacks arc partly correct. 
But they are mistaken in asserting 
that the bias is essentially cultural 
in nature; Blacks whose cultural 
environment is not significantly 
different from that of Whites still 
score lower than Whites. 

IQ tests are biased against 
Blacks to the extent that they 
require abstraction. At learning 
tasks which require nothing more 
than memory — e.g., simple 
arithmetical operations and spell- 
ing — properly motivated Blacks 
can do nearly as well as Whites. 
But at tasks which require in- 
ference — and this includes 
virtually all problem-solving 
operations — Black performance 
falls so far below that of Whites 
that the two can hardly be 
compared on the same scale. 

Standard IQ tests mask rather 
than reveal the true mental gulf 
which exists between Blacks and 
Whites, in that they do not 
measure solely the ability to 
reason abstractly. Reading com- 
prehension tests, for example, 
which make up a large part of 
most IQ tests, measure both 
memory and inferential ability. If 
they measured inferential ability 
only, the difference between the 
average scores for Blacks and 
Whites would be far greater than 
15 per cent. 

This Black inability to reason 
inferentially and to deal with 
abstract concepts is reflected in 
the almost total absence of Blacks 
in those professions requiring 
abstract reasoning ability of a 
high order; physics and mathe- 
matics, for example. Government 
quotas have brought a sharp 
increase in the number of Blacks 
in American colleges and univer- 
sities in the last two decades, and 
Black college graduates have 
flooded into the non-scientific 
professions, but the sciences have 
remained virtually all White. You 
may sec Black nuclear physicists 
in TV movies, but in real life the 
only Blacks one finds in physics 
laboratories are janitors and tech- 
nicians — and not many have 
qualified as technicians. 

It is unfortunate that this Black 
shortcoming is overlooked by 
many people, but it is easy to see 
why this is so: most of us have a 
simplistic notion of human intelli- 
gence. We think of some people as 
being "dull" or "slow" and 
others as being "bright." If a 
person is "dull," he is slackjawed 
and unkempt, his speech is slow, 
and his vocabulary is limited; our 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



vision of him is modeled on that 
of the classic village idiot. And we 
think of a "bright" person as one 
with a quick tongue and a neat 
appearance. 

We have been taught by TV 
that our former classification of 
Blacks as a race of village idiots 
was in error. So now we make the 
opposite error of assuming that, 
since many of them have a quick 



training in a number of profes- 
sions: engineering and medicine, 
for example. 

Every citizen, of course, should 
have a working knowledge of the 
basic skills of civilized life: of 
reading, grammar, composition, 
arithmetic, and elementary sci- 
ence. Beyond this, he should have 
a sufficient familiarity with the 
history, the culture, and the social 



"The essential quality, or value, of civilization 
is its utility in advancing the biological level of 
the race which has created it. " 



tongue and a neat appearance, 
they are approximately as 
"bright" as White people. 

Human intelligence is many- 
faceted. It cannot be adequately 
characterized by such terms as 
"dullness" or "brightness." A 
good memory and a facile tongue 

— i.e., what modern educators 
loosely refer to as "verbal skills" 

— do not imply an ability to deal 
with abstract concepts and solve 
problems. 

The former and the latter are 
separate — and independent — 
facets of intelligence. The former 
is what we more easily notice, but 
it is the latter on which our 
civilization is based. And the 
latter is sharply race-dependent. 

The racial dependence of ab- 
stract reasoning ability is no 
secret. Anatomists have been 
aware for many years of the 
morphological differences be- 
tween the brains of Blacks and 
Whites, and neurologists and 
psychologists today understand 
that it is in precisely those 
portions of the brain which in 
Blacks are less developed than in 
Whites that abstract reasoning 
takes place. 

But because Blacks do not 
suffer a corresponding deficiency 
in their ability to develop verbal 
skills, we allow ourselves to 
assume equality where there is 
none, and we try to explain away 
troublesome facts such as low IQ 
scores with nonsense about "cul- 
tural bias." 

This error in assuming Black 
intellectual equality on the basis 
of the skills displayed by Black 
news announcers is just one aspect 
of a general tendency today to 
confuse style for substance, and 
the confusion is not limited to our 
estimate of Black intellect but also 
warps our understanding of our- 
selves and our concept of 
progress. A large degree of re- 
sponsibility for the problem lies 
with our system of higher 
education. 

We live in an era of mass 
education, in which the prevailing 
opinion seems to be that everyone, 
including the village idiot, is 
entitled to and should have four 
years of university training. That 
opinion is born of the same 
lunatic mania for equality which 
has fathered some of the peculiar 
racial policies of the day. 

The proper function of a uni- 
versity is the training of scholars, 
and no society needs or can 
tolerate more than a small per- 
centage of them — not to mention 
the fact that the natural abun- 
dance of satisfactory raw material 
for the production of scholars is 
rather low in any normal society. 
In addition to this function, there 
is also a need for advanced 



and political institutions of his 
people that he feels a strong sense 
of identity. This necessarily means 
a study of history, literature, and 
that ' subject matter generally 
designated "civics." 

But it is neither necessary nor 
healthy to send the bulk of a 
nation's young people to a univer- 
sity for four years, simply post- 
poning for that length of time 
their coming to grips with their 
lives and beginning useful activity 
of one sort or another. And it is 
extraordinarily mischievous to 
take millions of young men and 
women whose natural endow- 
ments suit them best for lives of 
simple, manual activity; to make 
them sit in university lecture 
rooms for four years engaging in 
meaningless work ailrriinating in 
meaningless diplomas; and to 
convince them thereby that 
manual work is "beneath" them. 

Twelve years of elementary and 
secondary schooling, properly or- 
ganized, is sufficient for all but a 
small percentage of a nation's 
youth. The fact that our high 
schools do not now produce with 
satisfactory efficiency graduates 
with either the requisite grounding 
in the basic skills of civilized life 
or a strong sense of national and 
racial identity is not a good reason 
for compounding the inefficiency 
for another four years. Instead, it 
is a reason for reorganizing our 
whole system of elementary and 
secondary education. 

A great deal more could be said 
on this extraordinarily important 
topic, but the one essential point 
we want to bring out here is that 
the unnatural and unrealistic 
development which has taken 
place in our educational system in 
recent years gives us an unrealistic 
view of the world. In order to 
make universal higher education 
possible — in order to make it 
possible for virtually anyone, 
Black or White, to have a univer- 
sity degree — we have had to 
change, subtly but drastically, the 
whole meaning of higher educa- 
tion. We have had to accept style 
in the place of substance. Worse, 
we have come to prefer style over 
substance. 

Nowadays there is a prejudice 
against cluttering up one's mind 
with all the pesky, troublesome 
details of a subject, whether 
history or mathematics. That is 
too much like manual labor. 
Instead, one learns "concepts"; 
one looks at "the big picture." 

We give A's to students who 
can run off at the mouth for half 
an hour about the history of 
Western civilization or the integral 
calculus, but who cannot tell you 
with any degree of certainty in 
what century it was that the Goths 
smashed the power of the Huns in 



Western Europe (or, more im- 
portantly, what the racial charac- 
teristics of these two peoples were) 
and who cannot actually produce 
a correct numerical answer to a 
word problem requiring the set- 
ting up and evaluation of a 
definite integral. 

We have shifted the emphasis, 
in other words, from the training 
of analytical ability to the 
development of the modern edu- 
cators' beloved "verbal skilJs." 
We have shifted from problem 
solving to rhetoric, from sub- 
stance to style. 

And most of us do not realize it 
— least of all those who are most 
intimately involved in it. A man 
or woman who has spent four 
years learning to talk a good line 
about a lot of things he doesn't 
really understand is the last 
person ready to accept the fact of 
his own ignorance — or the fact 
of the race-based inferiority of the 
smooth-talking Black news 
announcer. 

This emphasis of style over 
substance leads, as 1 mentioned, 
to a warped notion of progress. It 
leads to the conceit that we are 
much cleverer people than our 
ancestors were. After all, we have 
space ships and lasers and com- 
puters, and our ancestors didn't. 
Furthermore, we can talk for 
hours about these marvels — we 
can tell you all about them — 
whereas a Spartan or a Goth 
would have been struck dumb 
with awe over any one of them. 

This notion is, of course, an 
illusion — a very dangerous one. 
Actually it is virtually certain that 
the average IQ of the Spartans 
and the Goths, if there were some 
way we could test them, would 
prove to be somewhat higher than 
that the average White American 
of today — and substantially 
higher than that of our Black 
news announcers. This is a simple 
consequence of the dysgenic ef- 
fects of civilized life (not that 
civilization must necessarily be 
dysgenic, but that Western civili- 
zation has, as a matter of fact, 
been so). 



dual who possesses them, but they 
are not civilization-builing skills. 
A smooth line of patter may help 
in selling rugs or insurance; the 
faster talker may more often land 
the good job or the pretty girl; the 
person with a large vocabulary 
and an easy, self-confident mode 
of expression usually makes a 
good impression on others — a 
"bright" impression. But it is the 
analytical thinker, the problem- 
solver, who, glib or not, is the 
founder and sustainer of civiliza- 
tions. 

The clever office-seeker, the 
successful rug merchant, the 
adaptable mimic, the fluent news 
announcer — all have more-or- 
Iess useful roles to play in civilized 
life — but the very existence of 
that civilized life depends upon 
men with an altogether different 
set of skills. That is true of 
Western civilization today, and it 
will also be true of the new civili- 
zation which we must build if our 
race is to fulfill its ordained 
mission and achieve its ordained 
destiny. 

Today Western liberals are 
working very hard to help the 
Third World become "devel- 
oped" — i.e., civilized. They 
want to prove that the Blacks and 
Browns of the world have just as 
much capacity for civilization as 
Whites do. And if one visits 
Kenya or Nigeria, one sees what 
does seem like a Black civiliza- 
tion: Blacks driving automobiles, 
operating elevators, using type- 
writers and calculators and tele- 
phones, even flying airplanes. 

But it is an illusion. It is the 
style of civilization rather than its 
substance. And to the extent that 
even this style is maintained, there 
is a White minority present to 
keep the wheels turning. In those 
African countries which became 
so uppity that the White tech- 
nicians and administrators were 
forced to leave, civilization has 
ground rapidly to a halt and the 
jungle vines have begun taking 
over again. 

When a diesel tractor or an 
electrical generator or a telephone 
switching system breaks down in 



"The level of civilization which a people 
can develop and maintain is a function 
of the biological quality, the racial quality, 
of that people — in particular, of its 
problem-solving ability. " 



Civilization is, despite its many 
faults, a wonderful thing. It is 
even, in a sense, a necessary thing 
— although it is not an end in 
itself (despite what conservatives 
may think). 

The essential quality, or value, 
of civilization is its utility in 
advancing the biological level of 
the race which has created it. The 
fact that civilization has not, in 
general, been used in this way 
until now does not make this 
definition of its essence invalid. 
This, like education, is a big topic 
in itself, and much can be said 
about it. But let us restrict 
ourselves here to a narrower 
topic, namely, the qualities of a 
race which endow it with civiliza- 
tion-building ability. 

"Verbal skills" may have a 
high survival value for the indivi- 



Africa, it stays broken down until 
a White man fixes it — despite all 
the Black graduates African uni- 
versities have been turning out 
recently. And it is not a cultural 
problem or an educational 
problem. 

In this country half a century 
ago few farmers had ever seen a 
university. Many had not even 
been to high school. Yet, when a 
tractor broke down they got it 
running again, one way or 
another. They pulled it into the 
barn, took it apart, puzzled out 
the difficulty, figured a way to fix 
it — and then did it, often using 
extremely primitive facilities. 

It wasn't a matter of culture. 
It's what was called "Yankee 
ingenuity." It's a racial trait. 

Today civilization is more com- 
plex than it was 50 years ago. A 



considerably higher degree of 
"Yankee ingenuity" is required to 
keep it running. Very few of us 
who glibly talk about space ships 
and lasers and computers realize 
that we owe the existence of these 
things to an extraordinarily tiny 
minority of our people. The 
technology as well as the science 
involved in producing something 
like a pocket calculator is quite 
complex. A lot of people can talk 
about it, but very, very few are 
capable of actually solving the 
problems — or even being taught 
to solve the problems — involved 
in designing and building such a 
gadget so that it does what it's 
supposed to. 

Another thing many of us do 
not realize is what a thin thread it 



is which supports civilizations in 
general and our present tech- 
nological civilization in particular. 
We are holding onto this thread 
only by the skin of our teeth, only 
by exerting ourselves to the ut- 
most of our creative abilities. 

I am afraid the average Ameri- 
can today would assume — if he 
bothered to think about it — that 
if the average IQ of the American 
population were to decline by, 
say, five per cent as a result of 
racial interbreeding or a continua- 
tion of other dysgenic practices, it 
would perhaps cause a corres- 
ponding decline of five per cent in 
the level of our civilization. 

That is not so; it would cause 
our civilization to collapse. That 
is exactly what has happened to 



many other civilizations in the 
past, far less technologically ad- 
vanced. Our situation, because of 
the complexity of our civilization 
and its dependence on high tech- 
nology, is much more precarious. 

The level of civilization which a 
people can develop and maintain 
is a function of the biological 
quality, the racial quality, of that 
people — in particular, of its 
problem-solving ability. That is 
why Blacks and certain other 
races have never developed even a 
rudimentary civilization and are 
incapable of sustaining a civiliza- 
tion built for them by Whites — 
despite the apparent "brightness" 
of many Blacks. And it is why the 
race which built Western civiliza- 
tion not only must eliminate the 



racially alien elements from its 
midst but must also change those 
social, political, and economic 
institutions which continue to 
result in an increasing proportion 
of Whites who are problem- 
makers rather than problem- 
solvers. 

The reason for this necessity is 
not, as I have already mentioned, 
that our civilization is an end in 
itself, but that it provides us with 
the potential means for increasing 
our own racial quality. The tools 
of a civilization, once it has 
reached a sufficiently high level — 
and we have reached that level — 
allow us not only to weed out the 
problem-makers from our midst, 
but to insure that we will produce 
even more capable problem- 



117 

solvers than we have produced in 
the past. That, in turn, allows the 
achievement and maintenance of 
a still higher level of civilization 
— which still further enhances our 
capability for producing better 
problem-solvers. 

We stand today at a threshold. 
If we cross it successfully, we will 
be on the upward path toward 
Godhood. But to cross it requires 
a realization of what it is that lies 
at the roots of civilization; it 
requires the ability to distinguish 
between style and substance; and 
it requires that we value substance 
above style. 

W.L.P. 

(Issue No. 59, J 978) 



The Great Trek 



In October 1837 a party of 
1,000 Whites, traveling in canvas- 
covered wagons drawn by teams 
of from 12 to 16 oxen, abandoned 
the rolling plains of the interior 
and began the difficult trek across 
the mountains to the inviting 
coastal lowlands. It was not the 
Rockies they were crossing, how- 
ever, and they were not American 
pioneers: ten years before the 
discovery of gold in California 
gave such an impetus to the great 
migration westward across the 
American continent, White men 
and women were on the move 
northward in Africa. 

The tall, fair, sturdy men who 
alternately cursed and cajoled 
their teams up the treacherous 
paths over the towering Drakens- 
berg escarpment were Afrikaners, 
descendants of the Dutch and 
French Huguenot immigrants who 
had settled the South African 
Cape during the preceding two 
centuries. As the Afrikaners 
struggled through the difficult 
mountain passes, some of them 
had fleeting cause to regret leaving 
the familiar fiatlands on the Cape 
Colony's eastern frontier. But 
there was no turning back. 

The Afrikaners trekking north- 
ward from the Cape Colony were 
farmers, or, as they proudly called 
themselves in their Dutch-based 
Afrikaans language, Boers. As 
tough and self-reliant as the 
American pioneers, they blazed a 
path across the trackless, arid veld 
and the forbidding mountain 
ranges of South Africa, defying 
numberless hordes of non- White 
savages to create a homeland 
where no civilized men had ever 
dwelt before. Perhaps even more 
so than their American cousins, 
the Afrikaners, in winning a new 
land, won a new identity. 

The expedition which success- 
fully traversed the Drakensberg 
and made its way into the fertile 
land of Natal was commanded by 
Piet Relief, who had been elected 
governor of all the Afrikaners 
moving northward just six months 
before. As Retiefs party ad- 
vanced eastward across Natal 
toward the land of the Zulus, 
other Afrikaners continued to 
move northward across the veld 
toward the lands beyond the Vaal 
River, where, in contrast to 
Natal, the native Blacks were 
relatively few and disorganized. 
Despite their divergent destina- 



tions, all the migrating Afrikaners 
were united in a great, collective 
venture: they were the voor- 
trekkers ("advance trekkers" or 
"pioneers") who made the Great 
Trek into the heart of Africa. 

To understand the Great Trek 
and the men and women who 
made it, some knowledge of the 
history and character of the 
Afrikaners is essential. The 
origins of White settlement in 
South Africa date back to 1652. 
In that year, five years after Pieter 
Stuyvesant was appointed gover- 
nor of New Amsterdam (present- 
day New York), the Dutch East 
India Company established a 
resupply station at Table Bay, the 
site of the modern Capetown. 
There, company employees grew 
crops and raised livestock for the 
crews of the company's ships 
engaged in the lucrative East 
Indian trade. 

From the beginning, there was 
tension between the company 
officials who governed from 
Capetown (and, ultimately, from 
the Netherlands) and the Boer 
colonists who worked the land. 
The company's governors saw the 
function of their African posses- 
sion as purely economic — as just 
one component of the giant multi- 
national corporation which pro- 
vided Dutch burghers with ornate 
rugs and exotic spices, and the 
company's stockholders with 
choice dividends. 

The Boers, on the other hand, 
chafed at their inability to own 
their own farms and at the strict 
controls the company imposed on 
the marketing of their produce. 
Gradually, through the course of 
the eighteenth century, the Boers 
began to drift to the north and 
east, their ties to the authorities in 
Capetown growing progressively 
weaker. 

From the beginning, the Euro- 
pean farmers encountered non- 
Whites. On the one hand, the 
Boers employed slaves imported 
from the Dutch Malay possessions 
and other parts of Africa. More 
important, they came into con- 
tact with a variety of native non- 
Whites. 

In the seventeenth and early 
eighteenth centuries, the Afri- 
kaners concerned themselves 
chiefly with the Hottentots, a 
dwarfed, yellow-skinned race of 
pastoralists; and with the pygmy 
Bushmen, even more primitive, 



who subsisted by hunting and 
gathering their food in the South 
African deserts. 

The Boers were able to domesti- 
cate the Hottentots and set them 
to useful labor, although their 
numbers were greatly reduced 
through disease. Miscegenation 
with imported non-White slaves, 
as well as with White indentured 
servants, gave rise to the mongrel 
"Cape Colored s" of the present 
day. 

The Bushmen had no redeem- 
ing values. They delighted in 
raiding the Boers' herds of cattle 
and sheep, and the Boers in turn 
hunted down the predatory Bush- 
men mercilessly, all but annihilat- 
ing them. 

As the Boers moved further 
away from the western Cape, they 
began to brush against the ad- 
vance guard of still another 
native race, the Negroid Bantus, 
who were simultaneously pressing 



westward and southward, Chiefly 
as a result of the thieving habits of 
the Kaffirs (as the Afrikaners 
referred to the Bantus), frequent 
wars broke out, in which the 
Whites always gained the upper 
hand. By the turn of the nine- 
teenth century, the Afrikaners 
had advanced to the present 
eastern border of the Cape Pro- 
vince. Had it not been for a 
radical change in the political 
destinies of the Cape, their des- 
cendants might have remained 
there. 

In 1806 Great Britain gained 
possession of the Cape, using the 
Netherlands' enforced alliance 
with Napoleon as a pretext. The 
rigidly Tory governors installed 
by the British Colonial Office 
were at pains to establish their 
authority over their wide-ranging 
Afrikaner subjects. To that end 
English was substituted for 
Afrikaans in the schools and the 



courts, and Afrikaner officials 
were replaced by Englishmen 
whenever possible. 

More important, the British 
authorities began to undermine 
the existing relationship between 
the Afrikaner Whites and the 
African non-Whites. In this they 
were powerfully influenced by the 
Christian missionaries who had 
begun to stream into the country 
under the aegis of the London 
Missionary Society after 1806. 

From the first, the men of the 
cloth espoused the cause of Hot- 
tentot and Bantu against their 
own White kinsmen. In 1812, the 
agitation of the Reverend J.R.E. 
Hall — who, from "religious 
principle," had married a Hotten- 
tot woman — led to the institution 
of the infamous "Black Circuit," 
by which English judges brought 
various Boers to task for their 
alleged mistreatment of their 
Hottentot slaves. Three years later 







CROSSING THE DRAKENSBERG: In late 1837, 1,000 Afrikaner pioneers, commanded by Piet Relief, 
made their way over the Drakensberg passes to the fertile lowlands of Natal. In this painting, Boer wagon- 
masters urge their ox-teams up a precarious mountain path, where a moment's hesitation or a slight misstep 
could mean disaster. 



118 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



119 









an Afrikaner revolt arising from 
the investigation of similar 
charges led to the execution of 
five Boers for ' 'treason." 

Over the next two decades the 
British Colonial Office continued 
to press for the integration of the 
Boers into the British administra- 
tive scheme of things, and the 
missionaries continued to inter- 
vene on behalf of the African 
non- Whites, 

Matters came to a head in 1834, 
when the Boers were compelled to 
free their slaves (29 years before 
Lincoln's Emancipation Procla- 
mation) and then to accept a 
compensation far short of that 
which they had been promised, 

During the same year, the 
results of the Sixth Kaffir War, in 
which Boer commandos had an- 
nexed a large portion of contested 
border land from the marauding 
Bantu Xhosas, were reversed by 
Lord Glcnelg, the colonial gover- 
nor. The British governor's nulli- 
fication of the Boers' hard-won 
victory was due almost entirely to 
a pressure campaign by the Lon- 
don Missionary Society in 
England. 

In response to a situation which 
was gradually becoming intoler- 
able, as Hottentot laborers 
shirked their duties to the ap- 
probation of the clergy, and 
cattle-raiding Bantus marauded 
with near impunity, the Afri- 
kaners began a number of tenta- 
tive migrations to the north and 
east which gradually coalesced 
into the Great Trek. 

The first small expeditions, 
undertaken in 1835, ended in 
complete failure. Jan van 
Rensburg's small party was 
annihilated by Kaffirs on the high 
veld; and another group, led by 
Louis Trichardt, was decimated 
by malaria. 

Over the course of the next two 
years, however, support for the 
Great Trek grew rapidly among 
the Boers in the frontier districts. 
In early 1837 Piet Retief, after 
issuing a manifesto justifying his 
course of action, set out from 
Grahamstown with his followers. 
After joining with an expedition 
led by Andries Hendrik Potgieter 
on the veld, Retief decided to 



strike east to Natal, despite the 
fact that the land was occupied to 
a large extent by the powerful 
Zulus, headed by the fierce and 
dictatorial Dingane. 

After descending from the 
Drakensberg, the Afrikaners 
pitched their camps along the 
valley of the Blauwkrans River. 
There the bulk of the party 
stayed, while Retief and a picked 
detachment rode eastward to 
Dingane's headquarters at the 
kraal of Urngungundlovu. Retief 
was sure that he could deal 
reasonably and fairly with the 
Black chief. 

But at Urngungundlovu the 
Black chieftain was uncooperative. 
He accused Retief and his men of 
stealing a large herd of cattle and 
informed the Afrikaners that he 
would agree to nothing until the 
cattle were returned. 

After several weeks searching, 
Retief and his men were able to 
locate the cattle and regain them 
from Sikonyela, a powerful rival 
of Dingane. On February 2 the 
Afrikaners returned in triumph to 
Urngungundlovu, Three days later 
Dingane signed a treaty which 
entitled Retief s party to settle a 
vast expanse of fertile land on the 
coastal plain of Natal. After the 
signing of the agreement, the 
Zulus celebrated with riotous 
festivities, and the Boers gave an 
impressive demonstration of their 
prowess at riding and shooting. 

On the following day, February 
6, 1838, the White men were up 
before daybreak. As the Afri- 
kaners readied their horses and 
equipment for the return to their 
families encamped along the 
Blauwkrans and a neighboring 
river, the Tugela, they could hear 
the pre-dawn stirrings in Urn- 
gungundlovu, a few hundred 
yards away. Now and again a chill 
breeze brought them distinct but 
incomprehensible snatches of the 
Zulu tongue and the pungent, 
unmistakable odor of thousands 
of Black men, 

Piet Retief and the 70 Afri- 
kaners he commanded were filled 
with a sense of satisfaction and 
relief as they prepared for their 
departure from Zululand. Secure 
in Retief's hunting pouch was the 



all-important treaty which, at last, 
would enable the Boers and their 
families to end their months of 
anxious wandering and to resume 
their vocation as farmers. 

Before the Afrikaners could 
ride off, a Zulu messenger ap- 
proached. He brought word that 
Dingane desired the presence of 
Retief and his men at the royal 
kraal. There the two parties would 
toast their successful negotiations 
and their future friendship. The 
Whites agreed. 

Retief and his party made their 
way across Urngungundlovu to 
the royal enclosure. They were 
bidden to stack their weapons 
outside the stockade, so as not to 
affront Dingane's hospitality, 
They complied. Then the White 
men entered the headquarters of 
the Zulu king, and the gate was 
closed behind them. 

Dingane greeted Retief from his 
crude wooden throne. Although 
the once-lithe Zulu warrior was 
now middle-aged and grossly fat, 
he radiated power and ruthless- 
ness. As has all too often been the 
case with Negroes elevated to 
positions of authority, Dingane 
was capricious and unstable, and 
his whims often meant death for 
his subjects. Nevertheless, Retief 
trusted him, and the Afrikaners 
took and drank the strong 
sorghum beer offered them by the 
Zulus. 

Drawn up around the Black 
ruler were two Zulu regiments, 
nearly a thousand men in all, At 
Dingane's order, his soldiers be- 
gan to dance. As the Black men 
writhed and undulated to the 
insistent rhythm of the drums, 
Dingane began to chant. The 
White men watched and listened, 
bemused and uncomprehending. 
And Dingane's dark eyes watched 
the White men, those White 
wizards who killed men from afar 
and sped across the veld on horse- 
back as if horse and rider were 
one. 

The dance of the Zulus intensi- 
fied, the warriors now surging 
forward, almost to where the 
Whites sat, now gliding back, 
with effortless grace. Suddenly 
Dingane sprang up and cried out: 
"Hither, my warriors! Cast your- 



selves upon them! Seize them! 
Hold them fast! Slay the wizardsl 
Slay the wizards!" 

At Dingane's words the Zulus 
rushed forward and threw them- 
selves on the unarmed Afrikaners. 
Outnumbered 10 to one, the 
Whites were quickly over- 
powered. A few were able to draw 
hunting knives and stab and slash 
at their Black assailants before 
they were seized. The rest shouted 
and struggled in vain. 

Some of the Afrikaners, par- 
ticularly the young boys who had 
accompanied their fathers and 
older brothers to the Zulu capital, 
were strangled on the spot. The 
others were dragged forth from 
Urngungundlovu to the place the 
Zulus called Hlomo Amabuta, the 
hill of execution. There the blood- 
crazed Negroes finished their 
murderous work with spears and 
clubs. 

Last to die was Piet Retief, 
who, arms pinioned, was forced 
to witness the slaughter of his 
White comrades and his teen-aged 
son. When Retief was dead his 
heart and liver were ceremoni- 
ously presented to Dingane. The 
bodies of the Afrikaners were 
then left to carrion birds. 

The Reverend Francis Owen, an 
English missionary, and members 
of his family were able to observe 
the massacre from their mission, 
which was situated on a hill 
overlooking Urngungundlovu. As 
with most of the White mis- 
sionaries in Africa, Owen's sense 
of racial kinship was inferior to 
his zeal to convert the non-White 
aborigines to Christianity. Al- 
though during the preceding few 
days Owen had sensed Dingane's 
intentions, he had refrained from 
impressing Retief's party with the 
gravity of the situation. Nor did 
this pious minion of the church 
make any effort after the mas- 
sacre to warn the families of 
Retief and his men, camped only a 
few hours' ride away. Several 
days later, he and his family fled 
to Port Natal, a British trading 
settlement on the coast. 

No word of the fate of Piet 
Retief and his men reached the 
Afrikaners along the Blauwkrans 
and the Tugela for ten days. 



Then, on February 16, 1838, 
Dingane's Zulu regiments struck 
with savage force against the 
remainder of Retief s followers. 

The Boers' camps were small, 
scattered, and poorly defended. 
Infected by the same sense of false 
security which had led Retief and 
his men to their doom, they made 
easy targets for the 10,000-strong 
Zulu army which Dingane had 
dispatched from Urngungund- 
lovu. 

The Blacks began their attack at 
1:00 A.M. on February 16. The 
small camp of the Liebenbcrg 
family was overrun and all of its 
inhabitants murdered, most of 
them as they slept. 

Next the Zulus made their way 
to the Bezuidenhout wagons, 
several miles upstream. Daniel 
Peter Bezuidenhout saw his wife, 
mother, and sisters slaughtered by 
Dingane's merciless troops. Al- 
though badly wounded himself, 
he was able to mount his horse 
and ride to warn the neighboring 
campsites. 

The carnage was repeated at 
other encampments. Before the 
Finally aroused Afrikaners were 
able to fend off the Zulus with 
their guns, the Blacks had claimed 
a fearful toll. In all nearly 300 
Whites perished, including 41 
men, 56 women, and 185 children. 
Entire families were wiped out. 

The scenes illuminated by the 
first light of the rising sun almost 
defied description. Where the 
Zulu bands had triumphed, the 
grass was drenched with blood. 
Wagons and gear dripped gore. 
The bodies of the men and 
women, and those of the children 
as well, had been stabbed again 
and again with assegais, the short 
spears of the Zulus. 

Johanna van der Merwe was 
found dead with 21 wounds, 
Catherina Prinsloo with 17. Eliza- 
beth Smit lay dead, her breast 
hacked off, with her threc-day-old 
baby dead beside her. Anna 
Elizabeth Steenkamp, one of the 
most resolute of the Boer women, 
described in her diary a wagon 
filled with 50 corpses, most of 
them children, drowned in their 
own blood. 



Adversity, Struggle Built Boer Racial Feeling 





AT BLOOD RIVER 500 Afrikaners and Britons, under the inspired leadership of Andries 
Pretorius, routed an army of 10,000 Zulus on December 16, 1838, avenging the massacres 
of their kinsmen at Urngungundlovu and the Blauwkrans River. It took nerves of steel and 
unerring marksmanship for the heavily outnumbered voortrekkers, armed only with 



smooth-bore muzzle-loaders and two ancient field pieces, to withstand the Zulus' repeated 
attacks. By nightfall the Afrikaners had slain over 3,000 Blacks and thus secured the rich 
land of Natal for White settlement. Blood River proved once again that White discipline 
and technological superiority are more than a match for any number of non-White foes. 



A SCENE FROM HELL: On February 16, 1838, in the dead of night, thousands of Zulu slaughtered hundreds of White women and children before the Afrikaners could organize 
tribesmen swept down on the sleeping Afrikaners encamped along the Blauwkrans River, a defense. The horror on the Blauwkrans, following on the heels of the Zulus' treacherous 
During the nightmarish hours which followed, the Black men, drunk with blood lust, murder of Piet Retief and his men, almost brought the Great Trek to a standstill. 



The massacre at Urngungund- 
lovu and the slaughter on the 
Blauwkrans threw the fate of the 
Afrikaners' Great Trek into un- 
certainty. Despite further set- 
backs, including the defeat at 
Italeni of a Boer relief expedition 
commanded by Pieter Uys, cost- 
ing Uys his life, the remaining 
members of Retief s party never 
wavered. The Afrikaner women, 
above all, were adamant in refus- 
ing to abandon Natal. Through 
the grim winter months of 1838 
the Boers held fast to their camps, 
while Dingane's Zulus ravaged the 
British trading settlements on the 
coast. 

At this critical juncture in 
South African history, Andries 
W.J. Pretorius, the greatest of the 
voortrekker leaders, rode north to 
take command of the Boers in 
Natal. 

Pretorius, born in 1799, was the 
descendant of Germans who had 
migrated to the Netherlands and 
then to the Cape in the seven- 
teenth century. A prosperous 
burgher who owned several farms 
in the Graaff-Reinet district of the 
frontier, he had not participated 
in the planning of the trek but, 
once his interest had been roused, 
had become an enthusiastic 
supporter. 

Pretorius had made a prelimi- 
nary visit to Retief s encampment 
the previous December, and now, 
as the discouraging winter months 
wore on, he prepared to throw 
himself wholeheartedly into his 
people's struggle. Selling his 
home, Pretorius Kloof in Graaff- 
Reinet, he rode to the north. In 
November 1838 the Ieaderless 



Boers elected him Commandant- 
General. 

Within a week Pretorius had or- 
ganized a force of more than 400 
Boers. On November 28 he and 
his commandos moved off to the 
east. On the sixth day of their 
march the Afrikaners were met by 
a small force of Britons from Port 
Natal, anxious to settle their own 
accounts with the Zulus. Pushing 
north, the combined force made 
straight for Dingane's capital at 
Urngungundlovu. 

After six days of hard going 
through tall grass,- skirmishing 
with Zulu patrols as they ad- 
vanced, Pretorius's force reached 
a river, called Ingome by the 
Zulus. There the Boers took up a 
strong position. The camp was 
covered on two sides by the river 
and by a tributary stream which 
flowed into the Ingome at an 
angle of roughly 45 degrees. The 
open end of the angle formed by 
the confluence of the two streams 
was defended by the Boers' 64 
wagons, massed end to end. Two 
cannons were situated at strategic 
points along the wagon wall. 

At dawn on December 16, 1838, 
the Zulus attacked, advancing in 
regiments, each led by its com- 
mander, the younger men in the 
van, the veterans massed at the 
rear. As they moved forward, 
close to 10,000 of them, the 
Blacks sang and chanted in 
unison. 

Pretorius had ordered his men 
to hold their fire until the Zulus 
were almost at the camp. Exer- 
cising iron self-control , the Boers 
waited until the Zulu battle line 
had advanced to within ten paces 
of their positions. Then the White 



men poured a merciless fire into 
the Black ranks. The Zulu line 
buckled and fell back several 
hundred yards. 

Meanwhile, on the flanks, the 
Zulu troops attempted to cross the 
small stream and break in on the 
Boers from the rear. Swinging 
around one of their field pieces, 
the Afrikaners fired on the Blacks 
at short range with murderous 
effect, and the waters of the 
stream ran red with blood of the 
fallen Blacks. 

Again the Zulus advanced from 
the front, and again they retreated 
before the deadly accuracy and 
rapidity of the Afrikaner musket 
and artillery fire. By now, hun- 
dreds of the Blacks had fallen. 

Then Pretorius gave the order 
to attack. Leading a detachment 
of 150 men, he charged an 
advancing force of over 2,000 
Zulus. By now dumb-struck with 
terror, the attacking Zulus veered 
to the left and raced toward the 
river, upstream from the Boer 
position. Hundreds waded in over 
their heads, desperately seeking 
cover from the White men's guns, 
but to no avail. The Afrikaners 
fired point-blank at the Black men 
crowded in the water, and soon 
the river, like the stream, was 
dyed crimson with Zulu gore. 

Pretorius, who was nicked by a 
Zulu assegai, and one other Boer 
weie the only casualties the Boers 
suffered that day. A careful count 
of the Zulu dead totaled over 
3,000. In the words of an Afri- 
kaner witness, "the Kaffirs lay on 
the ground like pumpkins on a 
rich soil that has borne a plentiful 
crop." The Boers pursued the 
fleeing Blacks until dark, exacting 



a fitting revenge for the massacres 
at Urngungundlovu and along the 
Blauwkrans. 

The voortrekker victory at the 
Ingome — thenceforth known as 
Blood River — broke the power 
of the Zulus for decades. Two 
years later, fleeing another crush- 
ing defeat, Dingane was assassi- 
nated by one of his Black subjects. 

Shortly after Blood River, 
Pretorius and his fellow voor- 
trekkers established the Republic 
of Natal, in accordance with their 
concept of freedom and equality 
among White men. The Natal 
Republic, however, was short- 
lived. In 1843 the British landed a 
strong force at Port Natal, which 
defeated the Afrikaners within a 
month. Natal was then annexed to 
the Cape Colony. 

The voortrekkers were un- 
daunted by the seizure of Natal. 
Many of the men and women who 
had crossed the Drakensberg 
with Retief and Pretorius resumed 
their northward march. Joining 
the Afrikaners who had followed 
Potgieter and other leaders, they 
settled the territory which was to 
become the Transvaal Republic 
and the Orange Free State. 

The history of these two repub- 
lics was filled with vicissitudes and 
reversals for the remainder of the 
nineteenth century. During those 
years the Boers strove to maintain 
their way of life as a community 
of free White farmers, but the 
discovery of gold along the Wit- 
watersrand in Transvaal led to 
inexorable pressure for British 
intervention on behalf of the 
rootless uitlanders, many of them 
Jews, who swarmed to the Trans- 



vaal goldfields in the 1880's and 
'90's. 

The story of the Boers' gallant 
but hopeless fight against The 
mighty British Empire is well 
known. Less familiar, but equally 
inspiring, is the story of the 
Afrikaners' successful struggle, 
over the course of the next 50 
years, to maintain and strengthen 
their racial and cultural conscious- 
ness, a process which gradually 
resulted in the Afrikaners' present 
control of the South African 
state. 

The prerequisite for the outlook 
which underlay those years of 
struggle, indeed the prerequisite 
for an Afrikaner identity, was the 
experience and memory of the 
Great Trek. The Great Trek 
galvanized the discontented but 
disorganized Boers of the Cape 
frontier into a disciplined, self- 
aware, racial community. In the 
words of South African historian 
Gustav Proller, written of Piet 
Retief but equally applicable to 
the influence of the Great Trek, 
"It is Retief's greatest virtue that 
in his deeds and in his death, he 
compelled the Dutch-Afrikaans 
emigrants to believe that they 
were not merely isolated, roaming 
individuals, but that everyone was 
a participant in a great national 
bond, with one concern and one 
destination." 

T.O'K. 

(Issue No. 59, 1978) 



120 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



The Darkening of America 



The measure of any society is 
the character and racial quality of 
its people. Our nation owes its 
high standard of living and its 
legacy of great achievements in 
technology, industry, commerce, 
and space exploration to the 
creativity and ingenuity of mil- 
lions of White immigrants from 
northern and western Europe. 

Our traditions of social order, 
fair play, just government, intel- 
lectual freedom, and religious 
tolerance are likewise expressions 
of our White racial-cultural 
heritage. 

Today, a low White birthrate, a 
massive invasion of racially and 
culturally foreign elements, and 
the high birthrate of non-White 
U.S. citizens threaten our Ameri- 
can way of life and White race 
with extinction. 

The most dramatic aspect of 
this problem has been the enor- 
mous flood of illegal Mexican 
immigrants into the United States 
in recent years. At least 5 million 
of the estimated 8 to 12 million 
illegal immigrants already in 
America are Mexicans. According 
to the U.S.. Immigration and 
Naturalization Service, 800,000 
more aliens enter America illegal- 
ly each year. A former INS 
director has warned that this 
flood of aliens is now "totally 
out of control." 

The Federal government does 
nothing effective to stem the 
Browntide, since even those who 
are caught are merely dumped 
across the lightly patrolled border 
to sneak back in again. President 
Carter recently proposed to make 
crime pay by giving amnesty to 
those who entered illegally before 
1970. That this will only worsen 
the problem was shown when the 
number of illegal immigrants shot 
up after the Carter announce- 
ment. 

Overwhelmingly, Americans 
oppose the Federal government's 
lax immigration policy. A 1977 
Gallup poll indicated that 72 per 
cent favor tight laws to prevent 
the hiring of illegals. (The present 
head of INS, himself of Mexican 
descent, opposes any such action.) 
Even more significantly, a 1977 
Roper poll showed that 91 per 
cent of Americans questioned 
favor an all-out effort to stop 
illegal entry." 

Both liberal pressure groups 
and big-business interests oppose 
any action to halt the invasion of 
Mexicans. Liberals claim such 
moves would be "inhumane" or 
"racist." The Wall Street Journal 
crowd and other capitalist inter- 
ests want a large and profitable 
pool of cheap labor. 

Mexico has the highest birthrate 
in the world. The country's 
population of over 60 million will 
double in the next 20 years. About 
10 per cent of Mexico's citizens 
now live illegally in the United 
States, and about 20 per cent 
more depend on money sent back 
home by those already here. 

Within 25 years, population 
experts predict, Mexico City will 
be the world's largest city, 
teeming with some 32 million 
persons. According to a Gallup 
International survey, one-third of 



all Mexicans would like to leave 
their country and move to the 
United States or Canada. 

Along with Mexicans, Brown 
aliens from Puerto Rico, Cuba, 
and other Latin American coun- 
tries make up a fast-growing 
"Hispanic" minority. Between 
1963 and 1978, this Spanish- 
speaking horde doubled in size, 
from about 8 million to over 16 
million. The Hispanic fertility rate 
is over twice that of White 
Americans. Demographers esti- 
mate that Hispanics will replace 
Blacks as the largest non-White 
minority group within 12 to 15 
years. 

Within 8 to 10 years, a majority 
of California's population will be 
Spanish speaking. Already in Los 
Angeles County only 33 per cent 
of the school-age children are 
officially White, while 38 per cent 
are Mexican, 23 per cent Negro, 
and 6 per cent Asian. 

The number of illegal Hispanics 
is conservatively estimated at 1.5 
million in New York City, 1.3 
million in Los Angeles, and 
one-half million in Chicago. The 
number of legal Hispanic aliens is 
even higher. Puerto Ricans, for 
example, can enter the United 
States without restriction, and 
Mexicans now make up the largest 
group of legal immigrants. 



states. In large sections of many 
northern cities and in vast regions 
of the Southwest, Spanish is the 
preferred language of outdoor 
advertising, newspapers, televi- 
sion, and radio. Many election 
districts must use bilingual elec- 
tion ballots. (In San Francisco the 
ballots are rr/lingual: Chinese, 
English, and Spanish.) 

Adding to the flood of Hispan- 
ics, large numbers of racially alien 
and prolific Filipinos, Chinese, 
Koreans, Jamaicans, Iranians, 
Arabs, East Indians, and others 
pour into the United States each 
year. 

The question of illegal immi- 
gration is a "safe" topic. Many 
newspapers and politicians discuss 
the question, because it bypasses 
the deeper issue of the alien 
racial-cultural threat to America. 
If the issue were only a question 
of legality, it could be solved by 
allowing Mexicans to enter 
legally. 

The presence of millions of 
racial and cultural aliens is a 
danger, however, whether they 
are here legally or Illegally. Most 
Negroes and Puerto Ricans here, 
for example, are legal residents of 
the United States, but they are at 
least as much a problem as illegal 
Mexican residents. 

Indeed, a majority of the 
non-Whites now living in America 



are legal residents or citizens. 
Significantly, the offspring of 
even illegal immigrants born 
within the boundaries of the 
United States are considered full 
ancl equal citizens under present 
law. 

Even if illegal immigration 
completely stopped tomorrow, 
our race and culture would still be 
in grave danger, because of the 
great differences between the 
White and non- White birthrates. 
The White birthrate has been 
falling steadily since 1957, and it 
recently fell below two children 
per woman of child-bearing age. 
White Americans now do not even 
reproduce at a rate sufficient to 
replace those who die. 

Between 1960 and 1973 the 
Black population increased 25 per 
cent, while the number of Whites 
rose by only 14 per cent. Blacks 
already make up a majority of 
those living in such major cities as 
Detroit, Atlanta, Cleveland, and 
Washington. Only half of the 
school-age children in Seattle and 
only 24 per cent in Boston are 
White. 

This trend is a major reason 
why millions of Whites have been 
fleeing the large cities for the 
suburbs or to new areas in the 
West and South. For the first time 
in the history of our nation, large 



numbers of native Whites are 
leaving America altogether. 
About 40,000 Whites now move 
each year to Canada, New 
Zealand, or Australia. 

From a historical perspective, 
by far the most significant thing 
now happening in the world is the 
racial darkening of America. The 
alien invasion of our country is 
the greatest invasion in all of 
human history. It is far more 
massive, for example, than the 
northern European migrations 
into the crumbling Roman 
Empire. 

In our society the least intelli- 
gent, least creative, and least 
capable are having the most 
children. The government actually 
encourages this by giving financial 
aid to indigent mothers. At the 
same time, both the absolute and 
relative numbers of our most 
creative, intelligent, and capable 
citizens are declining. 

The threat to White America is 
even more serious than official 
sources would indicate. Many 
millions of racially and culturally 
unassimilable Arabs, Jews, East 
Indians, Gypsies, Turks, and 
others of npn-European descent 
are officially classified as 
"White" by the Federal 
government. 



Will there be room in a darkening America for these children? 

_ . _ - _. .... _ ■■ i IB—mi imii —iiiMi ii«m— ^ii^— ^^^^^^■am^^iaii— — n— i —-' i ■MMiH— m^ii 




Mexicans, Filipinos, Middle 
Easterners, and other nondescript 
Brown peoples pose a much 
greater threat of mongrelization 
than do Negroes. Many naive 
Whites who are repelled by the 
thought of breeding with Blacks 
can bring themselves to accept 
miscegenation with other non- 
Whites who don't appear quite so 
strange or alien. 

In the face of this enormous 
problem, the Jews in America 
have once again revealed their 
anti-White and anti-American 
hostility. Powerful Jewish organ- 
izations, including the notorious 
B'nai B'rith pressure group, offi- 
cially oppose even limited moves 
to stem the massive illegal immi- 
gration into this country. While 
influential Jews urge "Zero Pop- 
ulation Growth" and encourage 
racial mixing for Whites, they call 
for Jews to marry only other Jews 
and have many offspring. 

At the same time that Jews 
denounce all measures to halt the 
alien flood sweeping over us as 
"un-American," the Jewish state 
of Israel sharply restricts non- 
Jewish immigration and officially 
encourages a high Jewish 
birthrate. 

The men and women who won 
our American independence, built 
our national institutions, forged 
our culture, and cleared the 
American wilderness have been of 
northern and western European 
stock. Every U.S. President, for 
example, has been of this breed. 

Men of our race once fought 
and died at the Alamo to hold 
Texas and keep it a land for White 
people. They, and many like 
them, didn't sacrifice their lives 
for a Constitution or for a flag or 



for equal rights for Negroes. 
Theirs was a war for our White 
race. 

Today corrupt and ignorant 
politicians betray the sacrifices of 
our forebears by tolerating the 
alien takeover of our continent. 



interest in taxes to be levied, votes 
to be gained, and quick profits to 
be made. 

Such democratic thinking con- 
fuses the whole meaning of 
nationality. It assumes that man- 
made laws can repeal the natural 



* 'No quantity of atomic bombs could stem the 
tide of billions . . . who will someday leave the 
poor southern part of the world to erupt into 
the relatively accessible spaces of the rich 
northern hemisphere looking for survival. . . " 

— Houari Boumedienne, president of Algeria 



AS THE RACIAL balance in America continues to shift toward non- In a White environment, learn White values, develop a strong sense of 
Whites, there will be fewer opportunities for White children to grow up White identity, and find White marriage partners. 



In the pre-dawn hours of 
October 9, 1923, a half-dozen 
men sat on hard benches in a bare 
room at the police headquarters in 
Bucharest, Romania. The police 
had seized them several hours 
before. An informer in their midst 
had accused them of plotting to 
murder over twenty of Romania's 
leading citizens. Now they were to 
be questioned by police and 
government officials. 

The leader of the alleged 
conspirators, Corneliu Codreanu, 
24 years old, waited pensively as 
his comrades disappeared, one by 
one, into the interrogation room. 
He tried to devise tactics for 
parrying the questions to come. 
Then it was his turn. 

The prosecutor ordered several 
incriminating letters and two 
baskets containing the group's 
firearms to be placed in front of 
Codreanu. "Are these your wea- 
pons?" he snarled. 

Codreanu hesitated. He asked 
for a moment's reflection. It was 
a moment at the crossroads. The 
prosecutor and the police smirked 
derisively, waiting for the expec- 
ted denials. 

Then Codreanu spoke out: 
"Yes, these guns are ours. We 
wanted to use them to shoot the 



The spread of liberal ideology is 
reflected in our changing immi- 
gration policy. The Chinese were 
forbidden entry into America, for 
example, until Franklin Roosevelt 
coerced the Congress into repeal- 
ing the "racist" Chinese Exclu- 
sion Act in 1943. At Lyndon 
Johnson's urging the Congress in 
1965 repealed the rest of our 
former immigration laws, which 
had encouraged northern and 
western- Europeans to move to 
America and had discouraged 
non-White immigration. 

President Ford expressed an 
utter lack of racial or national 
loyalty and an astounding ignor- 
ance of history when he publicly 
urged that Puerto Rico be made a 
state. Forty per cent of the 
island's Spanish-speaking mulat- 
toes already depend on food 
stamps for survival. When Ford 
and others of his ilk support the 
full integration of such non-White 
populations into our nation, they 
betray a selfish, shortsighted 



laws of race and heredity. 

For men like Roosevelt, John- 
son, and Ford, America is only a 
piece of real estate and a 
collection of symbols and institu- 
tions without cultural or racial 
significance. They do not under- 
stand that racial-cultural com- 
munities give meaning to national 
symbols, and not the other way 
around. 

The politicians and the control- 
led media claim inflation and 
unemployment to be our nation's 
most important problems. Actu- 
ally, no problem we face is as 
serious or as much a threat to our 
future as the steady racial deteri- 
oration of our nation. 

Unemployment, inflation, and 
poverty are not permanently 
destructive. A White people which 
maintains its racial character can 
still solve these and various other 
temporary economic and social 
problems. However, once a White 
nation falls victim to racial 
mixing, it permanently loses its 



ability to deal with any serious 
challenge. 

The United States is one of the 
very few countries in the world 
which automatically grant citi- 
zenship to every person born 
inside their borders. Elsewhere, 
the citizenship of a child is 
determined by that of the parents, 
regardless of the place of birth. 
The unique American situation is 
an expression of the naive notion 
that even racial aliens can and 
should be "made into" Ameri- 
cans wfco will respect and main- 
tain our European-rooted way of 
life. This idea also reflects the 
arrogant "melting pot" assump- 
tion that non-Europeans want to 
copy our values and way of life. 

Some Americans have re- 
sponded to the growing poverty, 
illiteracy, and chaos in the 
non-White world by supporting 
"Zero Population Growth." 
White liberals often sterilize 
themselves in order to "keep 
down" overpopulation, But the 
problem is not just one of 
numbers. Negroes continue to 
starve in African areas rich in 
natural resources, while Whites 
have built prosperous societies in 
lands like Iceland, East Germany, 
and Ireland, which are poor in 
resources. 

Restricting the number of in- 
telligent, capable, and creative 
White children will not bring the 
Third World out of poverty. Only 
White agricultural techniques, 
medical discoveries, technology, 
and food shipments have kept 
much of the non-White world 
from even greater suffering and 
backwardness. Sincere humani- 
tarians who are really concerned 
about helping mankind should 



121 

urge White men and women to 
have as many healthy children as 
possible, and they should direct 
their birth-control efforts toward 
non-Whites only. 

Throughout history, our race 
has proven itself more creative 
and able to solve problems than 
any other. History offers many 
clear and instructive examples of 
the long-range consequences of 
racial mixing. A mongrel America 
would go the way of India, Egypt, 
and the Roman Empire. 

The destruction of the White 
race in America is not happening 
suddenly. It is easy to ignore the 
problem as long as a technical and 
administrative class of Whites 
keeps our society limping along. 
Unlike a military defeat or a 
major natural catastrophe, which 
would force our people to face the 
challenge, the invasion by aliens, 
the low White birthrate and a high 
non-White birthrate make up a 
problem which, like a terminal 
case of cancer, is not obvious until 
it is too late. 

Our nation is like a middle-aged 
man who, despite occasional 
pains and frequent nervousness, 
considers himself pretty healthy. 
The man can overeat, drink 
heavily, smoke, and munch can- 
died snacks without any immedi- 
ate damage. But the long-term 
consequences of such shortsighted 
and self-indulgent living are fatal. 

The darkening of America can 

and will be stopped Only when 

White men and women who are 

proud of their heritage and ready 

to sacrifice for it join together to 

build a new order. „ 

M.W. 



{Issue No. 60, J 978) 



Codreanu 
& the Iron Guard 



government ministers, the rabbis 
and the big Jewish bankers." 

Codreanu reeled off the names 
of the Romanian politicians and 
Jews on his death list: Marzescu, 
Bercovici, the Blanks, Rosenthal, 
Fildermann, Honigmann, and the 
rest. His interrogators were stun- 
ned by the young man's boldness 
and resolve^ The prosecutor, his 
smugness forgotten, gasped, "But 
why kill them?" 

"The former because they 
betrayed our country," Codreanu 
shot back. "The latter as enemies 
and corrupters." 

"And you don't regret it 
now?" 

"No, we regret not- 
ing... Though we have fallen it 
does not matter: behind us there 
are tens of thousands who think 
likewise!" 

As the dawn's first glow filtered 
in through the windows of tfte 
police station, Codreanu, shoul- 
ders squared and head held high, 
was led to a basement cell. 

The die was cast. From then on 
in his struggle for his country's 
freedom Codreanu gave no 
thought to turning back. 

Who was this remarkable 
young man, and what had driven 
him to such desperate measures? 



Corneliu Zelea Codreanu was 
born on September 13, 1899, in 
Hushi, a small town in the 
Romanian province of Moldavia. 
His father, Ion Zelea Codreanu, 
the descendant of several genera- 
tions of foresters, was a secondary 
school teacher and an ardent 
nationalist; his mother, Elise 
Brauner Codreanu, was the 
granddaughter of a Bavarian 
immigrant. 

Between the ages of eleven and 
sixteen Codreanu attended the 
famous military school at Manas- 
tirea Dealului, the Cloister on the 
Hill. There he learned the soldier- 
ly virtues of courage, discipline, 
and taciturnity. Codreanu'^ in- 
born talents for leadership and 
organizing were reinforced and 
developed at the academy, and he 
acquired a taste for hard work 
and self-denial. At the Cloister, as 
he later wrote, he "learned to love 
the trench and to despise the 
drawing room." 

When Romania declared war on 
Austria-Hungary in August 1916, 
Codreanu, not old enough to 
enlist, left home and joined his 
father at the front, where the elder 
Codreanu commanded an infan- 
try company. Corneliu took part 
in the advance and subsequent 



retreat across the rugged terrain 
of Transylvania, until his father 
ordered him to return home. 
When the First World War ended 
in 1918, Codreanu was an officer 
cadet at an infantry training 
camp. 

After graduating from secon- 
dary school, Codreanu entered 
the University of Jassy in the fall 
of 1919. Jassy, the capital of 
Moldavia, was a citadel of 
Romanian culture and tradition, 
and its university was the oldest 
and most prestigious in the 
country. 

When Codreanu arrived at 
Jassy, however, he found the city 
and its university wracked by 
strikes and demonstrations. The 
workers, chafing under miserable 
working conditions and meagre 
wages, had succumbed to the 
wiles of Communist agitators, 
who filled their heads with visions 
of the promised land being built 
across the border in Russia. At the 
university many students and 
professors were outspoken Marx- 
ists, and they had little difficulty 
in intimidating their nationalist 
colleagues. 

At fact value, the situation in 
Jassy was incomprehensible, es- 
pecially to a young patriot like 



Codreanu. The unification of all 
Romanians in a single Great 
Romania after the First World 
War was the fulfillment of 
centuries-old nationalist longings. 
Nevertheless, the urban intelli- 
gentsia and the workers ceaseless- 
ly reviled Romania's King Ferdi- 
nand, the Church, and the army. 
It didn't take long for Codre- 
anu to identify the driving force 
behind the anti-national activities 
of the workers and the intellectu- 
als. Both factions were propagan- 
dized, agitated, and controlled 
almost entirely by members of an 
alien group hostile to Romania's 
heritage and soil: the Jews. 

In 1919 the so-called "workers' 
movement" in Jassy was led by a 
Dr. Ghelerter, who had as his 
lieutenants Messrs. Gheter, Spie- 
egler, and Schreiber. Their super- 
iors in Bucharest, the Romanian 
capital, were Ana Pauker and Hie 
Moscovici. All of them, like the 
great majority of the communist 
leaders in Romania, were Jews, 

The Jewish revolutionaries in 
Romania derived moral suste- 
nance from the successes of their 
kinsmen in Russia, where Jews 
made up the majbrity of Bolshe- 
vik leaders and. cadres. Equally 
inspirational had been the short, 



122 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



123 



d 



blood-drenched regime of Bela 
Kurt (born Conn) and his Jewish 
commissars in Hungary, which 
had been smashed by the inter- 
vention of the Romanian Army 
only months before. 

Codreanu was undaunted by 
the swaggering, arrogant leftists 
and their Jewish wirepullers. He 
set to work to smash Judeo- 
Marxism in Jassy with the same 
reckless courage he had shown in 
heading for the front three years 
before. 

Disgusted by the apathy and 
cowardice of the university's 
conservative students, Codreanu 
joined a smal! group called the 
Guard of National Conscience, 
which had been founded and was 
led by Constantin Pancu, a burly 
steelworker. The Guard num- 
bered among its members Ro- 
manians from all classes , pledged 
to build a strong Romania based 
on a just social order and purged 
of racial aliens. 

Codreanu quickly became the 
dominant figure in the Guard of 
National Conscience. Through 
ceaseless and heroic activism he 
made the small movement a force 
to be reckoned with in the streets 
and factories of Jassy. 

At the Agency of State Mono- 
polies and at the Nicolina railway 
works Codreanu and a handful of 
followers defied thousands of 
striking workers to haul down the 
red flag and raise the Romanian 
tricolor above the factories. Cod- 
reanu' s bravery and determina- 
tion won him the grudging respect 
of the Romanian workers and the 
bitter hatred of their Jewish 
manipulators. 

Codreanu and the men of the 
Guard of National Conscience 
were far from reactionaries an- 
xious to shore up the existing 
social order. The Guard's pro- 
gram called for "Christian-na- 
tional socialism," and it was 
Codreanu's avowed aim to free 
the workers from Jewish-Bolshe- 
vist influences and then to develop 
a strong sense of national identity 
in them, As Codreanu stated, "It 
is not enough to defeat commu- 
nism. We must also fight for the 
rights of the workers. They have a 
right to bread and honor. We 
must fight against the oligarchic 
parties, creating national workers' 
organizations which can gain their 
rights within the framework of the 
state and not against the state," 

After the Romanian govern- 
ment mustered the will to crush 
the communist-directed strikes 
and demonstrations, Codreanu 
and his student supporters turned 
their attentions to the situation at 
the university. In 1920 the Ro- 
manian universities, and especial- 
ly Jassy, swarmed with Jewish 
aliens. Although the Jews in 
Romania constituted only five per 
cent of the population, over a 
third of Jassy' s students were 
Jews, and Jewish students were 
actually a majority at the colleges 
of medicine and pharmacy. Not 
content with displacing native 
Romanians, the Jewish students 
carried on ceaseless agitation 
against everything Romanian. 

Codreanu and his comrades put 
an end to the Jewish terror on the 
campus in short order. The Red 
toughs who had hazed and bullied 
nationalist students now found 
themselves on the defensive. 

The fashion in Russian caps, 
worn as a sign of sympathy for the 
Bolsheviks, became passe after 
Codreanu and his friends began 
thrashing students so attired and 



then burning their revolutionary 
headgear. 

A student strike led by the Jew 
Spiegler was foiled when Codre- 
anu's group seized the dining hall 
and barred the striking students 
on the grounds that "he who 
doesn't work, doesn't eat." 

When the Jewish-owned news- 
papers in Jassy, Opinio and 
Lumea, attacked King Ferdinand 
and insulted Codreanu, the young 
nationalist led a raiding party to 
the newspaper offices, where he 
and his followers wrecked the 
presses. 

By 1922, when Codreanu was 
graduated from the university's 
Faculty of Law, he had almost 
single-handedly converted the 
University of Jassy into a bastion 
of nationalist sentiment. Fur- 
thermore, Codreanu's supporters 
were disseminating pro-Romanian 
and anti-Jewish ideas at schools 
and universities across the 
country. 

Codreanu elected to continue 
his studies in political economy. 
In the fall of 1922 he traveled to 
Germany and registered at the 
University of Berlin. In Berlin he 
made contact with German na- 
tionalists, and it was in those days 
that he first heard of Adolf Hitler, 
whom he came to esteem as a 
fellow nationalist and the savior 
of his people. 

Codreanu's studies in Germany 
were terminated suddenly. On 
December 10, 1922, the Roman- 
ian university students went on 
strike, demanding not only im- 
proved food and decent living 
conditions, but also a limitation 
on the number of Jews admitted 
to the universities. 

Codreanu hurried back to make 
common cause with the striking 
students. The strike dragged on 
for months, despite the liberal use 
of police and regular troops by the 
government. 

During the strike Codreanu 
became convinced that the time 
was ripe for the creation of a 
nationalist movement which 
would appeal to Romanians of 
every station in life, rather than 
limiting itself to students. Toget- 
her with Professor A.C. Cuza of 
the University of Jassy, Codreanu 
founded the League of Christian 
National Defense on March 3, 
1923. 

Scarcely three weeks later the 
Romanian National Assembly 
underscored the need for a 
nationalist, anti-Jewish fighting 
movement by amending the Ro- 
manian constitution to allow 
nearly every Jew in the country to 
become a citizen. When Codreanu 
heard the news he burst out 
crying. National-minded Roman- 
ians were stunned. 

There was ample reason for 
outrage at the assembly's high- 
handed action. The Jews of 
Romania were demonstrably an 
alien body in the national organ- 
ism. They differed from Roman- 
ians in language, dress, customs, 
religion, race, and spirit. Nor 
were, they ready to change their 
ways: it was the Romanians who 
would have to change in order to 
accomodate them. 

The Jews of Romania were not 
content to subvert the country 
through Marxism. Since the early 
19th century they had largely 
controlled Romanian finance, 
commerce, and industry. As the 
historian Abraham Leon Sachar 
put it, with characteristic Jewish 




CORNELIU CODREANU 



arrogance, "Anti-Semitism need- 



ed no external stimulation in 
bigoted little Romania... The 
Jews formed the only middle 
class, practically the only intelli- 
gent class, and the commerce of 
the country usually passed into 
their hands. They were bitterly 
hated by the Romanian 
peasantry." 

After Romania won its freedom 
from the Ottoman Empire in 
1879, Romanian statesmen and 
intellectuals had attempted to 
deny the Jews living there citizen- 
ship under any circumstances. 
Pressure from the European 
powers, always eager to appease 
their Jewish financiers, forced the 
Romanian government to recog- 
nize the theoretical right of Jews 
to citizenship. Since qualification 
depended on either service in the 
Romanian armed forces or a 
certification of the applicant's 
high moral character, however, 
few Jews became citizens. 

Nevertheless, Jewish economic 
control increased steadily. During 
the years in which Codreanu 
sought to combat their influence, 
the Jews of Romania owned most 
of the country's banks and 
newspapers. The liberal historian 
Eugen Weber has noted that in 
this period 80 per cent of bank 
and commercial employees and 70 
per cent of the journalists were 
Jews, as were 139 out of the 142 
members of the Bucharest stock 
exchange. 

Their hold on the Romanian 
economy enabled the Jews to 
exercise a corresponding control 
over the country's political sys- 
tem. The larger parties — the 
Liberals, the Peasant Party, and 
the agrarian party headed by the 
war hero General Averescu — 
could- all be relied on to uphold 
Jewish interests. These parties 
became so deformed by their 
servility to the Jews that it was 



impossible to distinguish among 
them. As Codreanu wrote, "Fun- 
damentally there was no distinc- 
tion among them other than 
differences of form and personal 
interests — the same thing in 
different shapes. They did not 
even have the justification of 
differing opinions. Their only real 
motivation was the religion of 
personal interest." 

Despite the exertions of Codre- 
anu and his followers, the student 
strike failed. In the fall of 1923, 
the Romanian students returned 
to school. They had won a few 
material improvements, but the 
government would make no con- 
cessions toward limiting the num- 
ber of Jews flooding into the 
universities. 

Filled with despair at the 
collapse of the student strike 
coupled with the extension of 
citizenship to the Jewish aliens, 
Codreanu and Ion Mota, a young 
nationalist from Transylvania, 
devised the assassination plot 
which ended in their betrayal and 
arrest. 

At his trial in Bucharest Codre- 
anu took full responsibility for the 
plan. A botched prosecution and 
the obvious sympathy of the 
jurors, all native Romanians, won 
him and his companions acquit- 
tal. Only Mota remained in 
prison: on the first day of the trial 



students hard at work with pick 
and shovel, something almost 
unheard of in Romania up to that 
time, had a great effect on the 
local villagers. Many of them 
joined in, and at the same time 
they began to learn of Codreanu's 
ideas for the regeneration of 
Romania. 

Codreanu and his supporters 
were not left in peace for long, 
however. Three weeks after be- 
ginning the construction project 
at Ungheni, the young men of the 
Brotherhood were surrounded by 
policemen, arrested, and hauled 
off to the Jassy police station. 
There they were beaten and 
otherwise abused. Only the inter- 
vention of a number of Jassy's 
leading citizens secured their 
release. 

Codreanu and Professor Cuza 
appealed to the Minister of the 
Interior to remove the officer 
responsible, Police Perfect Man- 
ciu. Manciu was not even repri- 
manded; instead, he was deco- 
rated and promoted. The Jews of 
Jassy showed their appreciation 
by buying him a car. 

Several months later, on Octo- 
ber 25, 1925, Manciu again 
encountered Codreanu, this time 
at the courthouse, where Codre- 
anu was preparing to defend a 
student who had been arrested in 
the police raid on the Ungheni 
site. Surrounded by a phalanx of 
gendarmes, Manciu lunged at 
Codreanu. This time Codreanu 
refused to be humiliated. He drew 
his revolver and shot the police 
perfect dead. 

Codreanu was tried at Turnul 
Severin, in the extreme southwest 
of Romania, as far as possible 
from Moldavia, where sympathies 
ran strongly in Codreanu's favor. 
Nevertheless, the court, meeting 
in a large theater, was packed with 
thousands of Codreanu's sup- 
porters. Leading Romanians tes- 
tified on Codreanu's behalf, while 
the state's witnesses stammered 
out unconvincing denials of Man- 
ciu's brutality. After deliberating 
for 25 minutes,* the jurors pro- 
claimed Codreanu innocent. 

Codreanu restricted his political 
activity for the next year or so. 
Shortly after the Manciu trial he 
married Elena flinoiu. He and his 
bride then traveled to France, 
where Codreanu resumed his 
studies at the University of 
Grenoble and earned his doctor- 
ate In political economy. 

In May 1927 Codreanu re- 
turned to Romania. The League 
of Christian National Defense 
had split into two factions, and 
Professor Cuza had summarily 
banished his opponents from the 
League. 

A rift had been growing 
between Codreanu and Cuza for 
some time. Cuza was essentially a 
conservative, and despite His 
doctrinaire anti-Semitism he had 
revealed himself more than once 
as willing to cooperate with the 
established political parties. The 



Codreanu Saw Spiritual Revolution as First Need 



he had shot their betrayer in his League also suffered from his lack 



cell. 

Codreanu returned to Jassy and 
resumed his work of organizing 
for the National Christian De- 
fense League. Lacking funds, and 
eager that the young recruits 
should learn the dignity of manual 
labor, Codreanu and the Brother- 
hood of the Cross, as the League's 
youth wing was known, set to 
work constructing a clubhouse at 
Ungheni, several miles from Jas- 
sy. The sight of the middle-class 



of organizational ability. 

Codreanu and several steadfast 
friends took their leave of Profes- 
sor Cuza and the League of 
Christian National Defense. On 
June 24, 1927, at a small 
gathering in his Jassy apartment, 
Codreanu proclaimed a new 
movement: The Legion of Mic- 
hael the Archangel. 

The Legion had no party 
program. As Codreanu wrote, 



"This country is dying of lack of 
men, not lack of programs... 
That, in other words, it is not 
programs that we must have, but 
men, new men. For such as people 
are today, formed by politicians 
and infected by the Judaic 
influence, they will compromise 
the most brilliant political pro- 
grams." 

Codreanu envisioned the Le- 
gion as the school for the creation 
of these new men, a new 
Romanian aristocracy, a genera- 
tion of heroes. The men of the 
Legion were to be animated by 
love of God and country, mutual 
loyalty, and a joyous acceptance 
of duty and sacrifice. 

Thus, Codreanu recognized 
that a spiritual revolution was the 
precondition for a political revo- 
lution, if it was to create anything 
of. lasting value. 

Without a strong organization- 
al structure, the aims of the 
Legion would have remained 
platitudes. Here, as well, Codre- 
anu showed his genius. He 
organized the Legion on hierar- 
chical lines. At each level, from 
the basic unit, the nest, up 
through town, city, county, and 
regional groups to the Captain, as 
Codreanu came to be called, the 
leader validated himself not 
through election but by ability 
and courage. 

The fundamental Legionary 
unit, the nest, numbered from 
three to thirteen members. It 
comprised men who already felt 
the same way, but who had to be 
taught the discipline of acting for 
a common purpose. To that end 
the men of the nest marched and 
sang together, distributed propa- 
ganda, and conducted weekly 
meetings. Just as important, they 
helped the impoverished peasants 
by numerous voluntary labor 
projects. 

The Legion grew slowly. Cod- 
reanu was resolutely opposed to 
any large-scale recruitment which 
might endanger the Legion's high 
standards. The university students 
tended at first to remain in the 
more established nationalist 
groups. The Legion was more 
successful initially in enlisting 
high school students and those 
attending commercial and techni- 
cal institutes. 

The nests were painstakingly 
established and made self-suffi- 
cient. At first in Moldavia and 
Bucovina, and then in Transyl- 
vania and Wallachia, the Legion 
gained strength. Soon Codreanu 
was in a position to reach out to 
the forgotten men and women of 
Romania: the peasants. 

No one in the country had 
suffered as much at the hands of 
the system and the system's 
Jewish masters. Despite a sweep- 
ing program of land reform after 
the war, the peasants lacked tools, 
animals, and other necessary 
capital. Forced to borrow money 
to survive, they were gouged with 
frightful rates of interest by 
Jewish moneylenders. Jewish 
lumber companies stripped the 
hillsides of the forests which the 
peasants had once held in com- 
mon, and Jewish speculators 
gobbled up their land if their luck 
faltered. Malnutrition and disease 
were widespread. If there was 
some consolation to be found, in 



the tavern, it was diminished by 
the fact that there, too, the owner 
was almost always a Jew. 

At first the peasants were 
suspicious of the Legion. They 
had been disappointed many 
times since the war. The regime of 
General Averescu, which the 
peasants had initially supported 
with the greatest enthusiasm 
proved no different from those of 
the other politicians. Similarly, 
the Peasant Party's policies, in 
practice, were identical with those 
of the laissez-faire Liberals, The 
politicians showed their solicitude 
for the peasants' plight only at 
election time, when they would 
arrive in the villages in their 
limousines, make flowery 
speeches filled with nebulous 
promises, and then roar off. 

Codreanu and his Legionaries 
quickly dispelled the doubts of the 
rural folk. They made no 
promises, nor did they ask for 
support. Instead, marching or 
riding on horseback into the 
villages, singing the songs of 
Romania's heroic past, they es- 
tablished their kinship with the 
impoverished farmers by pitching 
in and helping wherever they were 
needed. The nests dug ditches, 
mended fences, repaired houses, 
and helped with the harvest. The 
green-shirted Legionaries spoke 
of a coming Romania, where 
everyone would have his place, 
not according to his wealth or his 
learning, but according to his 
character and his faith. 

By 1931 the Legionary Move- 
ment was strong enough • to 
contest the elections. In his 
electoral manifesto Codreanu 
summed up the plight of the 
nation: "Nobody who has eyes 
can fail to see that this rich 
country has become a ruin. The 
peasant's household and land, the 
village — a handful of miserable 
people, who lament — the county, 
the region, the barren mountains, 
the uncultivated plains which no 
longer produce anything for the 
poor, unfortunate peasant — all 
are in ruins. The State budget and 
the entire country are a shambles. 
"And above these ruins scat- 
tered all over the Romanian land, 
a band of dishonorable men, of 
imbeciles and shameless brigands, 
have built palaces defying the 
country, which writhes in pain, 
and ridiculing your suffering, 
poor, miserable, Romanian 
peasant I 

"A more revolting, painful, 
and indecent scene has never been 
witnessed by anyone elsewhere in 
the world. Millions of households 
are being destroyed, crushing 
underneath their ruins countless 
God- forsaken people who have 
nothing else left but tears. To top 
this shame, the palaces of, the 
rascals, who plundered the land 
and emptied the treasury of our 
country, rise like a supreme irony 
and mockery." 

The election was not a success. 
The governing parties did every- 
thing in their power to destroy the 
Legion and its companion move- 
ment, the Iron Guard, which had 
been established as the militant 
wing of the Legion the previous 
year. In January 1931 the gov- 
ernment banned the Legion and the 
Guard after a nationalist student, 
unaffiliated with the Legion, had 
attempted to assassinate a cabinet 



minister. Although the courts 
vindicated Codreanu and his 
movement, the Legion's election 
campaign was effectively stifled, 
and no Legionaries were elected to 
the assembly. 

The Jews and their Romanian 
henchmen were unable to contain 
the growth of the Legion's 
popularity for long. Both Codre- 
anu and his father were victorious 
in by-elections held in Moldavia in 
1932, and the Legion entered the 
National Assembly. 

As support for the Legionary 
movement increased, its Jewish 
opponents grew less cautious 
about violating the niceties of the 
democratic process, to which 
Codreanu allegedly posed such a 
threat. As historian Eugen Weber, 
hardly sympathetic to the Legion, 
wrote of the Jew-dominated Ro- 
manian establishment: "To any 
real threat against the established 
order, its beneficiaries reacted by 
all the means at their command, 
however violent, however illegal: 
army, police, gendarmerie, the 
courts — both military and civil, 
the administrative apparatus with 
all its possibilities of intimidation 
and chicanery, were mobilize^ 
against those who challenged the 
system." 

In 1933, the Liberal govern- 
ment of Ion Duca, egged on by his 
foreign minister, Nicolae Titules- 
cu, one of Jewry's chief agents in 
Romania, banned the Legion once 
more. The inevitable mass arrests 
followed: Legionaries by the 
thousands were imprisoned in 
concentration camps. There were 
still men of honor in the Roman- 
ian judiciary, however. Only 
Duca's executioners were con- 
victed; Codreanu and his Legio- 
naries were found innocent. 

For the next three years the 
Legionary movement built up its 
strength and prestige. Codreanu 
organized a workers' corps in the 
cities which eventually grew to 
over 13,000 members. The Le- 
gionaries maintained ties with 
other European nationalist move- 
ments. A Legionary contingent 
fought Bolshevism in Spain. (Ion 
Mota, Codreanu's right-hand 
man, fell there.) 

In the December 1937 elections 
the Legion's electoral front, All 
for the Fatherland, became the 
third strongest party in the land. 
The Legionary success, coupled 
with the heavy losses suffered by 
the establishment parties, seemed 
to raise the possibility of a 
coalition government dominated 
by Codreanu. 

One man stood in his way: King 
CaroITI, who was empowered by 
the constitution to confirm or 
reject ministerial governments 
proposed by the National Assem- 
bly. Carol was a man of authori- 
tarian leanings but weak charac- 
ter. His extra-marital affair with a 
Jewess, Magda Lupescu (nee 
Wolff), as well as his extrava- 
gance and greed, had resulted in 
his father, King Ferdinand, dis- 
inheriting him. After Ferdinand's 
death, Carol had returned to 
Romania from France in 1930. 
With the approbation of the 
ruling parties, he dethroned his 
son Michael and set himself up as 
King Carol II, with Magda 
Lupescu as his consort. Now the 
Jews of Romania pinned their 
hopes on Carol's cupidity and 



vanity and on the hold which his 
Jewish mistress had over the 
weak-willed monarch. 

Prompted by his alien advisers, 
Carol moved adroitly and treac- 
herously. He refused to confirm 
any government including the 
Legion. After authorizing a weak 
rightist party to form a caretaker 
government, King Carol seized 
power for himself and his Jewish 
masters in February 1938. A 
puppet government ostensibly 
headed by the Orthodox Patriarch 
of Bucharest was -set up. The 
driving force in the administration 
was the Minister of Justice, the 
ruthless Armand Calinescu. 

Calinescu immediately ordered 
the roundup of the Legionaries. 
Despite Codreanu's disbanding of 
his movement's political arm and 
his steadfast refusal to take 
violent action against the unlaw- 
ful regime, he was arrested, tried, 
and convicted of conspiracy 
against the state in a rigged trial 
held before a military court. He 
was sentenced to ten years con- 
finement at hard labor. 

Despite Codreanu's imprison- 
ment, his enormous moral aut- 
hority continued to inspire the 
outlawed and hunted Legionaries. 
The Jews cried out for his blood. 
Magda Lupescu, like a modern- 
day Esther, pleaded with her lover 
to have him killed. 

On November 29, 1938, in the 
dead of night, Codreanu and 13 
of his fellow Legionaries were 
removed from their cells in the 
prison at Ramnicul-Sarat. From 
there they were trucked into a 
forest. Then, hands bound behind 
their backs, they were strangled in 
accord with the Talmudic ritual. 
After they were dead, their killers 
shot them in the back of the head. 
The story was put out that they 
had tried to escape. 

Codreanu's murderers had little 
time to savor their triumph. 
Within two years, Calinescu was 
dead, assassinated by the Legio- 
naries, and King Carol, whose 
vacillating foreign policy had 
resulted in the dismemberment of 



Romania at the hands of Russia, 
Hungary, and Bulgaria, had been 
forced to abdicate. He and Magda 
Lupescu departed Romania 
forever. 

King Carol's regime was fol- 
lowed by a short-lived Legionary 
government. The social activism 
and revolutionary idealism of the 
Legion, however, rendered it 
unpalatable to the strong man of 
the regime, Marshal Ion Antones- 
cu, who was only nominally a 
member of the Legion, Antones- 
cu, in firm command of the army, 
was able to suppress the Legion 
in February 1941 . 

The overthrow of the Legionary 
government was far from marking 
the end of the Legion. Individual 
Legionaries fought with selfless 
heroism in the defense of Roman- 
ia against the conquering hordes 
from the East. After Antonescn's 
regime capitulated to the Rus- 
sians, the men of the Legion 
fought on as long as they were 
able. The puppet regime which the 
Soviets brought to power after the 
war (headed by the Jewess Ana 
Pauker) hunted down, tortured, 
and killed members of the Legion 
with a sadistic zeal. 

The Legion lives on, however, 
and with it lives Corneliu Codre- 
anu. Legionaries in exile, all over 
the world, keep alive and propa- 
gate the Captain's ideas through a 
tireless work of translation and 
publishing. It can be justly said 
that the memory of none of the 
heroic leaders of the revolution 
which swept Europe in th 1920's, 
'30's, and '40's has been better 
served by his followers than that 
of Codreanu. 

Codreanu deserves to be re- 
membered and honored by White 
men and women everywhere. No 
one served his people with a purer 
love; no one fought his people's 
enemies with a more implacable 
hatred. Corneliu Codreanu is a 
hero not only for Romania, but 
for the White world. 

T.O'K. 

(Issue No. 60, 1978) 



The Afro-Asian Invasion of Europe 

With fire and sword the Turks once got as far as the gates of Vienna. 
Today whole sections of Berlin are being turned over to them 
voluntarily. 

In contrast to the U.S.A. and Africa, Europe has had no racial 
problems, but she now brings them needlessly upon herself. Racial 
turmoil in Great Britain makes headlines, a result of the liberal 
immigration policy toward non- Whites from the former colonies. 

In Holland the South Moluccans are not the only source of danger. 
The capture of German. terrorists in Amsterdam publicized the racial 
situation there: 

"The stream of tens of thousands of coloreds, often illiterate, from 
the former Dutch colony of Surinam, as well as gang wars between 
Chinese heroin dealers have made police security in the last two or three 
years more difficult in Amsterdam." (Die Welt) 

The future of Portugal under Mario Soares is not hard to predict 
when one reads that "more and more swarms of Black, and now Brown 
refugees are streaming from the former Portuguese colony in Africa 
into the country, increasing the army of unemployed. The commun- 
ist-organized collective farms in the land-reform district south of 
Lisbon are devouring the state treasury reserves," (Die Welt) 

Policies can be changed, and social problems can be solved. But the 
Afro-Asian invasion of Europe creates conditions which cannot be 
undone, unless a stop is made soon. Today shortsighted capitalists can 
perhaps make quick profits, but communists will reap a harvest tomor- 
row by exploiting racial problems. 

An end to the Afro-Asian invasion of Europe must become the 
unifying and binding campaign slogan of the forward-looking forces in 
the local elections for the European Parliament! 

—translated from an article by Peter Dehoust, in the December 
1977 issue of Nation Europa (Coburg, Germany). 

(Issue No. 60, 1978) 



124 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



125 



NV's editor describes his spiritual and intellectual evolution 
from a non-political university professor into a White radical. 

The Radicalizing of an American 



Until I was 30 years old, I had 
hardly given a thought to politics, 
to race, or to social questions. I 
had no clearly thought-out ideo- 
logy and, in fact, except for a 
brief commitment to Christianity 
between the ages of 14 and 18, 
had never concerned myself with 
ideological matters. 

During World War II, I was far 
too young to understand or even 
pay attention to the issues in- 
volved in that most decisive 
political event of the century. Not 
even the incessant barrage of 
morale-boosting war movies and 
other jingoistic propaganda (pro- 
duced, incidentally, by the same 
tribe which during the Korean and 
Vietnam wars worked equally 
hard to undermine American 
morale) had any effect on me; I 
was so deeply into science fiction 
that I seldom came up for air. 

When I reached adolescence 1 
tapered off a bit on my science- 
fiction reading (I have long since 
given it up altogether), but by 
then my after-school time was 
filled up with the real thing: sci- 
ence. I had a laboratory in my 
bedroom, and I spent all the 
money 1 earned mowing lawns 
and delivering newspapers to buy 
chemicals and apparatus. 

After an unfortunate accident 
sent a young friend to the hospital 
with bad second- and third-degree 
burns and set my bedroom 
curtains afire, my laboratory was 
banished to the garage, but my 
interest was unabated. My 
boyhood dream, a decade before 
Sputnik /, was space travel and 
extraterrestrial exploration. 

Even after I was packed off to 
military school at the age of 15, 
my interests continued to be 
devoted almost wholly to science. 
I waited as eagerly each month for 
the arrival of my Scientific 
American as I had previously 
waited for the appearance on the 
newsstands of Planet Stories. I 
finagled an afternoon job clean- 
ing up the stockroom of the 
chemistry lab at military school, 
which was a mess from years of 
inattention by uninterested teach- 
ers, and I used the opportunity to 
continue my self-education in 
matters scientific. 

When 1 became an undergradu- 
ate at Rice University (at that time 
Rice Institute) in Houston, Texas, 
I chose physics and mathematics 
as my major and minor courses of 
study. Anyone who has not 
himself majored in physics will 
have difficulty in appreciating 
what that means, in terms of the 
degree of commitment and the 
amount of intellectual effort 
required. While the English ma- 
jors and the sociology majors 
concerned themselves with cam- 
pus politics, panty raids, beer 
parties, and dormitory bull ses- 
sions, I and the other physics 
majors puzzled out solutidns to 
Laplace's equation and sweated 
over the calculation of particle 
trajectories. 

I do not mean to imply that 
there was no time left for sex, 
beer, and whatever else under- 
graduates concern themselves 



with, but only that, relatively 
speaking, physics majors were 
obliged to indulge themselves in 
these pleasures on the run. And 
this was much more the case when 
I became a graduate student, first 
at Caltech and later at the 
University of Colorado. There 
simply were not enough hours in 
the day, or days in the week, to do 
the amount of studying required 
and to worry very much about 
politics and other extracurricular 
matters at the same time. 

Being a physics graduate stu- 
dent really is a totally absorbing 
occupation, and 1 was one most of 
the time between the ages of 21 
and 29, a period in the lives of 
most young intellectuals when 
they are doing a lot of thinking 
about — or, at least, are very 
much aware of — the political and 
social issues of the day. But for 
me, any time not devoted to 
physics during this period was 
spent in frenetic physical activity, 
chasing girls, skiing, flying, sail- 
ing, mountain climbing, shooting. 

Toward the end of my graduate 
studies there wasn't even time for 
physical recreation, and I often 
slept on a folding cot beside the 
electromagnet in my laboratory 
when I finished the day's work, 
long after midnight. 

Thus, when, just before my 
29th birthday, I became an 
assistant professor of physics at 
Oregon State University, I was, 
one might say, an ideological 
virgin. And I managed to keep my 
virginity for another year, because 
it took' me that long to set up a 
new laboratory, gain confidence 
in my ability to teach the courses 
(especially the graduate courses) I 
was assigned, and to "settle in." 

Then, for the first time in my 
adult life, 1 had time to notice 
what was going on in the world 
around me and to reflect on it. 
And in 1963 there was a lot to 
notice and reflect on. It was then 
that the "civil rights" revolution 
was first coming out of the closet, 
and there were sit-ins, "freedom" 
marches, and other integration- 
directed media events practically 
every day, 

There were no major riots or 
confrontations in Corvallis, Ore- 
gon, where I was teaching, but 
even on the Oregon State Univer- 
sity campus one could see a 
microcosm of the racial ferment 
taking place elsewhere. There 
were several interracial couples on 
the faculty and the usual brainless 
liberal blather about racial mat- 
ters in the student newspaper. 

As the turmoil grew, it became 
more and more difficult to remain 
a disinterested observer. It was 
clearly necessary for every re- 
sponsible adult to try to under- 
stand the implications of this 
"civil rights" thing and then take 
a position. But I had no ground 
on which to stand. 

I had no regional prejudices, 
having lived in nine different 
states, four of them in the South 
and five outside. 1 had had very 
little previous experience with 
non-Whites and had not thought 







* 

1LLIAM PIERCE 



much about them one way or the 
other. If anything, I was inclined 
toward the liberal position on the 
race question. 

I can remember one dormitory 
bull session as an undergraduate, 
in which I had supDorted the right 
of a person to marry or cohabit 
with anyone who would have him, 
Black or White. 

And at military school I had 
once indignantly declined an 
invitation to accompany a carload 
of my classmates on a "coon 
conking" excursion into the local 
"nigger town." This was a sport 
that consisted of driving along 
close to the curb and poking a 
closet pole out the car window to 
knock down Blacks on the 
sidewalk. I strongly felt that, as 
long as Blacks were minding their 
own business, no one had a right 
to bother them. 

1 believe that 1 could have been 
properly categorized as a libertar- 
ian rather than a liberal, but mine 
was by no means a dogmatic 
libertarianism, merely a vague 
feeling that people should be left 
alone as much as possible, and 
that society should not attempt to 
regulate their lives or impose the 
prevailing standards on them. 
This was consistent with the 
resentment 1 had felt as a teenager 
when I was obliged to apply for a 
social security card and, later, 
when I had to fill out my first 
Form 1040. 

Libertarianism, however, pro- 
vided no answers to the race 
question. On the' one hand, 1 felt 
Blacks should be allowed to do 
whatever they wanted, without 
hindrance or harassment. But I 
also felt that Whites who did not 
want to eat with them or hire them 
or send their children to school 
with them should not be forced to 
do so. How could one reconcile 
the "rights" being demanded for 
Blacks with the rights of Whites? 

I had no answer, and the media 
did not provide one I could 
accept. U was clear that they were 
solidly on the side of the Blacks 
and were using every trick in their 
propaganda book to emotionally 
sway the public to their position. 
Certainly the spectacle of over- 
weight White housewives, their 
hair in curlers and their puffy 
faces distorted with hate, scream- 
ing obscenities at small Black 



children as they got off a school 
bus, was hardly one to win 
sympathy for the segregationists, 
and the scorn in the voices of the 
news commentators as the TV 
cameras gloatingly lingered on 
such scenes left little doubt in the 
minds of TV viewers across the 
nation that opposition to the 
"civil rights" movement was a 
disreputable position. 

Why, I wondered, did the 
media always choose the least 
articulate segregationist available 
when they wanted to screen an 
interview, and why did they so 
seldom show the seamy side of the 
integrationjnovement? 

And I could hardly help 
noticing that the shrillest and 
pushiest of those demanding 
"equality now" for Blacks, both 
on the Oregon State campus and 
in the media, were not Blacks but 
members of another minority 
group — which raised, for the 
first time in my life, the Jewish 
question. I had no answer to that 
question either. 

Talking to my colleagues cast 
little new light on these issues, 
which 1 felt were extremely 
important. On the one hand were 
the liberals, whose dogmatic 
narrow-mindedness precluded any 
rational discussion on matters 
which touched the very heart of 
liberalism. 

To them the doctrine of univer- 
sal human equality was simply 
beyond questioning. Blacks were 
biologically equal to Whites, they 
believed, and the only things 
which kept them from being 
socially equal were "injustice" 
and "oppression," which must be 
swept away — at any cost, 

Actually, I wasn't interested in 
debating the question of whether 
Blacks are inherently equal to 
Whites. If my time in military 
school had taught me anything, it 
was that the notion of inherent 
human equality is utterly false. 

Such a notion could only be 
maintained by someone who had 
never undergone the experience, as 
I had, of being cooped up in close 
quarters with 500 other human 
beings, day and night, for two 
years. I got to know my school- 
mates (all of whom were White) 
rather more intimately than the 
average person ever gets to know 
anyone, and it was abundantly 
clear to me that they differed 
enormously in inherent quality. 
Some of my classmates were boys 
of intelligence, character, and 
sensitivity; others were the scum 
of the earth; and the rest were at 
various points in between. 

Being aware of the differences 
in biological quality which existed 
among Whites, I was not inclined 
to accept the liberals' blanket 
assertion that Blacks were 
"equal" to Whites. But whether 
the average intelligence of Blacks 
was approximately the same as 
that of Whites, or whether the 
races were similar in some other 
narrowly defined respect, was not 
the salient question. Blacks were 
manifestly different from Whites, 
and the question to be answered, 
it seemed to me, was what was the 



proper relationship to be sought 
between the two races? 

Should it be segregation, as 
Lhose puffy-faced, shrieking 
women demanded; or should it be 
total and immediate integration, 
as the media spokesmen insisted; 
or should it be some third way? 
And what conclusions were to be 
drawn from the preeminent role 
of the Jews in the affair? 

My conservative colleagues 
were of no more help in resolving 
these questions than the liberals. 
There were a few who, behind 
closed doors, would whisper 
angrily to me, "The Jews are the 
ones behind this "civil rights' 
agitation." 

But why? There was no co- 
herent answer. And what should a 
responsible person do, other than 
whisper angrily? Again, the con- 
servatives had no answer. 

In seeking a conservative solu- 
tion, I went so far as to attend 
several meetings of a local chapter 
of the John Birch Society. Ac- 
cording to the Birchers, all the 
"civil rights" uproar was part of a 
communist program for taking 
over the country. Perhaps so, but 
that answer begged my basic 
question on race. 

1 quickly found out that the two 
topics on which 1 wanted an 
intelligent disscussion — race and 
the Jews — were precisely the two 
topics Birch Society members 
were forbidden to discuss, on pain 
of expulsion. When I persisted in 
my questions, I was given a 
pamphlet which explained that 
anyone who raised these questions 
at a Birch Society meeting was 
almost certainly a "neutralizer" 
— a communist agent whose role 
was to "neutralize" the Birch 
Society by distracting it from its 
anti-communist mission with 
questions about race and the 
Jews. 

Conservatives, I discovered, are 
just as narrow-minded and big- 
oted, on the average, as liberals. 1 
also came to the sad realization 
that, whatever may have been true 
of universities in ages past, they 
can hardly be considered today to 
be communities of scholars, 
"founded in freedom for research 
to sober, fearless pursuit of truth, 
beauty, righteousness and to all 
high emprise consecrated," to 
quote the words on my Rice 
diploma. They are largely com- 
munities of timeservers, going 
[hrough the motions of scholar- 
ship. 

I suspect that the percentage of 
free spirits and thinkers unbound 
by convention may still be some- 
what higher on the average 
American university campus than 
in the average redneck bar, but 
not drastically so. The cliches are 
different, but the primal reek of 
herd instinct is about as strong in 
both places. 

1 turned to the university library 
for answers. I began reading 
voraciously in subjects to which 
my scientific specialization had 
previously forced me to give short 
shrift, especially history. My 



reading was quite random at first: 
a book on the Civil War and the 
problems of the Reconstruction 
Era, followed by Gibbon, then by 
a treatment of the Second 'World 
War, and then by a survey of 
European prehistory. 

Eventually, however, 1 was able 
to synthesize an overview of 
history which yielded serveral 
fundamental insights, the most 
important of which concerned the 
biological basis of history and of 
human culture. 1 began to under- 
stand that history is not just a 
succession of political events and 
cultural developments; it is the 
record of various human groups 
in their struggle to survive and 
evolve, of their interactions and 
conflicts. 

The course which the history of 
any one human group follows is 
influenced by many factors, but 
the most important and basic of 
these factors is the specific racial 
character of the group. Thus, the 
histories of Negroes, of China- 
men, and of Whites, though 
subject to the effects of differing 
environments and differing cul- 
tural preconditions, are pro- 
foundly different primarily be- 
cause the groups these histories 
describe are profoundly different 
biologically. And the differences 
in cultural preconditions them- 
selves are, in most cases, primarily 
a product of biological differences 
also. 

Such a conclusion may seem 
self-evident once it is recognized, 
but, like many other things which, 
perhaps, ought to be self-evident, 
it has managed to escape the 
attention of a great many people 
— including many who write 
history textbooks. For me it was a 
great revelation which changed 
the way in which 1 saw the world 
around me thenceforth. 

Insight into the Jewish question 
came more slowly — not as a 
revelation, but as a gradual 
increase in understanding of 
Jewish behavior and Jewish 
thinking. But even before I felt I 
had a fairly complete understand- 
ing of the Jewish role in American 
life, I realized that it was a very 
important role, which had to be 
understood if anything else was to 
make sense. 

Two years of intensive and 
extensive study of history, of the 
biology of race, of Jewish affairs, 
and of related topics certainly 
increased my understanding. But 
it did not provide the answer I was 
seeking: How should I respond to 
the "civil rights" offensive? 

1 did not realize it at the time, 
but no amount of study could 
have provided me an answer, for 
that involved a question of values. 
There are two types of knowledge: 
that which comes from a study of 
the external world, and mat which 
comes from the soul. But it was 
another 10 years before I finally 
came to understand clearly the 
difference between objective and 
subjective knowledge and the way 
in which they are related. 

In 1965 all I knew was that 
there was a massive, well-organ- 
ized effort afoot to bring about 
profound and irreversible changes 
in the racial character of the 
American population, and I felt 
that these changes would be for 
the worse and must, therefore, be 
opposed. I could not, at that time, 
say why I felt the way 1 did, nor 
did I have any clear idea as to 
what I should do to implement my 
feelings. 



I was, in other words, still 
lacking an ideological basis for 
action: a self-consistent set of 
values, principles, and goals from 
which I could derive a correct 
position on any issue which might 
arise and which would serve as a 
guide for proper action. I was 
groping intuitively for a goal 
without yet Understanding the 
nature of intuition. 

I tried to orient my own feelings 
relative to those of my colleagues 
with whom I had discussed the 
race issue. The liberals seemed to 
have an ideology of sorts, al- 
though it didn't make good sense 
to me, while the conservatives 
were quite short on ideology. 

When I brushed aside the 
cliches and looked for their 
ultimate goals, it seemed to me 
that for the liberals it was 
self-annihilation, while for the 
conservatives it was self-preserva- 
tion, in the narrowest sense. As 
for me, it was to do what J had 
been created to do — although I 
could not have expressed it that 
way at that time. 

But what to do and how to do it 
— that, I still did not know. J only 
knew that I must do something; I 
could not continue to be merely a 
spectator indefinitely, while 
events cried out daily for action. 

I decided to become a writer. 

It seemed to me that if 1 could 
write a book which would explain 
the conclusions I had reached 
about the racial basis of history 
and about the long-range histori- 
cal implications of the present 
drift toward racial mixing in the 
United States, other persons could 
be reached, persuaded, and or- 
ganized into some sort of force 
capable of acting effectively in the 
political arena. 

With this objective in mind, I 
left my faculty position for one 
with a large corporation in 
Connecticut, By doing so I not 
only gave myself more free time 
for writing, but I also doubled my 
salary. In addition, I gained staff 
privileges in the Yale University 
library, one of the largest and best 
in the country. 

Before I even began my book, 
however, I made the discovery 
that I was not the first person to 
set foot on that- trail. I was 
amazed to find dozens of books in 
the Yale library which had been 
written by others who had reached 
conclusions similar to my own. 
Most of the books were intelli- 
gently written — better books 
than I felt I could write myself, at 
the time — and several had been 
put out by major publishers. 

And there they sat, some since 
the early years of this century, 
gathering dust on library shelves, 
influencing no one. That realiza- 
tion considerably dampened my 
enthusiasm for writing a book. 

It also called my attention to a 
problem 1 had not seriously 
considered before then: the prob- 
lem of motivating people, I had 
naively assumed that the task I 
had taken on was merely one of 
persuasion — of convincing peo- 
ple that my view of events was 
correct — and that, once con- 
vinced, they would not hesitate to 
act. 

Perhaps I had fallen into the 
common error of judging others 
by myself, or perhaps I had 
foolishly put too much faith in the 
old Christian saw, "Ye shall know 
the truth, and the truth shall make 
you free." In any event, it was 
becoming clear that the truth 
alone was not enough. One must 



(not only know the truth, but one 
must then have the will to act on if »' 

— and will, it seemed, was much 
more the missing ingredient than 
truth. 

On the matter of understanding 
the motivation — or lack thereof 

— of my fellow men, I had no 
flashes of revelation; it took me 
an embarrassingly long time to 
piece the picture together. Mean- 
while, I wasted three precious 
years editing and publishing an 
ivory-tower ideological quarterly. 

The understanding which grad- 
ually emerged is what may fairly 
be said to have radicalized me — 
to have convinced me that radical 
ends can only be attained by 
radical means. That conviction 
was the product of my interac- 
tions with a large number of 
individuals over a period of 
several years. I shall not attempt 
to relate those interactions in 
chronological order but shall 
merely describe a few which 
epitomize the others. 

In early 1968 I applied for and 
obtained a Federal license to deal 
in firearms. I then went into the 
mail-order gun business. My 
purpose was not only to supple- 
ment my scanty income, but also 
to attract the attention of those 
persons most likely to be respon- 
sive to my ideological message. 

For this latter purpose I had 
advertising flyers printed and 
distributed which described the 
firearms I was offering for sale as 
"Negro control equipment." The 
mass media jumped for the bait. 
Headlines such as "Extreme 
Rightists Arming for Race War" 
appeared in newspapers all over 
America and were even picked up 
by a number of European papers. 

I became something of a 
celebrity, and my gun business 
thrived — until the Federal gun 
control law of 1968 went into 
effect and virtually outlawed 
mail-order sales of firearms. 

The people with whom I came 
in contact as a result of this little 
experiment fell into several cate- 
gories. First, there were the 
primitives, who liked to talk 
about doing violent and bloody 
things but who had neither the 
patience nor the understanding 
for the long, unexciting prepara- 
tory work which must be done 
first if violence is to be effective. 

The thinking of the primitives 
was essentially conservative. Un- 
derneath the braggadocio ("I'm 
gonna kill me a nigger with this 
gun") was a very limited, defen- 
sive conception of things. The 
time might come, at a very late 
stage, where such people could be 
helpful — but I realized they were 
not what I was looking for. 

Then there were the non-primi- 
tive conservatives. They didn't 
brag about any anticipated may- 
hem, but their motivation was 
essentially that of the primitives, 
and their imagination was just as 
limited. They had vague ideas of 
defending themselves from law- 
less Blacks, of shooting rioters in 
their neighborhoods — nothing 
more. Their only concern was 
protecting themselves and their 
property. Cooperative action to 
achieve longer-range goals did not 
interest them. 

And there were the business and 
professional types — successful, 
well-to-do men, some of them 
members of the Establishment. I 
managed to get myself invited to a 
few Washington cocktail parties, 
thinking that the support of such 



people would be invaluable in 
organizing the sort of effort I had 
in mind. 

I found a common pattern at 
these parties. There was a superfi- 
cial receptiveness to what I had to 
say. People were ready to joke 
about Blacks. They didn't ap- 
prove of racial mixing, and they 
detested Jews. They agreed heart- 
ily with my assertion that it was 
necessary to actively oppose the 
efforts of the controlled media, 
the churches, and the Federal 
government to force Whites and 
Blacks to mix". 

That is, they agreed until it 
began dawning on them that what 
1 was saying was not just idle 
cocktail chatter, but that I was 
deadly serious. Then they became 
uneasy. And when I hinted that 
anyone who agreed with" me had 
an qbligation to become involved 
in a common effort, their uneas- 
iness turned to something close to 
panic. 

On more than one occasion I 
had the experience of having 
someone introduced to me who 
would say something like, "I read 
the articles in the Washington 
Post about your 'Negro control 
equipment. 1 Keep it up; give 'em 
hell." 

I would respond by mentioning 
that I had just published a 
pamphlet on the controlled press 
in America and that I would mail 
him a copy. The react; in would 
invariably be, "Oh, no, don't do 
that! They check the mail, you 
know. In my position, I can't 
afford to get involved. I'm sure 
you understand!" 

Yes, I understood — or, at 
least, I was beginning to. I 
understood that American soci- 
ety, like a dead fish, is rotting 
from the head down. The Gentile 
Establishment in this country is 
totally corrupt and will never act 
from other than narrow self-inter- 
est . Its mem bers are more to blame 
than the Jews for America's racial 
problems, because they not only 
have had the power to oppose the 
Jews' schemes, but, unlike the 
masses, they have understood all 
along what the Jews have been up 
to. 

It is not just their greed which 
manifests their corruption; it is 
also their abject cowardice. After 
all, they are racists, of sorts. Some 
will even support an effort to 
oppose racial mixing — if they 
can be convinced that it is 
completely safe. 

That means that there must not 
only be no. danger to their 
persons, their incomes, or their 
investments, but also no danger of 
social embarrassment, no danger 
of being caught in a breach of the 
etiquette of their class. Raising 
one's voice in public is such a 
breach of etiquette, So is using 
plain language about race, which 
everyone can understand. 

Jesus said it a long time ago, 
and he was absolutely correct: "It 
is easier for a camel to pass 
through the eye of a needle than it 
is for a rich man to enter into the 
kingdom of heaven." 

There was little danger of my 
becoming rich by following the 
course I had chosen, but my 
experiences with wealthy conserv- 
atives convinced me that I should 
take no chance that I might, at 
some future date, be influenced 
by concern for material posses- 
sions, I divested myself of the 
property I had left — including 
my automobile and my bank 
account — and took a vow of 



poverty. From then on I would 
never own more than the clothes 
on my back, the few essentials of 
my trade, and pocket money. 

I talked to several retired 
military officers. They did not 
display as much cowardice or 
greed as the Establishment' types, 
but they were limited in other 
ways. They had great difficulty in 
thinking or acting outside the 
conventions of their caste. I had 
not expected it, but I found a lot 
of the same squeamishness con- 
servatives had shown when I 
talked about the grim realities of 
our situation and of the necessity 
of going to the roots of the 
problem and using radical sur- 
gery. 

One general principle I learned 
is that people are fairly predict- 
able — almost mechanical, one 
might say. They are very strongly 
constrained, not only in the type 
of things they do but also in what 
they are able to think about, by 
their social circumstances and 
backgrounds. It is very difficult 
for them to cope with events 
which require thinking and acting 
outside their well-worn nits. 
Among adults there are few 
exceptions to this rule, regardless 
of social position or inherent 
inteiligence. 

It applies not only to the deeply 
conservative middle class and to 
the amoral men of the Establish- 
ment, but also lo the masses. 
People who think that the so- 
called ""common people" will 
spontaneously rise up and make 
an end of their tormentors when 
economic conditions become bad 
enough or when school busing or 
some other outrage is carried a bit 
further are just as mistaken as 
those who nurse the forlorn hope 
that the Whites of the Establish- 
ment will one day. respond to a 
twinge of racial loyalty. 

Some profess to see hope for 
the future in the redneck bars of 

the nation, in the motorcycle 
gangs, even among the dropped- 
out youths of the drug culture, 
because of their "healthy, vital, 
elemental racism," as one dream- 
er expressed it. Yes, there is 
elemental racism Lhere, but there 
is also elemental stupidity and 
apathy. Just look at what the 
common people keep voting for 
— and listen to their reasons for 
voting. 

The masses, just like the 
Establishment, will never do 
spontaneously what needs to be 
done. They can act properly only 
when they are regimented and 
guided every step of the way. 
Democracy is a huge part of our 
present problem, and it will 
certainly not be a part of the cure. 

That may be a difficult conclu- 
sion for many readers to accept. It 
is a radical conclusion. It took me 
years to accept it, but eventually ! 
could no longer avoid it. 

Actually, my narrative over- 
simplifies the process which led to 
my becoming a radical. There 
were two separate intellectual 
developments involved, which 
were so closely interconnected 
that it would be very difficult to 
separate them here. One led to my 
understanding the necessity of 
radical ends; .the other, the neces- 
sity of radical means. 

The first development was 
complete when I understood the 
futility of conservatism; the 
second when 1 understood the 
uselessness of conservatives. 



126 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



127 



By conservatism I mean the 
seeking of limited goals — 
economic, political, social, or 
racial — as ends in themselves. 
Limited goals only make sense, in 
the long run, when they are 
stepping-stones on the way to an 
all-encompassing goal. 

History is a dynamic, unstop- 
pable, all-encompassing process. 
One cannot hold it back, but one 
can, sometimes, influence its 
course. But when one changes the 
course of history, one changes it. 
for all time and for all things, 
whether one wants that or not. 
The radical understands that and 
accepts it; the conservative does 
not. 



When I speak of radical means, 
I do not intend to evoke an image 

of a wild-eyed bomb-thrower, For 
the purpose of this narrative, 
radical means refers primarily to 
people, to participants in the 
process of bringing about histor- 
ical change, and not so much to 
any particular type of tactics. 

That is, there was a time, even 
after 1 had begun thinking in 
terms of radical ends, when I still 
thought in terms of working 
toward them with the help of 
people whose outlook was essen- 
tially conservative. I have already 
described how 1 became disabused 
of this idea. 

1 finally came to realize that I 



must seek other men and women 
who were capable of sharing my 
whole vision of what the world 
could become — r\M just one 
small aspect or another of that 
vision. I must seek men and 
women who understand and 
accept that our proper goal is not 
a happier or more prosperous life 
for ourselves or even for our 
children. Nor is it to save 
America, or even Western civili- 
zation. 

What must be saved is the gene 
pool of our race. If we are able to 
do that, everything else can 
eventually be achieved. If we fail 
to do that, everything will ulti- 
mately be lost. 



The acceptance of that goat, 
and the ability to achieve satisfac- 
tion by devoting one's life to its 
furtherance, are the two most 
important criteria by which I 
judge potential co-workers. 

There is more, of course. There 
is an understanding of why our 
goal is all that ultimately matters, 
There is the ability to fit that goal 

into the larger picture of the 
nature of reality and of man's 
place and purpose in that reality. 
But that is another story. 

Let it suffice to say here, in 
conclusion, that, despite the long 
and painful process through 
which I had to pass in becoming 
radicalized, fighting it every step 



of the way, the process seems to 
have been easier for other people, 
especially those born since the 
Second World War. This is 
important, because it means that 
there is a growing, maturing 
supply of the very best human 
material with an understanding of 
what must be done. 

It is from this reservoir that the 
cadres of the National Alliance 
arenow being recruited, 

W.L.P. 

(Issue No. 61, 1978) 



The Inquiring Mind of 1 Won* Huxtey 




The Human Situation: Lectures 
at Santa Barbara, J 959, by 
Aldous Huxley, edited by Piero 
Ferrucci (Harper & Row, $10). 

Blood will tell, says the old folk 
wisdom. Back in 1902, even the 
socialist H. G. Wells believed it. 
(In Anticipations, he held that the 
less advanced races, those 
"swarms of black, and brown, 
and dirty-white, and yellow peo- 
ple," who believe the world to be 
a charity institution, "will have to 

go.") 

But this idea seems to have been 
washed away by the rising tide of 
color and by the present, unrea- 
soning insistence that all men are 
somehow "equal." However, a 
brief look at the Huxley family 
shows us there is more truth than 
poetry in the old saying. 

Aldous Huxley's great uncle 
was Matthew Arnold. Huxley's 
grandfather, Thomas H., was a 
friend and champion of Charles 
Darwin. Huxley's father, 
Leonard, was a noted writer and 
editor. And Aldous' brother, 
Julian, the distinguished biolo- 
gist, is also Far from retarded. 

Wells, a student of T. H. 
Huxley, saw a strong physical 
resemblance between Aldous and 
his grandfather. The similarities 
seem to extend to qualities of 
intellect and character, since 
neither of them was afraid to 
express unpopular ideas. 

Aldous Huxley began his lec- 
ture series at Santa Barbara nearly 
two decades ago with a reference 
to his grandfather's preoccupa- 
tion "with the problem of exces- 
sive specialization" and the wi- 
dening gulf between the natural 
sciences and the humanities. In 
The Human Situation, published 
posthumously late last year, Al- 
dous sets out to build bridges 
which connect art and science. 

Moreover, he attempts to ad- 
dress a variety of fundamental 
human problems. Heasks: "Who 
are we? What is the nature of 



human nature? How should we be 
related to the planet on which we 
live? How are we to live together 
satisfactorily? How do we develop 
our individual potentialities? 
What is the relationship between 
nature and nurture?" Huxley 
endeavors to answer these ques- 
tions by drawing on insights 
provided by various disciplines. 

Unfortunately, The Human Sit- 
uation hasn't gotten much atten- 
tion from reviewers, and those 
who have written it up have not 
been terribly enthusiastic. I can 
only assume -that some of Hux- 
ley's ideas make them uncomfort- 
able. 

Huxley is an extraordinarily 
gifted essayist, and one can turn 
to almost any page in this book 
and find some interesting 
thought. His writing possesses this 
magnetic quality simply because 
Huxley is not afraid of ideas. 1L is 
noteworthy that in more recent 
years a number of his most vocal 
critics have been liberals. 

Huxley, who defies standard 
political classification, was no 
stranger to controversy. Although 
he described his politics as 
"Fabian and mildly Labourite," 
Huxley was strongly attracted to 
the elitist philosophical specula- 
tions of Vilfredo Pareto. Huxley 
felt that "political convictions are 
generally the fruit of chance." In 
Jesting Pilate he wrote: "If I had 
been brought up a little different- 
ly, 1 might, I suppose, have been a 
Fascist and an apostle of the most 
full-blooded imperialism." 

Although he opposed totalitar- 
ianism, Huxley, like E. M. 
Forster, could summon only one 
or two half-hearted cheers for 
democracy. In the days of Shelley, 
Huxley wrote, democracy was a 
"young and attractive" utopian- 
ism and "not the bedraggled and 
rather whorish old slut she is 
now,..." In an essay entitled 
"Political Democracy," which 
appeared in his Proper Studies 
(1927), Huxley ridiculed demo- 
cracy, calling it a fraud, and 
suggested that the masses regular- 
ly elect fools or charlatans. 

While Huxley gives vent to very 
little of his anti-democratic 
thought in The Human Situation, 
he does push his life-long pacifism 
and internationalism. In his sixth 
lecture, "War and Nationalism," 
Huxley claims that war is a 
"culturally conditioned state of 
affairs based upon the natural 
condition of conflict." He cites 
German ethologist Konrad 
Lorenz in an attempt to show that 



Wr^^ 




b *WM 













ALDOUS HUXLEY 



"fight to the finish" seldom 
occurs in nature. War, according 
to Huxley, is unnatural, because it 
extends conflict "to the limit of 
destruction and is not instinc- 
tive." 

Furthermore, war is condi- 
tioned by the symbols of modern 
nationalism. We may part com- 
pany with Huxley here, but he is 
correct in pointing to the arbitrary 
nature of most modern nation- 
alisms, which are defined in terms 
of language, geography, or other 
non-racial criteria. 

Perhaps two of the best reasons 
for reading The Human Situation 
(now that I've just given you one 
of the worst reasons) are his fifth 
and tenth lectures, respectively 
titled "How Original Is Original 
Sin?" and "The Ego," in which 
Huxley discusses the nature- 
nurture debate and William Shel- 
don's somatotype theory, 

Huxley takes Lamarck, Lysen- 
ko, and other assorted behavior- 
ists to task for neglecting nature's 
role, in the formation of the 
individual. Huxley's position is 
that neither nature nor nurture 
exist independently. Although he 
does tilt noticeably in the direc- 
tion of nature as the dominant 
factor, he adds (in a later lecture) 
that a healthy environment is 
needed to realize the best of our 
"inborn capacities." To Huxley 
the good practitioner of eugenics 
is also a social reformer. 

Things haven't changed all that 
much since Huxley assessed the 
state of this controversy, and his 
remark on the prejudice attending 
it still holds: "The tendency at the 
present time to underplay the 
importance of genetic factors 
generally is related to certain 
political and philosophical doc- 



trines. Orthodox Marxism, for 
example, is based upon the idea of 
environmental determinism and 
does not like the idea of congeni- 
tal differences. In this country, 
possibly because of a wrongly 
interpreted view of democracy, it 
is felt that too much stress upon 
the congenital and unchangeable 
differences between people is 
somehow undemocratic — and 
also very depressing." 

If modern psychology refuses 
to concede anything to nature, it 
is because it fails to conduct a 
proper study of the body. Huxley 
sees man as a composite of three 
elements: body, ego, and psyche. 
"For practical purposes," he 
suggests, "we have to think in 
terms of something like a neutral 
monism, with mind and body 
being aspects of the same- sub- 
stance," It is not surprising that 
he should be very much taken 
with the theories of William 
Sheldon. 

Huxley devotes a considerable 
amount of space to Sheldon. It is 
significant that the only major 
criticism directed against Huxley's 
lectures while he was at Santa 
Barbara concerned the impor- 
tance he attached to Sheldon. In 
the final moments of his last 
presentation, Huxley again said of 
Sheldon, "I happen to think he is 
right." 

Huxley observed a similarity 
between the three main divisions 
of men set forth in the Aryan 
classic, the Bhagavad-Gita (he 
wrote the introduction to the 
Mentor edition), and Sheldon's 
typology. If Sheldon's blubbery 
endomorphs had been ancient 
Aryans, they would have given 
themselves over to an emotional 
devotion to the gods, while the 
muscular mesomorphs would 
have followed the. path of duty 
and action, and the spare and 
introverted ectomorphs would 
have led lives of solitary contem- 
plation. 

Many of Huxley's novels reveal 
Sheldon's influence: most of 
Huxley's characters are fashioned 
in accordance with Sheldon's 
typology. For instance, Everard 
Webley, the leader of a fascist- 
style movement in Point Counter 
Point, has a driving personality 
very much in keeping with his 
mesomorphic body type. (Webley 
is based upon Sir Oswald Mosley, 
and it is of some interest that he 
should be treated in a fairly 
sympathetic fashion, even though 
the author eventually kills him 



off.) Another, and one of the 
most believable of Huxley's early 
characters, Mark Rampion (who 
is said to be based upon D. H. 
Lawrence), provides a further clue 
to Huxley's view of man's nature 
when he asserts, "To be a perfect 
animal and a perfect human — 
that was the ideal." 

Like somatotypes, the popula- 
tion problem and ecological con- 
cerns were high on Huxley's list of 
pet topics. He covers these and 
related matters in his first few 
lectures. Huxley was a persistent 
questioner of democracy's ability 
to cope effectively with the 
problem of overpopulation. He 
believed that unchecked popula- 
tion growth leads to a strain on 
available natural resources which, 
in turn, causes a greater centrali- 
zation of government. 

Another side effect is an 
increased temptation to use- ex- 
ploitative and, ultimately, 
destructive economic and agricul- 
tural methods to provide more 
goods and services. Balance in 
nature, as well as human social 
equilibrium,, is upset by unregu- 
lated capitalism. "The 
Germans," he notes, "have a 
good term for this kind of 
exploitative economy; they call it 
Raubwirtschaft (robber 
economy)." 

Huxley also realized that the 
population problem was, in great 
measure, a problem of human 
quality. He was well aware of 
dysgenic breeding trends, but his 
consideration of this matter is far 
more detailed in his earlier Brave 
New World Revisited than in The 
Human Situation. Huxley quotes 
Sheldon's bleak prognosis ("our 
best stock tends to be outbred by 
stock that is inferior to it in every 
respect") but, unlike Wells, he 
does not say the inferior elements 
"will have to go." 

He sees in eugenics some hope 
for the world's future, but, once 
again, he mistakenly assaults 
nationalism. While disagreeing 
with Huxley's internationalist 
stance, nationalists should be able 
to see the advantages of a 
vigorously applied eugenics pro- 
gram. Consider the following'. 

"Sooner or later eugenics will 
be practiced, although it is 
certainly going to take a tremen- 
dous revolution in our present 
ethical ideas on this subject. It 
may also be added that the first 
nation that does practice such 
eugenic methods as Professor 
[Hermann J.] MuLler advocates 
will in a few decades be enor- 



mously superior to all its 
rivals..." 

Near the end of The Human 
Situation, Huxley decries racial 
"prejudice." It should be noted 
that many who recognize some 
form of racial feeling in others 
can't always see it in themselves. 
Like G. B. Shaw, Huxley is a 
good case in point. His seldom- 
anthologized essays, such as Jest- 
ing Pilate, Along the Road, and 
Do What You Will, contain a 



number of comments which reveal 
his feelings toward Jews. 

For example, in Do What You 
Will he wrote of the Jews: "Their 
mission, in a word, was to infect 
the rest of humanity with a 
belief [in materialism] which... 
prevented them from having any 
art, any political life, any breadth 
of vision, any progress. We may 
be pardoned for wishing that the 
Jews had remained not forty, but 
four thousand years in their 



repulsive wilderness." 

In 1943 he told his brother 
Julian that the Jews are a 
"monied, influential, and pushing 
minority" who are themselves 
responsible for ill-feeling and 
anti-Semitism (The Letters of 
Aldous Huxley). In Antic Hay 
one of Huxley's characters com- 
plains of "hideous red cities 
pullulating with Jews, sir. Pullu- 
lating with prosperous Jews. Am I 
right in being indignant, sir?" 



Huxley apparently thought so. 
But by the end of the Second 
World War he kept whatever 
anti-Jewish sentiments he har- 
bored to himself. 

For all this, Huxley still remains 
a fascinating and much misunder- 
stood individual. One part scien- 
tist, who urged better living 
through chemistry, one part mys- 
tic, he stepped on a good many 
toes and raised important issues. 
What he once wrote of his 



friendly enemy, D. H. Lawrence, 
can be applied to Huxley himself. 
He was not a man content to "live 
in a little puddle of light thrown 
by the gig-lamps of habit," and 
his knowledge of the universe did 
not diminish his sense of wonder. 

N.C. 

(Issue No. 61, 1978) 



Leonidas and the Spartan Ethos 



The Persian rider edged his 
horse cautiously forward. Just 
ahead the coastal plain dwindled 
to a narrow passage between the 
mountains and the sea, scarcely 
wider than a carriage track. 
Somewhere within the pass, the 
Greeks had massed to deny the 
Persians entry. It was the duty of 
the horseman to determine the 
size and disposition of their 
forces. Xerxes, his lord, the 
emperor of the Persians, knew 
that if his troops could force the 
pass, which the Greeks called 
Thermopylae, his armies could 
then stream unchecked into the 
heart of Greece. 

The scout caught his breath as 
he sighted the Greeks in the 
western end of the pass. His 
trepidation gave way to surprise 
as he looked more closely. There 
were only about 300 of them, 
arrayed before a wall which 
blocked further access to the pass, 
and they were behaving most 
oddly. Some, stripped naked, 
performed exercises, like athletes 
before a contest. Others combed 
their long, fair hair. They gave 
their observer no notice. 

Were these the vaunted Spar- 
tans? The Persian turned his horse 
and rode back to the imperial 
camp, 

■ Xerxes received the scout's 
report with undisguised amaze- 
ment. The behavior of the Greeks 
seemed impossible to account for. 
Until now his advance down the 
northern coast of Greece had 
resembled a triumphal procession. 
City after city had submitted with 
the symbolic offering of earth and 
water. When at last the Greeks 
seemed disposed to stand and 
fight, their most gallant soldiers, 
the Spartans, were conducting 
themselves more like madmen 
than warriors. 

The emperor summoned De- 
maratus, who had been a king of 
the Spartans until his involvement 
in political intrigues had forced 
him to flee to the Persian court. 
While Xerxes listened from his 
golden throne, Demaratus spoke 
of the Spartans: 

"Once before, when we began 
our march against Greece, you 
heard me speak of these men. I 
told you then how this enterprise 
would work out, and you laughed 
at me. 1 strive for nothing, my 
lord, more earnestly than to 
observe the truth in your pres- 
ence; so hear me once more. 
These men have come to fight us 
for possession of the pass, and for 
that struggle they are preparing. It 
is the common practice for the 
Spartans to pay careful attention 
to their hair when they are about 
to risk their lives. But I assure you 
that if you can defeat these men 
and the rest, of the Spartans who 



are still at home, there is no other 
people in the world who will dare 
to stand firm or lift a hand against 
you. You have now to deal with 
the finest kingdom in Greece, and 
with the bravest men." 

The year was 480 B.C. During 
the previous three years Xerxes 
had assembled what promised to 
be the mightiest military force the 
world had ever seen, drawn from 
every corner of his far-flung 
realms. Modern historians are 
properly skeptical of the millions 
of soldiers and sailors meticu- 
lously enumerated by the great 
historian Herodotus, and of his 
endless catalogues of camel-riding 
Arabs, trousered Scythians, and 
frizzy-haired Ethiopians. Never- 
theless, Herodotus' account gives 
dramatic expression to the feeling 
of the Greeks that all the 
numberless, swarthy " hordes of 
Africa and Asia were .advancing 
on them. 

Ten years before, the Athen- 
ians, who had aroused the wrath 
of Xerxes' father and predecessor, 
Darius, by aiding their Ionian 
Greek cousins of Asia Minor in an 
unsuccessful revolt against their 
Persian overlords, | had all but 
annihilated a Persian punitive 
expedition at Marathon, a few 
miles from Athens. It was Xerxes' 
purpose to avenge that defeat and 
to crush the power of the 
impudent Hellenes, as the Greeks 
called themselves, once and for 
all. 

There was more to it than that. 
Xerxes was a Persian, an Aryan, 
of the noble Achaemenid line, 
descended ultimately from the 
same race as the Hellenes. His 
ancestors had ranged the moun- 
tains and steppes of Iran and 
Central Asia, proud and free. 

But as the Persians had in- 
creased their power and then 
wrested the great empire of the 
Near East* from the Babylonians, 
their kings had fallen prey to the 
power and the regalia and the idea 
of empire. Once the Iranian 
leaders had regarded themselves, 
and been regarded, as first among 
Aryan equals. Now his fellow 
Persians, like all his other sub- 
jects, abased themselves at 
Xerxes' feet. And like his imperial 
predecessors, Xerxes intended to 
make the remainder of the known 
world do the same. 

As the Persian army moved 
ponderously across the great 
bridges with which the emperor 
had joined Europe and Asia at the 
Dardanelles, the Hellenes hesi- 
tated. Xerxes had accompanied 
the exertions of his engineers with 
a diplomatic campaign. While his 
engineers built the Dardanelles 
bridges and dug a canal across the 
Acte peninsula in Thrace by which 




LEONIDAS, the heroic Spartan kiiig who won immortality at 
Thermopylae with his 300 Spartan comrades. 



his fleet could circumvent the 
stormy cape, his diplomats 
worked to promote defeatism in 
Greece. Argos and Crete 
promised to stay neutral, and the 
priestess of Delphi muttered gloo- 
my oracles of Persian conquest. 

The delegates from the Hellenic 
city-states who gathered at the 
Corinthian Isthmus in the spring 
of 480 were at first divided as to 
their course of action. The 
Peloponnesians were for guarding 
only their southern peninsula, 
while the Athenians and their 
allies on the neighboring island of 
Euboea pressed for an expedition 
to the north of Greece. Eventually 
the congress of diplomatic repre- 
sentatives agreed to dispatch a 
joint force of Athenians and 
Peloponnesians to the Vale of 
Tempe, in northern Thessaly, 
which seemed a fit place to bar the 
Persians '—way from Macedonia 
into Greece. 

At Tempe, to their dismay, the 
Hellenes found that other passes 
afforded the invader entry into 
Hellas from the north. As the 
Greek contingent retreated to the 
south, the northern Greeks aban- 
doned their determination to 
resist and submitted to the Persian 
emperor. 

As Xerxes' forces began to 
advance south from Macedonia 



into Greece, the Greeks were 
thrown into something of a panic. 
Following their first contact with 
the numerically superior Persian 
fleet, the Greek navy fled down 
the straits between Euboea and 
the Greek mainland. Only the loss 
of a considerable number of the 
Persian ships in a storm off the 
Artemisian cape at the northern 
tip of Euboea emboldened the 
Hellenic fleet to sail northward to 
face the enemy once more. In the 
meantime the Athenians made 
plans to evacuate their population 
to the islands of Salamis and 
Aegiria to the southwest. 

One force remained in the field 
to confront the Persians with 
determined opposition: Leonidas, 
king of the Spartans, had occu- 
pied the crucial pass at Thermo- 
pylae. 

The gateway from northern to 
central Greece, Thermopylae 
stretched more than four miles 
between the towering wall of 
Mount Oeta and the waves of the 
Malian Gulf. At both its eastern 
and western extremities, the pass 
contracted to a narrow, easily 
defended pathway. For much of 
the intervening distance, the pass 
billowed out into a broader 
expanse. Here there were a 
number of thermal springs, both 
salt and sulphur, from which 



Thermopylae derived its name, 
which means "hot gates." 

The garrison which held Ther- 
mopylae was at first considerably 
larger than the 300 Spartans 
whom the Persian scout had 
glimpsed at the western entrance 
to the pass. Behind the wall, 
which the Greeks had hastily 
rebuilt after occupying the pass, 
and along the ridge of Mt. Oeta, 
Leonidas had stationed nearly 
7000 troops. About half of them 
were men from Sparta's neighbor 
cities in the Peloponnesus. The 
rest were Boeotians from Thebes 
and Thespiae in central Greece, or 
hailed from nearby Phocis and 
Locris. 

Although their Greek allies 
were many times more numerous, 
Leonidas and his Spartan guard 
formed the backbone of the 
Hellenic defense force. In recog- 
nition of the peril attending their 
mission, the 300 consisted exclu- 
sively of men with living male 
heirs, so that names and blood 
lines would be carried on 3f they 
fell. Leonidas and his men were 
the elite of an elite, and on their 
example would depend the con- 
duct of the other Greeks at 
Thermopylae. 

What manner of men were the 
Spartans, that Xerxes hesitated to 
pit his myriads against their 
hundreds? 

The origins of Sparta are 
shrouded in the mists of Greek 
antiquity, but it is certain that 
Sparta was founded by the 
Dorians. The last wave of Hel- 
lenic migrants from the north, the 
Dorians swept their Greek prede- 
cessors, the Achaeans, westward 
into Attica and Asia Minor. From 
the time of the Dorian migrations, 
the traditional division of the 
Hellenes into Dorians, Ionians, 
and Aeolians begins to take 
shape. 

The Dorians were probably 
more Nordic in type than the 
other Greek tribes. As the great 
classicist Werner Jaeger wrote, 
"The Dorian race gave Pindar 
[the great poet of Thebes] his ideal 
of Jhe fair-haired warrior of 
proud descent." As Jaeger im- 
plies, the Dorians — above all 
those in Sparta — placed a 
premium on the preservation and 
improvement of their native 
stock. 

One branch of the Dorians 
invaded the district of Laconia in 
the southeastern Peloponnesus. In 
the words of the great historian 
J.B. Bury, "The Dorians took 
possession of the rich vale of the 
Eurotas, and keeping their own 
Dorian stock pure from the 
admixture of alien bl6od, reduced 
all the inhabitants to the condition 
of subjects. ...The eminent quality 



128 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



129 



which distinguished the Dorians 
from the other branches of the 
Greek race was that which we call 
'character'; and it was in Laconia 
that this quality most fully 
displayed and developed itself, 
for here the Dorian seems to have 
remained more purely Dorian.' 

The city of Sparta arose from 
the amalgamation of several 
neighboring villages along the 
Eurotas. The Spartans gradually 
came to wield political power over 
the other Dorians in Laconia, the 
so-called perioeci, who neverthe- 
less retained some degree of 
self-government and ranked as 
Laconian, or Lacedaimonian, ci- 
tizens. 

Not so the racially alien helots, 
the pre-Dorian inhabitants of 
Laconia, whom the Spartans 
reduced to serfdom and denied all 
political rights. The helots bore 
their servitude grudgingly and 
threatened constantly to revolt 
and overthrow their masters. To 
contain the helots' revolutionary 
inclinations, the Spartans organ- 
ized periodic campaigns, contain- 
ing something of the spirit of both 
the fox hunt and the pogrom, in 
which their young men were given 
free rein to wreak havoc and 
eliminate the more truculent and 
dangerous of their serfs. 

During the eighth century, the 
Dorians conquered the Messen- 
ians, who had occupied the 
remainder of the southern Pelo- 
ponnesus. A century later, they 
suppressed a Messenian uprising 
only after a long and difficult 
war. From that time on, con- 
strained to manage their own he- 
lots and the unruly Messenians as 
well, the Spartans evolved a 
unique ethos involving both the 
preservation of their racial inte- 
grity and a comprehensive system 
of military education and organ- 
ization. 

To a greater extent than any 
state before or since, the Spartans 
safeguarded and improved their 
biological heritage with an un- 
compromising eugenics program. 
Marriage outside the Spartan 
racial community was forbidden, 
nor was immigration tolerated. 
There were penalties for celibacy 
and late marriage, while men who 
fathered several children could be 
exempted from standing watch at 
night, and even from paying 
taxes. 

The Spartans required that the 
newborn be presented for inspec- 
tion by officers of the state. Sickly 
or deformed offspring were left to 
die. 

According to the ancient bi- 
ographer Plutarch', Lycurgus, the 
legendary lawgiver of Sparta, 
made even further provisions for 
healthy progeny, which continued 
to be adhered to in classical times. 
After describing the chaste up- 
bringing of young Spartans of 
both sexes, Plutarch continues: 

"After guarding marriage with 
this modesty and reserve, he 
[Lycurgus] was equally careful to 
banish empty and womanish 
jealousy. For this object, exclud- 
ing all licentious disorders, he 
made it, nevertheless, honorable 
for men to give the use of their 
wives to those whom they should 
think fit, so that they might have 
children by them.... Lycurgus al- 
lowed a man who was advanced in 
years and had a young wife to 
recommend some virtuous and 
approved young man, that she 
might have a child by him, who 
might inherit the good qualities of 
the father, and be. a son to 




THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE DORIANS, like their other Institutions, was remarkable for its strength, 
its simplicity, and the harmonious arrangement of Its parts. Developed by the Dorians in the Peloponnesus, 
the Doric order was eagerly adopted by the other Hellenes, particularly the Athenians. The temple pictured 
above, formerly thought to be. the Thesion, was built in the Agora, or marketplace of Athens, between 449 
and 444 B.C. Like the Parthenon, an even more magnificent Doric temple situated on the heights of the 
neighboring Acropolis, it was sacred to "gray-eyed Athena," the Hellenic goddess of wisdom, as well as to 
Hephaestus, the god of fire. 



himself, On the other side, an 
honest man who had love for a 
married woman upon account of 
her modesty and the well- 
favoredness of her children, 
might, without formality, beg her 
company of her husband, that he 
might raise, as it were, from this 
plot of good ground, worthy and 
well-allied children for himself. 
And indeed, Lycurgus was of a 
persuasion that children were not 
so much the property of their 
parents as of the whole common- 
wealth, and, therefore, would not 
have his citizens begot by the 
first-comers, but by the best men 
that could be found; the laws Of 
other nations seemed to him very 
absurd and inconsistent, where 
people would be so solicitous for 
their dogs and horses as to exert 
interest and to pay money to 
procure fine breeding, and yet 
kept their wives shut up, to be 
made mothers only by themselves, 
who might be foolish, infirm, or 
diseased; as if it were not apparent 
that children of a bad breed would 
prove their bad qualities First 
upon those who kept and were 
rearing them, and well-born 
children, in like manner, their 
good qualities." 



As might be gathered, the 
women of Sparta were regarded, 
first of all, as the mothers of 
Spartan children. The young 
women were educated for child- 
bearing. They engaged in vigorous 
gymnastic exercises and dances, 
often while nude, to the scandal 
of the other Greeks, although the 
Spartan women were proverbial 
for their chastity. Doubtless in 
consequence of heredity as well as 
a carefully cultivated physical 
fitness, the women of Sparta were 
accounted the most beautiful in 
Hellas. 

Despite the emphasis on their 
role as mothers, Sparta's women 
were the freest in Greece. Indeed, 
they were accused of dominating 
the Spartan men. When Gorgo, 
the wife of Leonidas, was so 
taunted, she summed up the 
situation of the Spartan women 
succinctly: "We rule men with 
good reason, for we are the only 
women who bring forth men." 

The men of Sparta were raised 
to be soldiers. They left th£ 
-management of commercial af- 
fairs and the trades to the perioeci 
and devoted themselves exclusive- 
ly to the business of government 
and war. Each Spartan citizen 



supported himself from a heredi- 
tary plot of land, farmed by the 
helots, which could not be 
alienated by sale or division. 

Between the ages of seven and 
twenty the Spartans received their 
soldierly training. They acquired 
far more than a mechanical 
mastery of military skills. Their 
instructors strove to inculcate in 
their cadets an absolute devotion 
to Sparta, the ability to endure 
any hardship, and an unwavering 
courage on the battlefield. 

To keep the young men on their 
mettle, the Spartan training sys- 
tem played off the exigencies of 
discipline against the defiant and 
adventurous spirit of youth. 
Young Spartans were compelled 
to steal their food, yet subjected 
to severe punishment if they were 
caught, a seeming paradox epi- 
tomized in the story of the 
Spartan boy who let the fox he 
concealed under his cloak tear at 
his vitals rather than give himself 
away. The Spartan school was a 
cruel but effective one, for it 
caught its students up in the 
enthusiasm of constant challenge 
and danger. 

When he reached the age of 20 
the young Spartan became a 



full-fledged soldier. For the next 
ten years he lived the barracks life 
with his comrades, Allowed to 
take a wife, he saw her only 
during brief and furtive visits. In 
times of peace, the young men 
were instructors to the Spartan 
boys. 

On his thirtieth birthday the 
Spartan was invested with the 
remainder of his civic rights and 
duties. Thenceforth he attended 
the apella, the assembly of the 
people, and could vote on mea- 
sures proposed by the two kings 
or by the ephoroi, Sparta's 
five-man judiciary. The Spartan 
could at last establish his own 
household, although still bound 
to dine in common with his peers. 

The principal fare at these 
communal messes was a black 
broth much favored by the 
Spartans, although the other 
Hellenes found it hard to 
stomach. (After sampling it a 
visitor from opulent Sybaris is 
supposed to have exclaimed, 
"Now I know why Spartans have 
no fear of death!") 

The Spartans spiced their meals 
with a dry and pithy wit renowned 
through Hellas as much for its 
substance as for its sting. As 
Plutarch tells it, Lycurgus replied 
to a Spartan who had advocated" 
democracy, "Begin, friend, and 
set it up in your family." Or, as 
the Spartan women are supposed 
to have said when handing their 
sons their shields before they 
marched to battle, "With it or on 
it." 

Spartan law reinforced its citi- 
zens' contempt for luxury by 
banning private ownership of gold 
and silver. The result, according 
to Plutarch, was that "merchants 
sent no shiploads into Laconian 
ports; no rhetoric-master, no 
itinerant fortune-teller, no harlot- 
monger, or gold- or silver-smith, 
engraver, or jeweler, set foot in a 
country that had no money; so 
that luxury, deprived little by little 
of that which fed and fomented it, 
wasted to nothing and died away 
of itself." Like the Spartans' 
wills, their coins were made of 
iron. 

Sparta's military life did not 
stifle the minds and spirits of its 
citizens. Early in its history Sparta 
was a leading center of poetry and 
music. Terpander and Alcman 
brought the lyre and lyric from 
Asia Minor to the banks of the 
Eurotas. Lame Tyrtaeus, Lace- 
daimon's native son, shaped his 
country's ethos with his martial 
songs. Choral songs and dances 
carried on, in which the Spartan 
men melodically affirmed their 
patriotism, and the Spartan 
maidens urged them on to future 
deeds of valor. Rightly Pindar 
sang of Sparta: 

"Councils of wise elders here, 
And the young men's conquer- 
ing spear, / And dance, and 
song, and joy appear." 

It was not so much the 
Spartans' works of art as the 
Spartan ideal which won the 
admiration of great Hellenic 
thinkers such as Plato. There was 
something noble in the stern 
simplicity of the Spartan way of 
life. Sparta's fundamental laws, 
the rhetroi, which Lycurgus was 
said to have received direct from 
"golden-haired Apollo," were 
few, unwritten, and to the point. 
Their purpose, to mold men of 
character in the service of the 
common good, struck a respon- 
sive chord through all Hellas. 



Memory of 
Will Live as 

It is not difficult to detect in the 
wistful praise the Hellenes paid to 
Sparta a longing for the values 
and uses of therr Indo-Europeon 
forebears. Outside of Sparta these 
had all too often been forgotten 
amid the lures of Oriental luxury, 
or lost forever due to mixing of 
Hellenic blood. The Spartans, just 
as they transformed the rough- 
hewn, wooden long-houses of 
their northern ancestors into 
gleaming Doric temples, 
developed from their innate, 
racial outlook a guide and bul- 
wark for their state. 

And, of course, it was on the 
battlefield that the Spartan arete, 
or manly excellence, found its 
chief expression. The Spartans 
asked not how many the enemy 
were, but only where they were. 
They were ignorant of surrender, 
but knew well how to die. 

But let Plutarch speak once 
more: "It was at once a magnifi- 
cent and a terrible sight to see 
them march on to the tune of their 
flutes, without any disorder in 
their ranks, any discomposure in 
their minds, or change in their 
countenances, calmly and cheer- 
fully moving with the music to the 
deadly fight. Men in this temper 
were not likely to be possessed by 
fear or any transport of fury, but 
with the deliberate valor of hope 
and assurance, as if some divinity 
were attending and conducting 
them." 

Such were the men who faced 
Xerxes and his host at Thermo- 
pylae. 

Xerxes waited for four days, in 
the hope that the Greeks would 
abandon their position, as they 
had in Thessaly. His attempt at 
psychological warfare was lost on 
the Spartans. When a fearful 
Greek from the surrounding 
countryside informed the Spartan 
Dieneces that "so many are the 
Persian archers their arrows blot 
out the sun," Dieneces was 
unperturbed: "If the Persians 
hide the sun, we shall have our 
battle in the shade." 

On the fifth day, seething with 
anger at the Greeks' impertinence, 
Xerxes sent forth an assault force 
of Medes and Cissians, Iranian 
kindred to his own Persians. 

Xerxes' troops stormed the 
western gate to Thermopylae with 
a valor exceeding their skill in 
combat. The Spartans met and 
overwhelmed them in the narrow 
space between the rocks and the 
water. Well armored, wielding 
their long spears expertly, the 
Spartan heavy infantry was more 
than a match for the Iranians with 
their short swords and wicker 
shields. The Spartans cut them 
down by the hundreds at close 
quarters. 

From a neighboring hill, seated 
on his throne of gold, Xerxes 
watched the fighting, fuming at 
what he deemed his soldiers' 
incompetence. To bring the mat- 
ter to a quick end, he ordered his 
elite guard, the King's Immortals, 
forward to the deadly pass, Again 
the Spartans outfought the em- 
peror's men. 

All at once the Spartans turned 
and fled, seemingly in panicky 
confusion. With a shout, the 
Immortals rushed forward in 
disarray. But the Spartans were all 
around them in an instant, and 



Thermopylae 's Defenders 
Long as the White Race 



they cut the emperor's picked 
troops to pieces. According to 
Herodotus, Xerxes, watching 
from his hill, "leapt to his feet 
three times, in terror for his 
army." 

The next day's fighting went no 
better for the Persians. The Greek 
allies took turns spelling the 
Spartans at the western approach, 
and once again the Hellenes 
reaped a bloody harvest. As the 
sun set over the western moun- 
tains, the waters of the gulf 
lapped crimson at the heaps of 
Persians on the shore. 

That night, as Xerxes puzzled 
bitterly how to break the death 
grip of the Greeks on Thermo- 
pylae, a traitor came forth from a 
local district, looking for a rich 
reward. The information he gave 
the emperor was the doom of the 
men of Thermopylae. 

Ephialtes the Malian revealed 
to Xerxes the existence of a path 
over the hills and along the crest 
of Mf. Oeta to the rear of 
Thermopylae. The path was not 
unknown to Thermopylae's 
defenders, and Leonidas had 
stationed the Phocian troops 
along Mt. Oeta's ridge to ward off 
enemy attempts lo Hank his forces 
in the pass. 

At dawn the next morning, the 
Phocians heard the sound of 
marching feet advancing through 
the fallen leaves which carpeted 
the floor ot the oak forest below 
i he summit ol Mi. Oeta. As the 
Greeks sprang to arm themselves, 

the Immortals, their ranks rein- 
forced, rushed up the mountain- 
side. The Phocians retreated to 
the highest point on Mt. Oeta 
under a hail of Persian arrows, 
but the emperor's picked troops 
disdained to close with them. 
Swerving to the left, they made 
their way down the mountain to a 
point east of Thermopylae's rear 
approach. The Hellenes in the 
pass were trapped between two 
Persian forces. 

Leonidas learned of the threat 
from his lookouts along Mt. Oeta 
and stragglers from the Phocian 
contingent. He quickly took stock 
of the changed circumstances. It 
was evident to the Spartan king 
that the pass could not be held 
much longer. The Greeks to the 
south had need of the troops 
engaged in Thermopylae's 
defense, 

But there were other considera- 
tions. Leonidas and his 300 men 
were first of all Spartans. The 
laws and customs of their native 
city bade them to conquer or die 
at the posts assigned them, 
whatever the superiority of the 
enemy's numbers. And there was 
an oracle, made known at the 
outset of the Persian invasion, 
which prophesied that Sparta or a 
Spartan king must fall in the 
coming conflict. 

Leonidas dismissed the allied 
troops, all but the men of Thebes 
and Thespiae. The remainder of 
the Peloponnesians, as well as the 
Phocians and Locrians, made 
their way across the hills between 
the Persian armies, to fight again 
another day. 

The next morning, after Xerxes 
had poured a libation to the rising 
sun, his men stormed Thermo- 
pylae from both sides. Scornful of 
their own lives, Leonidas and his 




men surged out to meet the 
Persians on the open ground 
before the narrow entrance to the 
pass. Godlike the Spartans swept 
forward, cutting a swath through 
the enemies' ranks. Again they 
exacted a fearful toll, as the 
Persian officers drove their men 
on from the rear, making liberal 
use of their whips. 

The Hellenes fought with reck- 
less courage and with grim 
determination. When their spears 
splintered and broke, they fought 
on with their swords. Leonidas 
fell, and a fierce struggle raged 
over the body of the Spartan king. 
Four times the Persians were 
repulsed, and many of their 
leaders, including two of Xerxes' 
brothers, were slain. 

Gradually the remaining Spar- 
tans, bearing the fallen Leonidas, 
fell back to a small elevation 
within the pass. There they made 
aJast stand. Beside them fought 
the brave citizens of Thespiae. 
The Thebans covered themselves 
with disgrace by throwing down 
their arms and submitting abjectly 
to Xerxes. 

After a short but furious 
resistance, the Spartans and the 
Thespians were annihilated by the 
swarming Persian infantry. When 
all was still, and Xerxes walked A DORIC HOPLITE: Like the figure above, cast at Sicyon in the 
among the dead on the battle- Peloponnesus around 530 B.C., the Spartan hoplite, or heavy infantry- 
ground he had until then avoided, man, wore bronze armor and a plumed helmet and carried shield, 

sword, and spear. 





THE PASS AT THERMOPYLAE was, in 480 B.C., a narrow road between Mt. Oeta and the Malian Gulf. 
The ancient coastline Is designated cc on the map. Leonidas and his men successfully defended the four-mile 
stretch (between g and h) until a Persian column, guided by the Greek traitor Ephialtes, circled around them 
on a secret road over the rocks iff). In the intervening 2,500 years silt deposited by the Spercheius River (bb) 
has created a broad alluvial plain (A), greatly altering the configuration of the modern coast iaa). The 
present-day photograph (below) looks westward from the site of the pass. In ancient times the plain in the 
right foreground was under water. 




130 

the Persian emperor was stricken 
with anger at the tenacity which 
Leonidas had displayed in 
Lhwarting his imperious will. He 
ordered the Spartan king be- 
headed, and his head fixed on a 
stake. 

Once more Xerxes summoned 
Demaratus. 

"Demaratus," he began, "you 
are a good man. Ail you said has 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



turned out true. Now tell me, how 
many men of Lacedaimon re- 
main, and are they all such 
warriors as these fallen men?" 

"Sire," Demaratus replied, 
"there are many men and towns 
in Lacedaimon. But I will tell you 
what you really want to know; 
Sparta alone boasts eight thou- 
sand men. All of them are the 



equals of the men who fought 

here." 

When Xerxes heard this he 
paled. The memory of Demara- 
tus's words must have been much 
with him during the next few 
months, until Leonidas' Spartan 
comrades avenged him at the 
climactic battle of Plataea and 
drove the Persian horde forever 
from Hellenic soil. 



The Greeks erected several 
monuments at Thermopylae, 

bearing suitable inscriptions. A 
lion marked the spot where 
Leonidas perished. But it was the 
marker the Spartans raised to the 
memory of their 300 countrymen 
which best evokes the spirit of 
their people. With laconic brevity 
it read: 

"Wanderer, if you come to 



Sparta, tell them there / You 
have seen us lying here, obedi- 
ent to their laws." 

T.O'K. 

(Issue No. 61, 1978) 



The Fight for Our Planet 



The following remarks have 
been excerpted from Alexander 
Solzhenitsyn 's address at Harvard 
University on June 8: 

Many of you have already 
found out, and others will find 
out in the course of their lives, 
that truth eludes us if we do not 
concentrate with total attention 
on its pursuit. And even while it 
eludes us, the illusion still lingers 
of knowing it and leads to many 
misunderstandings. Also, truth 
seldom is pleasant; it is almost 
invariably bitter. 

A loss of courage may be the 
most striking feature which an 
outside observer notices in the 
West in our days. The Western 
world has lost its civil courage, 
both as a whole and separately, in 
each country, each government, 
each political party, and, of 
course, in the United Nations. 

Such a decline in courage is 
particularly noticeable among the 
ruling groups and the intellectual 
elite, causing an impression of 
loss of courage by the entire 
society. Of course, there are many 
courageous individuals, but they 
have no determining influence on 
public life. Political and intel- 
lectual bureaucrats show depres- 
sion, passivity, and perplexity in 
their actions and in their state- 
ments and even more so in 
theoretical reflections to explain 
how realistic, reasonable, as well 
as intellectually and even morally 
warranted it is to base state 
policies on weakness and 
cowardice. 

And decline in courage is 
ironically emphasized by occa- 
sional explosions of anger and 
inflexibility on the part of the 
same bureaucrats when dealing 
with weak governments and weak 
countries, not supported by any- 
one, or with currents which 
cannot offer any resistance. 

Should one point out that from 
ancient times decline in courage 
has been considered the beginning 
of the end? 

When the modern Western 
states were created, the following 
principle was proclaimed: 
governments are meant to serve 
man, and man lives to be free and 
to pursue happiness. 

Now, at last, decades of 
technical and social progress have 
permitted the realization of such 
aspirations: the welfare state. 
Every citizen has been granted the 
desired freedom and material 
goods in such quantity and of 
such quality as to guarantee in 
theory the achievement of hap- 
piness, in the morally inferior 
sense which has come into being 
during those same decades. 

In the process, however, one 
psychological detail has been 
overlooked: the constant desire to 
have stili more things and a still 




"To defend oneself, one must also be ready to die. There is little such readiness in a society raised in the cult 
of material well-being. " Speaking at Harvard University, Alexander Solzhenitsyn warned that tlie struggle 
for the future of our planet requires a revolution In fundamental values. 



better life and the struggle to 
obtain them imprints many Wes- 
tern faces with worry and even 
depression, though it is customary 
to conceal such feelings. Active 
and tense competition permeates 
all human thoughts without 
opening a way to free spiritual 
development. 

The individual's independence 
from many types of state pressure 
has been guaranteed; the majority 
of people have been granted 
well-being to an extent their 
fathers and grandfathers could 
not even dream about; it has 
become possible to raise young 
people according to these ideals, 
leading them to physical splendor, 
happiness, possession of material 
goods, money and leisure, to an 
almost unlimited freedom of 
enjoyment. 

So who should now renounce 
all this, why and for what should 
one risk one's precious life in 
defense of common values, and 
particularly in such nebulous 
cases when the security of one's 
nation must be defended in a 
distant country? 

Even biology knows that 
habitual extreme safety and well- 
being are not advantageous for a 
living organism. Today, well- 
being in the life of Western society 



has begun to reveal its pernicious 
mask. 

In today's Western society, the 
inequality has been revealed of 
freedom for good deeds and 
freedom for evil deeds. A states- 
man who wants to achieve 
something important and highly 
constructive for his country has to 
move cautiously and even -timidly; 
there are thousands of hasty and 
irresponsible critics around ^him; 
parliament and the press keep 
rebuffing him. As he moves 
ahead, he has to prove that each 
single step of his is well-founded 
and absolutely flawless. 

Actually an outstanding and 
particularly gifted person who has 
unusual and unexpected initiatives 
in mind hardly gets a chance to 
assert himself; from the very 
beginning, dozens of traps will be 
set out for him. Thus, mediocrity 
triumphs with the excuse of 
restrictions imposed by demo- 
cracy. 

The defense of individual rights 
has reached such extremes as to 
make society as a whole defense- 
less against certain individuals. It 
is time, in the West, to defend not 
so much human rights as human 
obligations. 

Destructive and irresponsible 
freedom has been granted bound- 



less space. Society appears to have 
little defense against the abyss of 
human decadence, such as, for 
example, misuse of liberty for 
moral violence against young 
people, motion pictures full of 
pornography, crime, and horror. 
It is considered to be part of 
freedom and theoretically coun- 
terbalanced by the young people's 
right not to look or not to accept. 
Life organized legalistically has 
thus shown its inability to defend 
itself against the corrosion of evil. 

The press too, of course, enjoys 
the widest freedom. (1 shall be 
using the word. press to include all 
media). But what sort of use does 
it make of this freedom? 

How many hasty, immature, 
superficial, and misleading judg- 
ments are expressed every day, 
confusing readers, without any 
verification? The press can both 
simulate public opinion and mis- 
educate it. Thus we may see 
terrorists heroized, or secret mat- 
ters pertaining to one's nation's 
defense publicly revealed, or we 
may witness shameless intrusion 
on the privacy of well-known 
people under the slogan: "every- 
one is entitled to know every- 
thing." 

Hastiness and superficiality are 
the psychic disease of the 20th 



century, and more than anywhere 
else this disease is reflected in the 
press. In-depth analysis of a 
problem is anathema to the press. 
It stops at sensational formulas. 

Such as it is, however, the press 
has become the greatest power 
within the Western countries, 
more powerful than the legisla- 
ture, the executive, and the 
judiciary. One would then like to 
ask: by what law has it been 
elected and to whom is it 
responsible? In the communist 
East r a journalist is frankly 
appointed as a state official. But 
who has granted Western journa- 
lists their power, for how long a 
time, and with what prerogatives? 

There is yet another surprise for 
someone coming from the East, 
where the press is rigorously 
unified: one gradually discovers a 
common trend of preferences 
wjthin the Western press as a 
whole. It is a fashion. There are 
generally accepted patterns of 
judgment, and there may be 
common corporate interests, the 
sum effect being not competition 
but unification, 

Enormous freedom exists for 
the press, but not for the 
readership, because newspapers 
mostly give enough stress and 
emphasis [onlyl to those opinions 
which do not too openly contra- 
dict their own and the general 
trend, 

Without any censorship, in the 
West fashionable trends of 
thought and ideas are carefully 
separated from those which are 
not fashionable. Nothing is for- 
bidden, but what is not fashiona- 
ble will hardly ever find its way 
into periodicals or books or be 
heard in colleges. Legally your 
researchers are free, but they are 
conditioned by the fashion of the 
day. 

There is no open violence, such 
as in the East. However, a 
selection dictated by fashion and 
the need to match mass standards 
frequently prevent independent- 
minded people from giving their 
contributions to public life. There 
is a dangerous tendency to form a 
herd, shutting off successful 
development. 

I have received letters in 
America from highly intelligent 
persons, maybe a teacher in a 
faraway small college who could 
do much for .the renewal and 
salvation of his country, but his 
country cannot hear him because 
the media are not interested in 
him. This gives birth to strong 
mass prejudices, to blindness, 
which is most dangerous in our 
dynamic era. 

A fact which cannot be dis- 
puted is the weakening of human 
beings in the West, while in the 
East they are becoming firmer and 
stronger. Six decades for our 



people and three decades for the 
people of Eastern Europe; during 
that time we have been through a 
spiritual training far in advance of 
Western experience. Life's com- 
plexity and mortal weight have 
produced stronger, deeper, and 
more interesting characters than 
those generated by standardized 
Western well-being. 

After the suffering of decades 
of violence and oppression, the 
human soul longs for things 
higher, wanner, and purer than 
those offered by today's mass 
living habits, introduced by the 
revolting invasion of publicity, by 
TV stupor, and by intolerable 
music. 

All this is visible to observers 
from all the worlds of our planet. 
The Western way of life is less and 
less likely to become the leading 
model. 

There are meaningful warnings 
which history gives a threatened 
or perishing society. Such are, for 
instance, the decadence of art, or 
a lack of great statesmen. 

There are open and evident 
warnings, too. The center of your 
democracy and of your culture is 
left without electric power for a 
few hours only, and all of a 
sudden crowds of American citi- 
zens start looting, creating havoc. 
The smooth surface film must be 
very thin, then; the social system 
quite unstable and unhealthy. 

But the fight for our planet, 
physical and spiritual, a fight of 
cosmic proportions, is not a vague 
matter of the future. It has 
already started. The forces of evil 
have begun their decisive offen- 
sive, you can feel their pressure, 
and yet your screens and publica- 
tions are full of prescribed smiles 
and raised glasses. What is the joy 
about? 

Very well known representa- 
tives of your society, such as 
George Kennan, say: we cannot 
apply moral criteria to politics. 



Thus we mix good and evil, right 
and wrong, and make space for 
the absolute triumph of absolute 
evil in the world. On the contrary, 
only moral criteria can help the 
West aigainst communism's well- 
planned world strategy. There are 
no other criteria. Practical or 
occasional considerations of any 
kind will inevitably be swept away 
by strategy. 

If you only knew how the 
youngest of the [Kremlin] officials 
laughs at your political wizards! 
As to Fidel Castro, he frankly 
scorns the United States, sending 
his troops to distant adventures 
from his country right next to 
yours. 

Your shortsighted politicians 
who signed the hasty Vietnam 
capitulation seemingly gave 
America a carefree breathing 
pause; however, a hundredfold 
Vietnam now looms over you. 
That small Vietnam had been a 
warning and an occasion to 
mobilize the nation's courage. But 
if a full-fledged America suffered 
a real defeat from a small, 
communist half-country, how can 
the West hope to stand firm in the 
future? 

At present, some Western 
voices already have spoken of 
obtaining protection from a third 
power against aggression in the 
next world conflict, if there is one. 
In this case the shield would be 
China. But I would not wish such 
an outcome to any country in the 
world. 

First of all, it is again a doomed 
alliance with evil. Also, it would 
grant the United states a respite, 
but when at a later date China 
with its billion people would turn 
around armed with American 
weapons, America itself would 
fall prey to a genocide similar to 
the one perpetrated in Cambodia 
in our days. 

And yet, no weapons, no 
matter how powerful, can help the 



West until it overcomes its loss of 
willpower. In a state of psycho- 
logical weakness, weapons be- 
come a burden for the capitula- 
ting side. 

To defend oneself, one must 
also be ready to die. There is little 
such readiness in a society raised 
in the cult of material well-being. 
Nothing is left, then, but conces- 
sions, attempts to gain time, and 
betrayal. 

Western thinking has become 
conservative: the world situation 
should stay as it is at any cost, 
there should be no changes. This 
debilitating dream of a status quo 
is the symptom of a society which 
has come to the end of its 
development. 

The two so-called world wars 
have meant internal self-destruc- 
tion of the small, progressive 
West, which has thus prepared its 
own end. The next war — which 
does not have to be an atomic 
one, and I do not believe it will — 
may well bury Western civiliza- 
tion forever. 

Facing such a danger, with such 
historical values in your past, at 
such a high level of realization of 
freedom and, apparently, of 
devotion to freedom, how is it 
possible to lose to such an extent 
the will to defend oneself? 

How did the West decline from 
its triumphal march to its present 
sickness? The West kept advan- 
cing socially in accordance with its 
proclaimed intentions, with the 
help of brilliant technological 
progress. And all of a sudden it 
found itself in its present state of 
weakness. 

This means that the mistake 
must be at the root, at the very 
basis of human thinking in the 
past centuries. I refer to the 
prevailing Western view of the 
world which was first born during 
the Renaissance and found its 
political expression from the 
period of the Enlightenment. 



It became the basis for govern- 
ment and social science and could 
be defined as rationalistic human- 
ism or humanistic autonomy: the 
proclaimed and enforced auton- 
omy of man from any higher 
force above him. It could be 
called anthropocentricity, with 
man seen as the center of 
everything that exists. 

It based modern Western civili- 
zation on the dangerous trend to 
worship man and his material 
needs. Everything beyond physi- 
cal well-being and accumulation 
of material goods, all other 
human requirements and charac- 
teristics of subtler and higher 
nature, were left outside the area 
of attention of state and social 
systems, as if human life did not 
have any superior sense. 

That provided access for evil, 
of which in our days there is a free 
and constant flow. Mere freedom 
does not in the least solve all the 
problems of human life, and it 
even adds a number of new ones. 

As humanism in its develop- 
ment became more and more 
materialistic, it made itself in- 
creasingly accessible to specula- 
tion and manipulation, at first by 
socialism and then by commu- 
nism, so that Karl Marx was able 
to say in 1844 that "communism 
is naturalized humanism." 

Not by coincidence, all of 
communism's meaningless 

pledges and oaths are about Man, 
with a capital "M," and his 
earthly happiness. At first glance 
it seems an ugly parallel: common 
traits in the thinking and way of 
life of today's West and today's 
East. But such is the logic of 
materialistic development. 

The interrelationship is such, 
too, that the current of materi- 
alism which is most to the left 
always ends up by being stronger, 
more attractive, and victorious, 
because it is more consistent. 
Liberalism was inevitably dis- 



131 

placed by radicalism, radicalism 
had to surrender to socialism, and 
socialism could never resist com- 
munism. 

If humanism were right in 
declaring that man is born to be 
happy, he would not be born to 
die. Since his body is doomed to 
die, his task on earth evidently 
must be of a more spiritual 
nature. It cannot be unrestrained 
enjoyment of everyday life. It 
cannot be the search for the best 
ways to obtain material goods and 
then cheerfully get the most out of 
them. 

It has to be the fulfillment of a 
permanent, earnest duty, so that 
one may leave life a better human 
being than one started it, It is 
imperative to review the table of 
widespread human values. Its 
present incorrectness is 
astounding. 

It is not possible that the 
assessment of the President's 
performance be reduced to the 
question of how much money one 
makes or of the unlimited availa- 
bility of gasoline, Only voluntar- 
ily inspired self-restraint can raise 
man above the world stream of 
materialism. 

If the world has not come to its 
end, it has approached a major 
turn in history, equal in impor- 
tance to the turn from the Middle 
Ages to the Renaissance. It will 
exact from us a spiritual upsurge. 
We shall have to rise to a new 
height of vision, to a new level of 
life, where our physical nature 
will not be cursed, as in the 
Middle Ages, but, even more 
importantly, our spiritual being 
will not be trampled upon, as in 
the Modern Era. 

This ascension will be similar to 
climbing onto the next anthropo- 
logical stage. No one on earth has 
any other way left but upward. 

(Issue No. 62 t 1978) 



Few speeches in recent years 
have generated as much critical 
comment as has Alexander Sol- 
zhenitsyn's June commencement 
address at Harvard University. 

The exiled Russian author was 
denounced by liberals and conser- 
vatives alike. The New York 
Times called him "dangerous," 
because he questioned "the ra- 
tionality of humankind." A Bos- 
ton Globe columnist said that "a 
mad Russian" had pulled "a 
fancy con job" on the American 
people. Conservative editor Wil- 
liam Buckley scolded the Nobel 
Prize winner in two consecutive 
issues of his National Review. 

Liberal writer Arthur Schle- 
singer Jr. denounced Solzhenitsyn 
and his "irrelevance" to demo- 
cratic society in a lengthy Wash- 
ington Post article. And during 
Solzhenitsyn 's address, a Harvard 
protester held a sign reading 
"You Can't Fight Stalinism With 
Fascism . ' ' 

Criticism of Solzhenitsyn was 
generally superficial ("undemo- 
cratic," "a man of the past") or 
self-serving ("in Russia they'd 
lock him up; but not here"). 

Rosalynn Carter's public reply 
to Solzhenitsyn showed that she 
didn't even understand what the 
Russian author meant when he 
talked of "evil," "courage," and 
"freedom." The President's wife 
told the National Press Club that 
we live in a "good" society, 



Solzhenitsyn 's Message for Our People 



because Americans are "caring 
people" who lead "useful lives." 

Naturally, Mrs. Carter does not 
sense the evil in the liberal-demo- 
cratic way of life. Her stress on 
the importance of human hap- 
piness and her husband's hypo- 
critical cant about "human 
rights" are themselves expressions 
of the spiritually corrupt world 
view which Solzhenitsyn damns. 

The author of Gulag Archipe- 
lago means something quite dif- 
ferent when he speaks of evil than 
do humanists. For example, Sol- 
zhenitsyn rejects the Soviet sys- 
tem, he wrote in 1973, "not 
because it is undemocratic, au- 
thoritarian, based on physical 
constraint — a man can live in 
such conditions without harm to 
his spiritual essence." His objec- 
tion is that "over and above its 

physical constraints, it demands 
of us total surrender of our 
souls." 

Any system based upon the idea 
of material comfort and human 
happiness as the highest good is 
evil, because it denies man's place 
in the natural order. One conse- 
quence of living under such a 
system is that few Americans will 
actively defend or even acknow- 
ledge their own racial-cultural 
heritage. Most of them readily 
capitulate to outrageous minority 
blackmail with feelings of shame 
and guilt. 



These are examples of the lack 
of civil courage in our people 
which Solzhenitsyn decries. Not 
many Americans even have the 
courage to speak openly and 
frankly about racial realities. 

Solzhenitsyn vehemently rejects 
the liberal notion of freedom as 
an end in itself. The idea of 
freedom for its own sake is a sign 
of decadence. Historically an 
emphasis on "rights" above 
duties grows in an age of social 
and cultural decline. 

For Solzhenitsyn, as for other 
great men of the West, true 
freedom is the freedom of self-re- 
straint. Any fool can exercise the 
"freedom" to do whatever comes 
into his head, but the wise man 
shows freedom in being able to 
say "no." Real freedom is the 
freedom to do what is right. 

Solzhenitsyn's awesome moral 
authority springs not only from 
years of suffering in communist 
labor camps and persecution by 
Soviet authorities, but far more 
from a sincere love of his Russian 
nation, a deep loyalty to the 
Western cultural heritage, and a 
passionate devotion to truth. 

What a contrast between Sol- 
zhenitsyn's quiet dignity, lofty 
moral bearing, and unshakable 
national loyalty, and the strident 
demands for "rights" by Soviet 
"dissidents" like Scharansky, 
Ginzburg, Orlov, Slepak, and 
Begun — all Jews! 



Solzhenitsyn's ideas cannot 
simply be denounced as "Rus- 
sian" or "old fashioned." His 
views ace part of a long and rich 
Western spiritual heritage. He 
echoes Plato's affirmation of 
social hierarchy and authority, 
Burke's stress on tradition, and 

Hegel's idea of the organic 
nation-state. 

He strengthens the American 
intellectual legacy of James Mad- 
ison, Alexander Hamilton, Henry 
Adams, Theodore Roosevelt, and 
the other builders of our nation. 
Solzhenitsyn is an infinitely better 
guardian of our racial -cultural 
heritage than the fashionable 
writers of the American press who 
have been busy pointing out the 
"dangers" in his ideas. 

His compelling call to spiritual 
revolution recalls the European 
revolt against liberal-democratic 
materialism before the Second 
World War. 

For years, the National Alliance 
has been making many of the 
same points Solzhenitsyn stressed 
in his Harvard speech, including 
the fraud of American "freedom 
of the press" and the shortsight- 
edness of U.S. foreign policy. 

More significantly, the Na- 
tional Alliance has consistently 
emphasized that our social, eco- 
nomic, and racial problems are 
not merely the result of bad 
politicians, the Blacks, or a 
minority conspiracy, but stem 



from the corrupt and alien values 
which have insidiously crept into 
the thinking of our people. 

Solzhenitsyn is right when he 
stresses that only a revolution of 
fundamental values can reverse 
the tide of evil. That is a bitter 
truth, for it means that there are 
no quick or easy solutions to our 
people's dilemma. 

To have any meaning, the new 
spirituality and sense of duty of 
which Solzhenitsyn speaks must 
have, an organizational expres- 
sion. In America, that expression 
is given by the National Alliance. 

In an interview with Encounter 
magazine (April 1976) Solzhenit- 
syn said that our greatest task now 
is to tell the truth: 

"Never has the future of this 
planet depended upon such a 
handful of men. I think the first 
universal rule, with you as with 
us, is not to accept lies. To speak 
the truth is to ensure the rebirth of 
liberty — regardless of pressure, 
interests, and fashions — to say 
what one knows, to be truthful, to 
keep repeating it. And if some 
people shrug their shoulders, 
repeat it again." 

M,W. 
(Issue No. 62, 1978) 



- 



132 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



133 



Stephen Decatur 



and the 



Barbary Pirates 



As the sun set over the 
Mediterranean, the minarets of 
Tripoli, just visible on the hori- 
zon, caught its failing rays. To the 
American sailors watching from 
the ketch Intrepid, the Barbary 
port must have seemed an en- 
chanted city, bristling with towers 
and battlements, lush with palaces 
and gardens. There wasn't a man 
among them, however, who 



wasn't aware that the splendors of 
Tripoli had been built with the 
forced labor of tens of thousands 
of White men, most of them 
seamen snatched from their ships 
by the pirates who sailed from 
Tripoli's harbor at the command 
of its ruler, the pasha. 

The shadows the Intrepid and 
its companion ship, the brig Siren, 
threw on the darkening waters 



Street Impressions, Washington, D.C. 

Noise and exhaust fumes and dog feces on the curb. The thumping, 
screeching beat of alien music from an open shop. Crumpled bins with 
garbage overflowing on the street. Everywhere ugliness — and nowhere 
so much as in the swarming masses on the sidewalks. The 
business-suited Jews with their cigars and newspapers, and the 
undershirted Blacks with Afro-brushes in their back pockets. A 
hundred faces in each block, and perhaps thirty of them kindred to 
mine. The rest ugly and alien, swart and frizzy > with flat noses and 
muddy eyes. Ugliest of all, the almost-Whites: these mongrel spawn of 
East and South with North outnumber the rest. Democracy! 

Cities, 1 suppose, have always been noisy and dirty and ugly. I 
remember them thus as a child — but not this noisy; not this dirty. 
Above all, not this ugly! The crowds once were White, or nearly so. 
With clear eyes and bright faces they walked or strolled or bustled along 
the streets; no waddling, no loose-jointed bopping along. What a 
transformation has been wrought in a few decades! Where have these 
swarming masses been breeding, to spew forth their dark millions upon 
our streets? Equalityl 

Two queers, arm in arm, flaunting it. No one seems to notice. Three 
young Blacks, laughing and spewing obscenities in their squeaky-husky 
voices as they dodge through the pedestrians in horseplay. No one 
seems to notice. And in that doorway, a girl of my race holding the 
hand of a Negro. No one seems to notice. Here on the busy 
thoroughfare the sparkling glass of the jewelry store adjoins the 
painted-over window of the pornography shop. On the side street, a 
stripped hulk of an automobile provides a lounging spot for a Black 
teenager. Next to the porn shop a fast-food walkup window sends its 
smell of hot grease out into the crowd. Behind the streaked, dirty 
window are dark faces: not Black faces, nor White either, but the faces 
one sees nowadays in every restaurant, faces from the Mediterranean, 
from the Far East, from Persia, from God knows where. How long has 
it been since I've seen a White waiter or a White short-order cook? But 
no one seems to notice! 

If only it were a simple problem of Black and White, of my kinsmen 
against theirs! But the filth of the city spreads over all in it, pulls all into 
a common tangle, blurs distinctions. Some Blacks learn to act like 
Whites; some Whites begin acting like Blacks. And everywhere the 
almost-Whites, the not-really-Blacks, the raceless ones! Are their ugly 
faces the faces of the future? Some would have it so. And yet I can 
remember when the mongrels were seen as seldom as the Blacks, when 
the Whites all acted like Whites and owned the sidewalks, when waiters 
and cooks were White — even the bums on the streetcorners. Then there 
was not such hardness and indifference in all the faces, no hidden fear 
of everyone else on the streets. It was a quieter, cleaner, friendlier, less 
ugly time. I shudder to think of the blood which will be spilled on this 
street and a thousand others before things can be set right again. 
Brotherhood! 

Ahead, a street vendor and her trays of trinkets. Flowered dress and 
springy, black hair, Jewess? Gypsy? Two young Negresses in short 
shorts and halters coming toward me, one with orange hair, the bizarre 
result of a peroxide treatment. In the pack of honking traffic at the 
intersection, a small convertible with three swarthy young men, shirts 
open to the navel, hairy chests, flashing teeth, dark eyes, tight black 
ringlets, animated conversation. Teheran? Tel Aviv7 Naples? A sleek 
Cadillac limousine with uniformed Black chauffeur and government 
plates stopped at the light. Slumped in air-conditioned comfort in the 
back seat a round, pink face and bald head. There's the trouble! How I 
wish it were time for the shooting to start! And then, ten yards away, a 
lovely vision, a bright Northern jewel, fresh and untouched by the filth 
all around. 1 smile. She smiles, looks down, is gone. America! America! 

{Issue No. 62, 1978) 



lengthened. As evening fell, the 
Intrepid' $ youthful commander, 
Lt. Stephen Decatur, supervised 
his crew's final preparations. He 
issued his orders calmly but 
firmly, and the 74 officers and 
men under his command carried 
them out with a will. Tonight their 
lives would depend on Decatur's 
skill and courage, and they had 
every confidence in him. 

Decatur, had waited for over a 
week off the Tripolitan coast after 
a northerly gale had made it 
impossible for the Intrepid to 
carry out her mission on February 
7, as originally planned. In the 
interim the ship's water had begun 
to foul, and the fatty beef which 
was the men's chief nourishment 
had become rancid and maggot- 
ridden. The agonizing delay had 
set the crew of the Intrepid on 
edge, and they welcomed the 
prospect of action. Tonight, 
February 16, 1804, the men of the 
Intrepid would sail into Tripoli 
harbor under the noses of the tens 
of thousands of troops quartered 
there and past the fortifications 
beetling with guns which ringed 
the city. None of the Americans 
spoke of their chances of getting 
out alive, but they knew that they 
were slim. 

The object of the Intrepitfs 
bold attempt rode forlornly at 
anchor in Tripoli harbor. She was 
the 38-gun frigate Philadelphia, 
formerly the pride of the young 
American Navy. Commissioned 
only four years before, the 
Philadelphia had been designed 
and built by Josiah Fox and 
Samuel Humphreys, two- of the 
greatest American naval archi- 
tects. Like the other American 
frigates, the Philadelphia could 
give as good as she got to. all but 
the biggest men-of-war, and those 
she could speed away from. 

During the previous October, 
however, the Philadelphia had 
run aground on a reef while 
pursuing several small, swift 
Tripolitan craft in the treacherous 
shallows which guarded the eas- 
tern approach to Tripoli harbor. 
Surrounded by swarming Tripoli- 
tan gunboats, which carefully 
avoided the lines of fire from the 
Philadelphia's gun ports, the 
frigate soon fell to the enemy. 
While the dew of more than 300 
Americans was hauled off to 
Tripoli's dungeons, the Philadel- 
phia was floated off the reef at 
high tide and brought by the 
Tripolilans in triumph to her 
present station in their harbor, 

The loss of the Philadelphia 
was a galling humiliation to the 
American Navy. Furthermore, in 
the hands of the Tripolitans the 
frigate posed an ever-present 
threat to the five smaller brigs and 
schooners of the little squadron 
which blockaded Tripoli, making 
it imperative that the squadron's 
flagship, the 44-gun frigate Con- 
stitution, restrict its patrolling and 
work close to the smaller ships. 
Indeed, the Philadelphia's capture 
threatened to cost the United 




STEPHEN DECATUR: His daring naval exploits are almost unrivaled 
in the annals of American history. Decatur's elan set the tone for a 
century and a half of American naval heroism. 



States the undeclared war it had 
waged for nearly three years, with 
a conspicuous lack of success, 
against the pirate state of Tripoli. 
Thus, Commodore Edward 
Preble, the commander of the 
American force, had determined 
to deny the Tripolitans the use of 
the Philadelphia. To this end he 
entrusted the task of boarding and 
destroying her to 24-year-old Lt. 
Stephen Decatur. Decatur had 
already distinguished himself in 
his six-year naval career by his 
outstanding seamanship and his 
cool heroism under fire. He was 
idolized by the men who sailed 
under him. The crew of the 
schooner Enterprise, Decatur's 
normal command in Preble's 
squadron, had volunteered to a 
man for the foray into Tripoli 
harbor. 

There was no question of an 
obviously American ship nego- 
tiating the narrow harbor channel 
unscathed. Thus, Preble and 
Decatur had devised a ruse. The 
Intrepid had been a Tripolitan 
vessel, the Mastico, until the 
previous December, when Deca- 
tur's Enterprise had seized her 
trying to run the American 
blockade. Now Decatur and his 
men would attempt to turn the 
tables by passing the Intrepid off 
as a Maltese blockade runner 
carrying stores to Tripoli. Once 
they had done for the Philadel- 
phia, they would make their way 
back out of the harbor as best 
they could, either in the Intrepid 
or its lifeboats. 

At about seven o'clock the 
Intrepid set sail for Tripoli 
harbor. Decatur ordered the drags 
which had slowed her speed cut, 
and the ketch leaped forward. 
Soon the walls and guns which 
flanked the harbor channel 
loomed ahead. 

The United States of America, 
in 1804, seemed an unlikely 
prospect to beard the Barbary 
pirates in one of their own dens. 
For most of the preceding twenty 
years of its existence as a nation, 
the young American republic had 
figured chiefly as a source of 
tribute for Tripoli and the other 
Barbary states. 



The Barbary states — Morocco, 
Fez, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli 
— formed a long, shallow cres- 
cent, stretching some 2,000 miles 
along the North African coast. 
The hardy Berber tribesman from 
whom the region derived its name 
had guarded their language and 
racial character in the foothills of 
the Atlas Mountains and along 
the edge of the Sahara for over 
three millennia. The inhabitants 
of the narrow coastal plain 
between the desert and the sea, 
however, had long since lost their 
identity under successive waves of 
conquest and colonization by one 
people after another: Semitic 
Phoenicians and Latin Romans, 
Germanic Vandals and Byzantine 
Greeks, Arab and Turkish 
Moslems. 

The population of the Barbary 
states had been adherents to Islam 
for more than a thousand years, 
and they were fanatically intoler- 
ant of the White Christians of 
Europe. Their autocratic rulers, 
generally military adventurers or 
their sons (few families survived 
in power long enough to form 
dynasties), were under the nomi- 
nal suzerainty of the Turkish 
sultan in Istanbul. In practice, 
however, they carried out their 
own foreign policies, the chief 
determining factor of which was 
the maintenance of the so-called 
Barbary system. 

The Barbary system, which had 
flourished for centuries, was the 
chief economic mainstay of the 
Barbary rulers' power. It involved 
nothing less than systematic pira- 
cy, kidnapping, and extortion 
carried out against European {and 
then American) shipping. 

Each year, in the months 
between November and February, 
the most favorable time for sailing 
in the southern Mediterranean, 
the Barbary corsairs would set out 
in search of unarmed European 
merchantmen. Disguished as 
harmless cargo ships, they would 
approach their prey on some 
pretext, giving no sign of hostile 
intent until they were alongside. 
Then all at once fierce, shrieking 
pirates would boil out of the 
hatches, brandishing pistols and 



scimitars. Any resistance was 
dealt with swiftly and brutally. 

The captured passengers and 
seamen were conveyed to the 
various Barbary capitals, where 
they were held in bondage for 
ransom. The amount of drudgery 
and toil the European captives 
endured was conditioned by Bar- 
bary officials' estimate of the 
amount of ransom their families 
and friends were willing and able 
to pay. Jews were commonly 
employed to determine the wealth 
of the White hostages, in recogni- 
tion of their almost instinctive 
ability to sniff gold. 

While rich prisoners were kept 
in tolerable circumstances, the lot 
of the average White , sailor or 
maidservant was a terrible one. By 
day the men slaved at back- 
breaking tasks in the. mines and 
quarries or at heavy construction; 
at night they were imprisoned in 
dark, squalid, disease-ridden 
dungeons. White women were 
often forced into the harems of 
Barbary potentates. The mortality 
rate, especially among the men, 
was high. 

The appearance of American 
merchant ships in the Mediter- 
ranean and on the Atlantic after 
the Revolutionary War was 
greeted with characteristic rapaci- 
ty by the Barbary states. In 1785 
the Algerians captured two 
American ships and imprisoned 
21 sailors, for whom they de- 
manded a ransom several times 
the going rate for the European 
powers. After that they struck 
American ships again and again. 
By the time the United States got 
around to reaching an agreement 
with the dey of Algiers in 1795, 
over half the men seized in 1785 
had died, 

The treaty with Algiers was an 
abject capitulation by the United 
States on every point. In return 
for 115 American sailors kid- 
napped on the high seas, the 
young republic agreed to pay 
almost a million dollars, in 
addition to deliveries of naval 
stores and ammunition and a 
36-gun frigate which had just been 
built for the fledgling U.S. Navy. 
The treaty stipulated the payment 
of biennial "gifts" for the dey, as 
well as other bribes to insure 
recognition of the U.S. consul. 

The other Barbary states were 
quick to follow the Algerian 
example. Tripoli (in 1796) and 
Tunis (in 1799) extorted similar 
sums from the United States. 
American subservience was re- 
warded with a proper contempt by 
the Barbary rulers. In 1800 the 
dey of Algiers sent an armed 
contingent to board the U.S.S. 
George Washington as it lay at 
anchor in Algiers harbor after 
delivering a lucrative tribute to the 
Barbary despot. His men lowered 
the America flag and replaced it 
with the Algerian crescent and 
then prevailed on its commander 
to sail to Istanbul with presents 
for the sultan. The dey gloated to 
the protesting captain, "You pay 
me tribute, by which you become 
my slaves. I have, therefore, a 
right to order you as I may think 
proper." 

The United States had in large 
part invited the indignities which 

the Barbary corsairs heaped on it 
in the 1780's and '90's. In 1785 
Congress had authorized the sale 
of America's last warship from 
the Revolutionary era, and for the 
following decade the nation was 
without a navy. In those years 



America's merchant fleet became 
the world's largest sea carrier, 
profiting from the outbreak of a 
quarter-century of European wars 
touched off by the French Revo- 
lution. America's unguarded 
merchantmen excited both the 
cupidity of the Barbary rulers and 
the jealousy of England and 
France, each loath to see the 
neutral upstart reap the rewards 
of trade with the other. 

Farsighted American leaders 
like George Washington and 
Thomas Jefferson railed against 
America's subservience to Bar- 
bary. In 1792 Washington cried 
out, "Would to heaven we had a 
navy able to reform these enemies 
of mankind or crush them into 
non-existence!" 

Congress, however, was swayed 
more by economic considerations 
than by those of the nation's 
honor. After all, it was essentially 
an economic outlook which had 
prevailed among the framers of 
America's Constitution. The great 
debate over the form of govern- 
ment and society the infant nation 
should adopt centered on which 
type of economic man — whether 
a small-holding farmer or an 
industrial worker — would best 
serve the republic. In the eyes of 
most of the Founding Fathers, 
heroism and elan ran second to 
sobriety and industry as desirable 
qualities in the country's citizens. 

When at last Congress was 
prevailed upon to authorize the 
construction of ships for a navy in 
1794, it persisted in its cheese- 
paring economies. Funding for 
the new fleet was barely adequate, 
and the flow of tribute money to 
Barbary continued unabated, now 
borne in spanking-new American 
frigates, There was strong senti- 
ment in the government for 
restricting naval construction to 
small gunboats capable only of 
patrolling the American coast. 
Their advantage was both econo- 
mic and political, since they were 
cheap to build, and their manu- 
facture could be divided up 
among numerous localities as 
patronage. 

The growing hostility of the 
Directory, the revolutionary junta 
which ruled France, to America's 
refusal to stop trading with 
England worked a decisive change 
in American policy. French pri- 
vateers, inflicted heavy losses on 
American merchant shipping, and 
the American Navy was ordered 
to campaign against the French 
raiders in the West Indies. There, 
in 1798 and 1799, under the aegis 
of the Royal Navy, the new 
American fleet saw its first action, 
and a number of young officers 
received their grounding in naval 
warfare. 

Outstanding among them was a 
young midshipman named 
Stephen Decatur. Decatur was 
born January 5, 1779, at Sinne- 
puxent, Maryland, where his 
mother had fled from British- 
occupied Philadelphia. His 
grandfather, Etienne Decatur, 
was a French naval officer who 
had migrated to America after 
Louis XIV revoked the Edict of 
Nantes in 1685, driving the 
industrious Huguenots, or French 
Protestants, of whom Decatur 
was one, into exile. Decatur's 
father followed his own father to 
sea. He captained merchant ships 
and commanded privateers in the 
Revolutionary War and became a 
captain in the new American Navy 
about the time his son signed up. 




THE BURNING OF THE PHILADELPHIA: On February 16, 1804, Decatur and a small boarding party 
slipped into Tripoli harbor, swept the captured Philadelphia of Us Tripolitan crew, and turned the former 
American frigate Into a blazing hulk, escaping without the loss of a single man. Several months later the 
Intrepid, the ship Decatur employed against the Philadelphia , went down with all hands while attempting a 
similar feat. 



Although it might have seemed 
natural for Stephen Decatur to 
have embarked straightaway on a 
naval career, his mother, a 
woman of strong will, had other 
hopes. Stephen was a sickly child, 
and this may have influenced his 
mother in her plans for the boy's 
future. In any case, young 
Stephen was enrolled at Dr. 
Abercrombie's Episcopal 
Academy in the expectation that 
he would eventually enter the 
ministry. 

Stephen chafed at his situation, 
for he had long since contracted a 
love of the sea. Nevertheless, he 
was a dutiful boy, and he did his 
best to live up to his mother's 
wishes. His natural courage and 
sense of fair play involved him in 
a number of scrapes with school 
and town bullies, doubtless de- 
tracting from the aura of pious 
serenity befitting a future bishop. 
At seventeen, Decatur entered the 
University of Pennsylvania, still 
anxious to please his mother, 
despite his own misgivings. 

The lure of the sea proved too 
strong for Stephen Decatur's 
good intentions. He was a failure 
as a student. In 1797 he left the 
university and joined the shipping 
firm of Gurney and Smith as a 
clerk. Decatur immersed himself 
in his duties at Gurney and Smith, 
who were agents for the U.S. 
Navy, He was present at the 
launching of the U.S.S. Constitu- 
tion and superintended the pro- 
curement of the keel pieces for the 
frigate United States in New 
Jersey. By night he diligently 
studied the mathematics necessary 
to the art of navigation. 

The following year Decatur 
enlisted in the United States Navy, 
receiving his warrant as a mid- 
shipman on April 30, 1798. He 
was immediately posted to the 
Caribbean aboard the United 
States . under John Barry, the 
almost legendary founder of the 
U.S. Navy. 

it was immediately evident that 
Decatur was far above the general 
run of naval officers. He im- 
pressed his superiors, in the words 
of one observer, as "well-in- 
formed for his age, chivalrous in 
temper, courteous in his deport- 
ment, and adding grace of manner 
to an attractive person." He took 



part in several combats with 
French privateers and was instru- 
mental in saving the crew of one 
of them when it was sinking. 
When an American seaman fell 
overboard and was about to 
drowh, Decatur was over the side 
in a flash to retrieve him. 

After the brief quasi-war with 
France, Decatur was promoted to 
lieutenant and saw service as a 
recruiting officer in Philadelphia. 
There he fought a successful duel 
with the First mate of a merchant 
ship which Decatur had boarded 
to round up several deserters. The 
mate's torrent of abuse against 
Decatur and naval officers in 
general made the encounter un- 
avoidable according to the canons 
of personal honor of the day, but 
the young officer mercifully 
spared his opponent by aiming to 
wound him in the hip. 

Shortly after the Navy had been 
demobilized following the con- 
clusion of the affair with France, 
the avarice of the ruler of Tripoli, 
Pasha Yushuf Karamanli, led to 
its prompt re-activation. The 
pasha, envious of the spoils the 
dey of Algiers was accumulating 
from the compliant Americans, 
demanded a renegotiation of the 
1796 treaty to bring his income to 
a par with that of his Algerian 
rival. This time, under the leader- 
ship of President Jefferson, the 
United States refused to knuckle 
under. A fat bribe was not 
forthcoming; instead, the com- 
mander-in-chief dispatched a 
naval squadron to the Mediter- 
ranean. 

The pasha replied by toppling 
the flag pole in front of the 
American consulate and declaring 
war in May of 1801 . He had every 
reason to be confident. His own 
boats were no match for those of 
the Americans, but his harbor was 
impregnable. The Tripolitans 
could hole up in their port city 
until the small American force ran 
out of funds and patience. 

And that was how it went for 
the first two years of the 
American blockade. Two differ- 
ent squadrons resolutely took up 
their positions off Tripoli and 
then waited idly as their stores and 
the terms of enlistment of their 

men ran out. 

The only accomplishments the 
American sailors could speak of 



came in their confrontations with 
the ships and officers of other 
European navies. The normally 
aggressive tendencies of ships and 
seamen during the era of the 
Napoleonic Wars were magnified 
by a certain contempt for the 
honor and fighting qualities of the 
Americans. The English in partic- 
ular, who regularly impressed 
American seamen of British birth 
into their own fleet by seizing 
them from American ships with- 
out opposition, scorned their 
timid "Brother Jonathan." As 
might have been expected, it was 
Lt. Stephen Decatur who took the 
chief role in redressing this state 
of affairs. 

Shortly after the first American 
expeditionary force, under Com- 
modore Richard Dale, sailed into 
the Mediterranean, it stopped off 
Barcelona. There a Spanish cap- 
tain insulted the American flotil- 
la. Decatur followed him ashore 
and challenged him to make good 
his sneers, against Decatur in 
person. The Spaniard backed 
down, and the stock of the U.S. 
Navy rose considerably. 

A short while later the secretary 
to the British governor of Malta, a 
dandy named Cochran, who had 
fought several victorious duels, 
picked a fight with American 
Midshipman Josiah Bainbridge, 
on shore leave at the time. 
Decatur seconded the inexperi- 
enced Bainbridge. He arranged 
the duel at the murderous range of 
four paces to nullify the Bri- 
tisher's marksmanship. Both 
men's first shots were wild, and 
Decatur shouted to Bainbridge, 
"Lower your aim, if you want to 
live!" Bainbridge put his next 
bullet between the Englishman's 
eyes. 

The affair caused a sensation 
but did nothing to lower the 
reputation of American officers. 
Decatur was sent home to calm 
the ruffled feelings of the British 
officials. When he returned with 
Preble's squadron in 1803, the 
Philadelphia was already in the 
hands of the gloating Tripolitans. 

As the Intrepid entered the 
harbor channel, even a practiced 
observer would have been hard 
put to tell her from a Barbary 
vessel. Her silhouette was indis- 
tinguishable from those of the 



134 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



135 



Mediterranean craft which 
thronged Tripoli harbor. Her 
pilot, Salvatore Catalano, was a 
Sicilian whom the Americans had 
engaged for his familiarity with 
the Bar bary port. Two Americans 
dressed in Turkish jackets 
lounged on deck to provide an 
additional touch of verisimilitude. 

Catalano guided the ketch 
through the narrow channel. To 
the right, Fort Mandrach, situated 
on a spit of land running out 
eastward from the city, guarded 
the passage with heavy guns. To 
the left a string of similarly 
fortified islands continued east- 
ward, forming a protective glacis 
facing north from the harbor. A 
direct hit from any one of the 
heavy guns flanking the channel 
would blow the small ship out of 
the water. 

Now a Tripolitan cutter ap- 
proached. The Intrepid was chal- 
lenged to identify herself. The 
Americans held their breaths. 
Catalano replied in the Italian- 
based lingua franca of the eastern 
Mediterranean. His ship had 
sailed from Malta, bearing 
goods to Tripoli. He had eluded 
the American blockaders, but had 
lost his anchors in the gale. Could 
he tie up to the big frigate dead 
ahead? 

The Tripolitans were agreeable. 
The Intrepid passed into the 
harbor and made for the Phila- 
delphia. 

By 9:30 the Intrepid was 
alongside the captured frigate. 
Decatur and 60 of his men began 
to make their way stealthily up the 
rigging and over the Philadel- 
phia's side. 

The two Tripolitan sentries 
gave scarcely a gasp as the 
American silently dispatched 
them with their knives, and the 
men from the Intrepid poured 
over the Philadelphia's gunwhales 
in an unstoppable tide. 

Decatur and his boarding party 
took the 100 or so Tripolitans 
below deck by complete surprise. 
The fight was brief and furious. 
Although the Americans used no 
firearms, to avoid alerting the 
Tripolitan forces ashore, they put 
their knives, swords, and board- 
ing pikes to good use. In short 
order they littered the decks with 
dead and wounded Tripolitans 
and took control of the Philadel- 
phia. 

Now Decatur's men set to work 
with their matches and turpentine. 

While his subordinates busied 



themselves below, Lt. Decatur 
supervised operations from the 
spar deck. Soon it seemed as 
though every part of the Philadel- 
phia was ablaze. Flames licked 
from hatchways and portholes, 
and the sails and rigging flickered 
orange and crimson. The roar of 
the conflagration quickly 
drowned out the screams of the 
wounded pirates below. 

The Americans made a hasty 
departure down the rigging and 
back to the Intrepid. Decatur was 
the last man off the Philadelphia. 
Only when he had satisfied 
himself that the frigate was 
beyond help did he rejoin his men 
on the Intrepid. 

The Tripolitans were unac- 
countably hesitant in answering 
Decatur's bold gambit. As the 
Intrepid ran for the harbor 
channel, no gunboats took up the 
chase. The 141 guns of the harbor 
defenses swung into action slowly, 
and their fire was sporadic and 
inaccurate. 

As the Intrepid departed the 
harbor, its crew looked back in 
awe to the burning Philadelphia. 
The doomed ship lit up the harbor 
with a fiery, spectral glow. 
Suddenly the heat of the confla- 
gration ignited the Philadelphia's 
guns, and the proud American 
frigate bombarded the Tripolitan 
fortifications with a last, ghostly 
broadside. Several hours later she 
was no more. 

Decatur's destruction of the 
Philadelphia vastly improved the 
tactical situation of the American 
forces off Tripoli. Perhaps even 
more important, the flaming hulk 
of the Philadelphia was a beacon 
to the world's navies, proclaiming 
the Americans' capacity for hero- 
ic action. Britain's Lord Nelson, 
the outstanding admiral of the 
day, called Decatur's feat "the 
most bold and daring act of the 
age." 

The way was now clear for the 
Americans to take the offensive. 
Commodore Preble arranged with 
the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies 
for the rental of several sleek, 
maneuverable gunboats with 
which to brave the reefs at Tripoli 
harbor's eastern approach, out of 
the range of the Tripolitan shore 
guns. While the Constitution 
bombarded the city, the Ameri- 
cans manning the gunboats tested 
their mettle in hand-to-hand 
combat against the Barbary cor- 
sairs, who were inordinately 
proud of their fighting prowess. 




■-.'■-' ■■■' 




STRUGGLE TO THE DEATH: As the battle of the gunboats raged In Tripoli harbor, Stephen Decatur 
learned that his brother James had been treacherously murdered while accepting the surrender of a Tripolitan 
gunboat. He raced to the scene and grappled hand-to-hand with his brother's killer, a giant Turk. Seaman 
Daniel Frazier saved his commander's life by averting a slashing Barbary scimitar with bis bare head, and 
Decatur shot the Turk before he could drive home his dagger. 



The most decisive engagement 
took place on August 3. For 
Captain Stephen Decatur (he had 
been promoted directly on his 
return from burning the Philadel- 
phia) it was also the war's most 
tragic incident. 

The Tripolitans had many more 
gunboats at their disposal than 
Preble's men, but the Americans 
were undaunted by the enemy's 
numerical superiority. Decatur 
made for five Tripolitan boats at 



the eastern passage, while Lieu- 
tenant Richard Somers took on 
nine. 

Decatur and his men swarmed 
aboard the first gunboat they 
encountered and quickly cleared it 
of its crew. His second in 
command, Lt. Trippe, took ele- 
ven scimitar wounds before he ran 
the Tripolitan captain through 
with his boarding pike. 

The example of the lead 
gunboat's fate panicked the Tri- 



politans in the remainder of the 
squadron opposing Decatur, and 
they fled toward the shore. As 
Decatur and his crew prepared to 
tow the captured gunboat, the 
young captain recieved word that 
his brother James had fallen at the 
hands of the Tripolitans. 

The details of his brother's 
death filled Decatur with rage. 
James, in command of his own 
gunboat, had battered a Tripoli- 
tan opponent into submission, 




and the captain of the Tripolitan 
vessel had signalled his surrender. 
As James Decatur mounted the 

rail, the Tripolitan suddenly drew 
a pistol and shot him dead. 

Stephen Decatur cut the tows to 
his prize, changed course, and 
raced to the side of the Tripolitan 
gunboat. Decatur was over the 
rail almost as soon as his own 
boat rammed the Tripolitan, and 
he rushed for his brother's 
treacherous murderer, cutlass in 
hand. 

The captain of the Tripolitan 
gunboat was a hulking Turk. He 
parried Decatur's initial thrust 
with his boarding pike, and the 
American's cutlass snapped. Now 
Decatur and the Turk grappled, 
rolling over and over. As the Turk 
sought to dispatch him with his 
knife, Decatur groped in his 
pocket for his pistol. 

One of the pirates sprang to his 
commander's aid. As he brought 
his sword down to slice Decatur in 
two, Daniel Frazier, one of 
Decatur's crew, leaped between 
the Tripolitan and his struggling 
captain, taking the blow with his 



own head. A split-second later 
Decatur found his pistol. Holding 
the Turk's knife from his throat 
with one hand, he took aim with 
the other and shot the Turk 
through the throat. 

With their captain dead the 
other Tripolitans ceased their 
resistance. Decatur and another 
sailor pitched the burly Turk 
overboard. That day he and many 
of his pirate mates found watery 
graves in the roadstead that had 
been the origin of many brutal 
forays against White men and 
women on the Mediterranean. 

The action in the harbor 
removed whatever taste the Tri- 
politans had for combat with the 
fair-haired infidels. While Pre- 
ble's boats entered the 'harbor 
almost at will to shell Tripoli, 
William Eaton, the American 
consul at Alexandria, Egypt, 
together with Lt. Presley 
O'Bannon and a half-dozen Ma- 
rines, led a rag-tag force of 
Levantines 600 miles across the 
Sahara from Egypt to capture the 
city of Derna. Even more threa- 
tening to the pasha, Eaton had the 



pasha's brother, Hamet Kara- 
manli, whose position Yushuf had 
usurped, in tow. The threat of a 
rebellion among his subjects 
induced the pasha to negotiate. 

The agreement was marred for 
the Americans by the hasty 
negotiation of their envoy, Tobias 
Lear, who agreed that America 
would pay a final sum for the 
return of its captured sailors. 
Nevertheless, the message had 
gone out through the Old World 
that America had built a Fighting 
Navy, led and manned by men 
who would not quail in the face of 
any odds. The most vital part of 
the unwritten American code, that 
free White men defer to no one, 
was now in force. 

And it remained in force for 
over a century. In the War of 
1812, Decatur and his comrades 
— men like Thomas 
Macdonough, Oliver Hazard 
Perry, and Isaac Hull — met and 
bested the ships of the world's 
mightiest navy. Immediately after 
the war, Stephen Decatur — now 
Commodore Decatur — paid a 
courtesy call on the Barbary 



states, which had again grown 
obstreperous. By threatening to 
batter their ports into rubble with 
the guns of his frigates, he wrung 
treaties from Algiers, Tunis, and 
Tripoli by which those pirate 
states paid substantial indemnities 
and swore never again to interfere 
with American ships and seamen. 

Four years later Stephen Deca- 
tur died tragically, in a duel 
fought with an officer he had 
helped drum out of the Navy for 
cowardice. The crowds that 
thronged his funeral in Washing- 
ton were the largest ever gathered 
in the capital. 

Although Decatur Jost his finaJ 
duel, his influence prevailed 
among the naval officers who fol- 
lowed him. At Mobile Bay, at 
Manila "and Santiago, at Midway 
and the Coral Sea, his spirit lived 
on in what Admiral Elmo Zum- 
walt once sneeringly dubbed "our 
lily-White Navy." 

Of course, it is men of Zum- 
walt's stripe who set the tone for 
our country's Navy today. Com- 
mander Lloyd Bucher surrenders 
the Pueblo to North Korea with- 



out a fight. The past three Amer- 
ican presidents — all of them for- 
mer Navy officers — vie with one 
another in dishonor to suppress 
the facts of Israel's wanton, mur- 
derous attack on the U.S.S. Lib- 
erty. American sailors, particul- 
arly the indisciplined Blacks, so 
coddled in the modern Navy, set 
new highs for drug addiction, de- 
sertion, mutiny, and sabotage. 

It is men, not ships, who are the 
backbone of a navy, and the 
ideals of courage and honor are its 
iifeblood. Nearly two centuries 
ago, America brought forth naval 
heroes in great number. This 
seems not to be the case today. 

Yet the spirit which inspired 
Decatur's heroic feats slumbers 
on in the blood of his race. It wiLi 
not sleep forever. And when it 
awakens, alien pestholes like Is- 
rael and North Korea will be 
cleaned out more thoroughly and 
more ruthlessly than ever was the 
lot of the pirates of Barbary. 

T.O'K. 

{Issue No. 62, 1978) 



The story of the bloodiest clash between Irishmen and Vikings, nearly a thousand years ago 

The Battle of Clontarf 



DRIVING HOME THE ATTACK: With the Philadelphia no longer a threat, the Constitution and the accompanying brigs and schooners of its squadron shell the harbor 
American ships could move in close to Tripoli harbor. In the picture above, the U.S.S. fortifications, careful not to stray onto the reefs which brought the Philadelphia to grief. 



The two armies faced one 
another along a two-mile front 
north of Dublin. The sun had 
risen over the Irish Sea less than 
an hour before. Its early morning 
rays dispelled the nameless fears 
the whispers around the campfires 
had evoked the night before: that 
King Brian had met an old hag at 
the ford, washing his blood- 
soaked rainments; that the Noise- 
man Brodir's ships had been 
drenched by scalding drops of 
crimson rain. Now forty thousand 
men trembled only with a lust for 
action. 

To the north Brian himself, the 
high king of all Ireland, rode 
before his troops, massed so 
tightly that it seemed, according 
to the Irish chronicler, that a 
chariot could be driven along on 
their heads. The high king ex- 
horted his Irish subjects and his 
allies from Scotland and the Isle 
of Man to be worthy of the honor 
of their clans in the battle that 
awaited them. 

Southward, within earshot of 
the Irish line, above the Liffey 
River's shore, the Norse lords and 
men prepared for combat. There 
were men from all the far-flung 
northern Viking realms: Earl 
Sigurd from the Orkneys, Brodir 
and 1,000 mail-clad giants from 
the Isle of Man, freebooters from 
Iceland and the Faeroes, Scotland 
and the Hebrides, England and 
Flanders and Normandy. On this 
day, April 23, 1014, near Clon- 
tarf, north of Dublin, the prize 
was Ireland, for whoever was man 
enough to take it. 

Side by side with the Norsemen 
stood Irishmen as well. Molloy, 
king of Leinster, Ireland's eastern 
province, had made cause with 
King Sitric of Dublin and his 
Viking allies against the Irish high 
king. Molloy was filled with 
hatred for Brian, the upstart and 
usurper from the south, and he 
longed to see him dead with all his 
sons before he left the battlefield 
that day. 



When the leaders had addressed 
their men, the armies fell silent, 
waiting. Two men stepped for- 
ward from the ranks. On the night 
before, Piatt, a towering Dane 
from the Orkneys, had offered to 
face any man in the Irish camp in 
single combat. It was Donall, the 
steward of Mar, in Scotland, who 
took up his challenge. 

Like Homeric heroes the two 
warriors swung their swords at 
close quarters. First the Irish and 
then the Norsemen roared as their 
champion seemed to gain the 
advantage. Then it was over in an 
instant as Piatt and Donall thrust 
their swords home simultaneous- 
ly. They both fell dead, hands 
gripping each other's hair. 

The Irish and the Norse ad- 
vanced to meet in battle. 

It was a woman's scheming, so 
the Irish chroniclers and the Norse 
sagamen say, which brought the 
Vikings and the Gaels together on 
the field of death at Clontarf. 
Queen Gormlaith, Brian's spouse, 
in the words of the author of 
NjaVs Saga, was "endowed with 
great beauty and all those attri- 
butes which were outside her own 
control, but it is said that in alt the 
characteristics for which she 
herself was responsible, she was 
utterly wicked." Brian was her 
third husband, and she had come 
to loathe him. 

The writers represent Gorm- 
laith as a ■ woman driven by 
ambition, in the tradition of 
Queen Maeve of Irish legend, who 
dominated her weak consort, 
King Ailill, and who likewise 
brought about a catastrophic war 
by her pride and greed. When 
Queen Gormlaith found she 
couldn't rule her husband Brian, 
she sought to crush him through 
her brother and her son. 

GormlaiuYs brother was King 
Molloy of Leinster; her son, Sitric 
of the Silken Beard, by her 
marriage to the Viking Olaf 
Kvaran, was the Danish king of 
Dublin. They both had ample 



reason to fear the high king's 
designs on their lands, and each 
had met defeat at Brian's hands in 
the past. It was a petty incident 
the year before, however, which 
Gormlaith used to bring the 
mistrust which simmered between 
Brian and Molloy to a boiling 
hatred. 

Molloy had been overseeing the 
delivery of three great ship's 
masts to Brian's court at Kincora, 
where the waters of the Shannon 
River widened into Lough Dearg, 
the Red Lake. As his serfs 
struggled across the boggy ground 
near Roscrea, one of them 
stumbled, and a mast hit the 
ground with a thud. His mates 
cursed the man who had dropped 
the mast, and he made for the 
nearest in a blind fury. Molloy 
intervened swiftly and forcefully. 
Before he could break up the 
melee, however, one of the serfs 
tore a silver button from his tunic, 
which King Brian had given him 
on an earlier visit. 

The serfs shrank back in horror 
when they saw that they had been 
struggling with their king, but 
Molloy disdained to chastize 
them. His mind was on his 
forthcoming meeting with the 
high king and with his sister 
Gormlaith. His workmen resumed 
their hauling, and soon they were 
descending from the high ground 
to Brian's headquarters on the 
Shannon. 

The royal palace seemed a poor 
reflection of the Irish high king's 
glory. Situated on a low hill and 
ringed with an earthen embank- 
ment and a palisade of logs, it was 
a large, rectangular, wooden 
structure with a straw-thatched 
roof. Brian's dwelling harked 
back to the longhouses of the 
northern European past rather 
than foreshadowing the great, 
stone castles of the feudal age. 
Yet, for all that, Brian Boru — 
Brian the Tribute-taker — was 
determined to bring all Ireland 
under his royal sceptre, to become 



the nation's effective — as well as 
its ceremonial — ruler. 

The old king received Molloy 
correctly, if not cordially, in his 
council chamber and acknow- 
ledged his brother-in-law's deli- 
very of the masts. The masts were 
not a free gift but tribute, an 
outward sign of Molloy's inferi- 
ority, and the atmosphere of the 
royal meeting was strained. The 
two kings talked politely of 
hunting and were careful not to 
touch on their past quarrels. 

Their conversation over, Mol- 
loy and Brian parted. The king of 
Leinster made his way to his sister 
Gormlaith's chamber, where he 
greeted her and showed her the 
damaged tunic. It was a gift from 
her husband, he told her, and he 
was quite fond of it. Would 
Gormlaith, who was famed for 
her skill at sewing, repair il for 
him? 

Gormlaith snatched the tunic 
and flung it into the fire. Eyes 
flashing, the queen hissed that he 
should accept no gifts from Brian 
Boru. His prized tunic was a 
badge of humiliation and indig- 
nity. Never would their father or 
their grandfather, both proud 
kings of Leinster, have so debased 
themselves. Molloy said little to 
contradict her. After he left 
Gormlaith, he brooded long over 
her words. 

The next day Molloy sat and 
watched as Brian's eldest son 
Mu rrough played chess with 
Conang, Murrough's cousin. At a 
critical point in the game Molloy 
suggested a move to Murrough. 
Brian's son, following Molloy's 
advice, made the move and lost 
the game. Enraged, he snarled, 
"That was like the counsel you 
gave the Danes when my father 
routed them at Glenmama." 

Molloy rose and vented all his 
pent-up rancor. Flinging over the 
game-board, he shouted, "Yes, 
and T will counsel them again, and 
this time they will not be 
defeated." Gathering up his en- 



tourage, he swept out of Kincora 
in fury. 

Brian tried desperately to pla- 
cate his brother-in-law, but to no 
avail. He dispatched a messenger 
bearing lavish gifts of gold and 
rich fabrics. The rider caught up 
with Molloy's party at the Killaloe 
bridge to the south, but the king 
of Leinster would take no more 
gifts from Brian. Instead, he 
swung his mace and crushed the 
high king's servant's skull. Then 
MoLloy and his retinue rode hard 
for Leinster. 

The king of Leinster prepared 
his eastern province for war. He 
found a willing ally in his nephew, 
Sitric Silkenbeard, the king of 
Dublin. Together the Lcinstermen 
and Norsemen marched north 
against Brian's ally, Malachy of 
Meath, the former high king. 
Molloy and Sitric triumphed over 
Malachy at Sord, but they failed 
to break his power, 

As the winter months set in, the 
Irish and Danish allies withdrew 
south. It was clear to Sitric and 
MolJoy that even their combined 
forces were not strong enough to 
crush King Brian. For that, they 
needed powerful allies. 

Shortly after Christmas Gorm- 
laith made her way to Sttric's side 
at Dublin, Brian, who could 
endure his queen's contumely and 
intrigues no longer, had driven 
her from Kincora. It was a fatal 
mistake, 

Gormlaith set about the work 
of gaining foreign allies for her 
brother and her son. She prevailed 
on Sitric to snil to see the mighty 
Earl of Orkney, Sigurd, who ruled 
an island empire to the north and 
west of Scotland. Sigurd was at 
first reluctant to intervene against 
the high king's military might. 

At length, however, he let 
himself be persuaded, but only on 
the condition that he himself 
assume the high kingship after 
Brian should be defeated, and 
with the kingship Sitric's mother 
Gormlaith as his queen. Sitric 



136 

agreed to this, and Earl Sigurd 
promised to be in Dublin with his 
army in the spring. 

Then the crafty Sitric sailed to 
the Isle of Man, in the Irish Sea, 
from which two powerful Viking 
lords, Brodir and Ospak, held 
swa throughout much of nort- 
hern England. The king of Dublin 
met Brodir on his ship, which he 
anchored jusl off the coast of 

Man. 

Brodir was a tall, muscular 
warrior, with black hair reaching 
to his belt. He had been a 
Christian but had returned to the 
beliefs of his ancestors and was 
accounted a skilled magician. He 
agreed to fight at Sitric's side in 
Dublin, but only after Sitric 
promised him, too, his mother's 
hand and Ireland's rule. Sitric 
swore his new ally to secrecy 
concerning his promises, and 
there were now two potential 
kings of Ireland destined Pot her 
shores, each one ignorant of the 
other's pretensions. 

As the word that Ireland was 
ripe for conquest went out across 
the Viking seas, thousands of the 
Norse adventurers took ship and 
sailed for Ireland's shores. At 
Clontarf they would make their 
last and most dramatic bid to rule 
the island. 

The background to the clash at 
Clontarf lay in two centuries of 
strife between the Celtic Gaels of 
Ireland and the Germanic Viking 
raiders from the north, In 795 
bands of plundering Norsemen 
beached their long ships on the 
islands of Rechru and Lambay, 
off the Irish coast, razed the 
abbeys there, and carried off their 
treasures. 

At first the Irish were nearly 
helpless to resist the invaders from 
the north. Three and a half 



THE BEST OF ATTACK* AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



centuries of peace and Christian- 
ity had attenuated the Celtic 
warrior spirit which had been 
immortalized in the legends of the 
Ulster and the Fenian cycles. The 
churchmen had looked with dis- 
favor on Ireland's pagan tradi- 
tions, which were quite conserva- 
tive and preserved many of the old 
Indo-European beliefs and atti- 
tudes. The ethic of meekness and 
submission which the Christian 
holy men had substituted for the 
joy in battle of the epic heroes 
proved a fragile bulwark against 
the Viking swords and battle-axes. 
The first wave of Viking raiders 
sailed from the fjords of Norway. 
They were driven by a shortage of 
arable land and a rising popula- 
tion, as well as an adventurous 
spirit, to seek their fortunes 
trading and raiding on the shores 
within reach of their northern 
homeland. After an initial phase 
of hit-and-run coastal attacks, the 
Norsemen sailed boldly up the 
Irish rivers, ravaging the villages 
and cloisters on the shores of 
Ireland's inland lakes. 

One of their number, Thorgils, 
established himself as lord of 
northern Ireland, ruling from 
Athlone, while his wife, a pries- 
tess of the Odin faith, delivered 
prophecies Trom the former 
Christian shrine at Clonmacnois. 
It was only by a ruse that an Irish 
king was able to capture and kill 
Thorgils. 

In the 840's the Vikings from 
Norway were followed by the 
Danes. The two kindred sea- 
peoples fought bitterly, and at 
Carlingford Lake the Danes 
smashed the power of the Norwe- 
gian Vikings in a three-day battle 
fought in 85 1 , 

The strife between the "black 
heathens" (as the Irish called the 




ROUND TOWER and St. Kevin's Church, at Glendalough, Ireland, 
date from the ninth century. Irish monks took refuge In the 100-foot 
tower when Viking raiders were In the area. 



Danes, on account of their dark 
coats of mail) and the Norwegian 
"white heathens" availed the 
Irish little. The Vikings began to 
found permanent, fortified tra- 
ding establishments along the 
Irish coast, which developed into 
Ireland's first cities. In 841 the 
Danes established such a settle- 
ment near the mouth of the Liffey 
River, at the place the Irish called 
Dubhlinn, or "Blackpool." Du- 
ring the following century, the 
Norsemen followed the develop- 
ment of Dublin with the founda- 
tion of further port cities, among 
them Wexford, Waterford, Cork, 
and Limerick. 

The second half of the ninth 
century saw a general stiffening of 



Irish resistance to the Vikings. 
The powerful O'Neill kings of 
Ulster swept the Norsemen from 
the north of Ireland, and the petty 
Irish kings around the Danish 
ports warred intermittently with 
the foreigners. 

Nevertheless, a change was 
coming about in the relations 
between the two peoples. Despite 
the Odinism of the Northmen and 
the Christianity of the Gaels, the 
two peoples were related racially 
and shared a common outlook. 
Intermarriages and political alli- 
ances became increasingly fre- 
quent. In any case, Ireland's lack 
of political unity (the island was 
divided into scores of sovereign 
kingdoms) rendered unlikely the 



establishment of a centralized and 
dominant Viking regime. 

In the tenth century a royal line 
rose in the southwest of Ireland 
which was destined to put an end 
to the Norse predominance. In 
eastern Clare a clan who called 
themselves the Dalcassians, led by 
their king Lorcan, battled both 
the Limerick Vikings and the 
other Irish kings in Munster with 
growing success. Not even the 
betrayal and murder of Lorcan's 
grandson, Mahon, at the hands of 
his Irish allies was able to stem the 
little kingdom's growing strength, 
for King Mahon's brother and 
successor was the formidable 
Brian Boru. 

When Brian became the Dal- 
cassians' king in 976, he was only 
30 years old, but he had already 
served a long military apprentice- 
ship. With his father and his 
brothers he had fought the 
Limerick Danes from the sur- 
rounding bogs and forests like his 
English counterpart Alfred the 
Great 75 years before. 

King Brian built a fleet and 
drove the Vikings from the lower 
Shannon, bringing Limerick un- 
der his control. He was equally 
successful against his Irish rivals 
in the south. By 979 King Brian 
ruled the southern half of Ireland. 
In the following year Brian's 
principal rival to the north, 
Malachy of Meath, was pro- 
claimed the high king of Ireland. 
King Malachy was a descendant 
of the O'Neills, from which 
family the chiefly honorific high 
kingship was traditionally filled. 
Despite his worthy lineage and his 
talents as a leader, Malachy was 
no match for the ambitious 
Dalcassian. 

Brian Boru maintained an 
unremitting military and diplo- 








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matic pressure on the high king. 
In 985 he led his forces up the 
Shannon into Meath, pillaging 
King Malachy's realms with im- 
punity. A temporary agreement 
between the two kings in 998 soon 
elapsed, and Brian was able to 
detach a number of Malachy's 
allies from the high king's side. In 
1002, Malachy finally ceded to 
Brian's demands and abdicated 
the high kingship in the latter's 
favor. 

Brian Boru's disregard for the 
traditional limitations on the high 
king's powers quickly gained him 
the enmity of the king of Leinster, 
Molloy. Even before his accession 
to the throne of Tara, Brian had 
been forced to arms against 
Molloy and the Danish king of 
Dublin. At Glenmama in 999 he 
inflicted the bloody defeat on the 
Danes and Molloy with which his 
son was to taunt the king of 
Leinster 14 years later. 

Despite his sister Gormlaith's 
marriage to King Brian, Molloy 
still nursed rancor for his mon- 
arch. Unlike King Malachy, who 
reconciled himself to deference 
before his more ambitious and 
capable rival, the king of Leinster 
let his sister lead him into fighting 
at the Vikings' side as their 
inferior on that cool spring 
morning nearly 1,000 years ago. 

Brodir's Norsemen from Man 
and Brian's Dalcassians from 



Desmond and Thomond in Mun- 
ster met with a shock in the 
center, while the Irishmen from 
Connaught in the west clashed 
with the Danes of Dublin. Soon 
the two battle lines had given way 
to a general melee. There was little 
in the way of tactics: men went at 
each other with sword and 
battle-axe, and the air was rent 
with grunts and screams. 

At first Brodir's picked troops 
seemed to throw back the Dalcas- 
sians, but King Malachy rushed to 
their aid. The Meathmen wielded 
their battle-axes mercilessly, and 
the combined assault of the 
Irishmen broke the ranks of the 
Man Vikings. 

For most of the day the battle 
raged on, bloody but inconclu- 
sive. The kings and nobles battled 
in the forefront, suffering as well 
as exacting a heavy toll. Mur- 
rough, who served his father 
Brian as acting commander, is 
said to have wielded a sword in 
each hand with devastating effect. 
He encountered the brave Sigurd, 
Earl of the Orkneys, and cut 
down his step-mother Gormlaith's 
suitor and Sigurd's standard 
bearer with two mighty strokes. 
King Molloy, whose wrath had 
ignited the battle, fell surrounded 
by the bodies of his faithful 
Leinstermen. 

Towards evening Murrough 
rallied the Irish forces for a 



general attack. The Danes first 
wavered and then reeled back 
under the weight of the deter- 
mined Irish assault. They began to 
flee east along the Liffey River 
shore and toward the seacoast, 
where they had beached their 
longships at dawn. But the tide 
had receded, and their ships lay 
high and dry on the glistening 
sand. Hundreds of the Norsemen 
rushed aimlessly into the surf, 
where their pursuers caught and 
slaughtered them. 

In the excitement of the chase 
the Irishmen threw caution to the 
winds. Murrough pressed for- 
ward, heedless of his danger, and 
found himself hemmed in by 
Danes. He used his sword bravely, 
but at length the Vikings cut him 
down like a great oak. Then 
Murrough's 15-year-old son fell in 
the surf, as he rashly chased the 
vanquished Northmen. 

Old King Brian has passed the 
battle in his tent, away from the 
fighting, after his sons had 
prevailed upon him not to take an 
active part. His bodyguards had 
left him to join in the general rout 
of the Norsemen. As the high king 
knelt in prayer, Brodir came upon 
his tent unguarded. The black- 
maned Viking burst in on Brian 
and struck the high king down 
with one great swing of his battle- 
axe. Then the Dane resumed his 
flight. 



So fell Brian Boru, the greatest 
king of Ireland, in his hour of 
greatest triumph. With him per- 
ished 4,000 of his fellow Irishmen, 
His enemies from Leinster and the 
Viking lands lost more than 7,000 
dead. 

Clontarf was the greatest defeat 
the Norseman had yet suffered. It 
made a lasting impression on the 
Viking world. As the sagaman 
made a fallen Viking warrior 
recount, when his apparition 
visited a kinsman in a dream, 

"I was present where men 
fought; / Swords shrilled in Ire- 
land. / Weapons were shat- 
tered / In the clash of shields. / 
I heard that the battle was 
fierce. / Wounds bled freely. / 
Brian fell but conquered." 
(Njal'sSaga, chap. 157) 

Never again did the Norsemen 
countenance the conquest of 
Ireland. In the following decades 
those already on the island 
intermarried more and more with 
the Irish, exchanging their lan- 
guage and religion for those of the 
natives, 

Clontarf was, nevertheless, a 
costly victory for Ireland, Never 
again would the nation produce a 
leader who so nearly united it 
against its foreign foes. The high 
kingship passed back and forth 
between Brian's descendants and 



137 

those of the O'Neills for the 
following century and a half. 
None of them ruled without 
substantial opposition. 

The promise of Kincora faded 
from the Irish scene. As a 
nineteenth-century Irish poet 
lamented, 

Oh where, Kincora, is Brian the 
Great? / Oh, where is the beau- 
ty that once was thine? / Oh, 
where are the princes and no- 
bles that sate / At the feast in 
thy halls and drank the red 
wine! / Where, oh Kincora? 

In one of history's cruel jokes, 
the descendants of the Viking 
raiders of the coasts returned to 
Ireland in 1169. This time it was 
the Normans who had the sanc- 
tion of the church and pope. Their 
king, Henry II of England, 
followed three years later and set 
himself up, with papal blessing, as 
lord of Ireland. 

Once again, however, Celt and 
Norman coalesced, and a stronger 
Irish stock resulted. In the past, as 
in the present and the future, the 
kindred White groups of northern 
Europe remained one people, 

T.O'K. 

(Issue No. 63, J 978) 



Sluyterman: 
Artist of Blood and Soil 



NORSEMEN wreaked havoc on Ireland's priests and monks for 200 years, plundering the however, groups of Norsemen came to Ireland to stay, adding a valuable elemtnt to the 
churches and monasteries of their rich hoards of gold and other valuables. Eventually, Irish population. 



Georg Sluyterman van Lange- 
weyde, a great graphic artist, 
painter and folksong composer, 
died last January at the age of 74. 
His body was laid to rest in the 
German soil of his beloved 
Lueneburg Heath. 

His graphic art combines a 
respect for the natural wonder of 
the forest, field and living earth 
and an admiration for the quiet, 
patient rural folk character. 

In his clear, folk-based art, 
Sluyterman attacked the twentieth 
century tendency toward cosmo- 
politan formlessness and aliena- 
tion. 

In a Sluyterman graphic piece, 
man is one with nature, and one 
with his nature. He is not 
alienated from his surroundings, 
nor from his own racial soul. 

Sluyterman's style breathes a 
sense of order and place. His art 
unifies a natural realism and a 
sober idealism; a careful depiction 
of what is with an affirmation of 
what must be. 

His idealism was harmonious 
with the striving for perfection 
inherent in nature itself. 

Sluyterman's works convey a 
joyful affirmation of life. It's not 
the empty "happiness" of the 
rootless Pepsi generation, but the 
proud feeling of fulfillment which 
comes from meaningful accom- 
plishment. His joy in living sprang 
from a humble awareness of 
man's mortal place in the natural 
order. 

Sluyterman was an artistic 
personality in the fullest sense of 
the term. He was something of a 
vagabond, who ignored social 
norms and the conventions of 
attire. He didn't care about 
money or possessions. 



As seriously as he took his art, 
he was personally spontaneous, 
joyful and fun-loving. He enjoyed 
singing among friends in his full, 
baritone voice. His warm person- 
ality, friendly smile and kind 
words came from the heart, 

Sluyterman's truly folkloric 
style won wide appreciation and 
high recognition. His masterful 
linoleum prints were displayed in 
the prestigious Great German Art 
Exhibition held annually in Mu- 



nich from 1938 to 1944. 

He was also an accomplished 
painter, and his popular country 
songs became accepted as genuine 
folk songs during his lifetime. 

Sluyterman, whose ancestors 
came from Holland, was a great 
German and European patriot. 
He never sacrificed his honor for 
social expediency or financial 
gain. 

He was no "sunshine patriot." 
Sluyterman continued to defend 



his national cultural and political Fine quality reproductions of 

heritage even after the catastrophe his graphic art, suitable for 

of 1945. He was an active member framing, are available from Uwe 

of the patriotic German Cultural Berg Verlag, D - 2096 Toppen- 

Foundation of the European stedt. West Germany. 
Spirit (Deutsches Kulturwerk eu- 

ropaeischen Geistes), founded (Issue No. 63, 1978) 
after the Second World War. 








138 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



139 



Russians Face Racial Crisis 



Growing Russian Consciousness jp 
At Odds with Marxist Doctrine 



Chinese Millions and 
High Asiatic Birthrate 
Peril Russian Future 

Leonid Brezhnev is now 72 
years old and in visibly failing 
health. Soon he will be replaced, 
and his successor will almost 
certainly be an ethnic Russian. 
That changeover will come at a 
time when the Soviet Union is 
undergoing a quiet but profound 
transformation with far-reaching 
consequences. For the first time in 
history, the ethnic Russian popu- 
lation is changing from majority 
to minority status. 

The population of the world's 
largest and most powerful country 
is an incredibly diverse collection 
of more than 1 00 ethnic, racial, 
and linguistic groups. 

Every Soviet citizen carries an 
identity card showing his nation- 
ality — Russian, Ukrainian, Ar- 
menian, Jew, Tadzhik, or what 
have you -— which is determined 
by his parentage rather than by his 
place of birth or his current 
residence. A child born in Lithu- 
ania of Ukrainian parents is a 
Ukrainian; one born of Jewish 
parents in Armenia is a Jew. 

TheU.S.S.R. is divided into 15 
Union Republics, 20 Autonomous 
Republics, and eight Autonomous 
Regions — a system designed to 
give each major nationality its 
own homeland. 

However, there is no doubt that 
the Soviet Union is run by the 
Russians. Ten of the Politburo's 
14 full members are Russians. Of 
the ten members of the Commu- 
nist Party secretariat, nine are 
Russians. And 19 of the central 
Party apparatus's 20 department 
heads are Russians. 

Moreover, Russians occupy the 
most prestigious and powerful 
positions in the Soviet bureau- 
cracy, in the military, and in the 
industrial-economic sphere. 

The Red Army is ethnically 
segregated. The Russians and 
other Slavs man high-priority 
units, such as the strategic rocket 
forces, the armored corps, the 
artillery, and the front-line 
motorized infantry. Non-Slavs 
man low-priority units, such as 
construction battalions. Nearly all 
top Army commanders are Rus- 
sians, and those who are not are 
usually fellow Slavs: Ukrainians 
or Byelorussians. 

Over the past several decades, 
however, the Russian proportion 
of the population has been falling 
steadily. According to the 1970 
census (the most recent), Russians 
made up only 53.4 per cent of the 
total Soviet population, barely a 
majority. 

It is becoming harder than ever 
to mistake the Soviet Union for 
Russia. According to Soviet de- 
mographer G. A. Bondarskaya, 
Russians will fall to 44.3 per cent 
of the total population by the year 
2000. 

Meanwhile, the "nations of the 
East" will grow enormously. Four 
— the Kirghizes, Turkmens, 
Uzbeks, and Tadzhiks — will 
more than treble in numbers, 
Bondarskaya predicts. The Azer- 
baijanis and Kazakhs will more 
than double. 




YOUNG RUSSIAN WORKERS are becoming increasingly race cons- 
cious, as the threat to their future posed by the non-White minorities in 
the Soviet Union and by the hostile Chinese hordes on the Soviet border 
grows. The false Marxist doctrine of "equality" cannot compete with 



the healthy sense of national and racial identity a new generation of 
Russians Is growing up with. If these young Russians ever solve their 
internal and external race problems, increasingly decadent and 
mongrelized America had better look out! 



By the end of the century, 
Western experts calculate, the 
overall Soviet population growth 
rate will be 0.6 per cent, one-third 
that of the 1950's. Between 1981 
and 1995, however, there will be 
an absolute decline in the number 
of active workers in the European 
part of the Soviet Union. All of 
the growth will be in the non-Sla- 
vic areas of Transcaucasia and 
Soviet Central Asia. 

By the year 2000, the U.S. 
Census Bureau predicts, one- 
fourth of the Soviet population 
will be Asiatic Muslims, as 
compared to only 1 1.8 per cent in 
1959. Bondarskaya is even more 
pessimistic, and predicts that by 
the end of the century every third 
Soviet citizen will be a Muslim. 

While the rural population of 
the Slavic Russians dropped 15 
per cent in the past five years, it 
rose 13 per cent in Central Asia. 

The average size of rural Uzbek 
families has grown from 4.8 
persons in 1959 to 5.8 persons in 
1970, one Soviet study shows. 
And the "ideal" family of 
younger Central Asian women is 
even larger than the present 
average size. 

Soviet Asiatics seem eager to 
raise their birthrate even higher. 
An Uzbek official apologized that 
his Republic's birthrate (32.8 per 
thousand) is second to Tadjikis- 
tan. "We would like to be first, 
and we will be first in the future," 
he said. 

Four years ago Central Asia 
dropped its marriage age for girls 
to 16. "Medicine has established 



that females mature earlier in our 
climate than in the north," 
explained the Muslim mufti of 
Tashkent. 

To stimulate births the govern- 
ment awards the "Motherhood 
Medal," second and first class, 
for five and six children respec- 
tively; the "Glory of Mother- 
hood" award, with three classes, 
for seven, eight, and nine off- 
spring; and the "Mother-Hero- 
ine" award for ten children. 

But, unfortunately, these 
awards seem to elicit the most 
enthusiastic response from non- 
Whites. For example, Uzbekistan 
boasts more "Mother-Heroines" 
— 1,671,507 — than any other 
Soviet Republic. 

These demographic trends wor- 
ry thoughtful Russians. As For- 
tune magazine noted in August, 
"Russians have always been 
among the world's most race- 
conscious people, with a strong 
distaste and even contempt for 
non-Slavs and especially for non- 
Whites. Today, in private conver- 
sations, Russians complain bitter- 
ly about the 'yellowing' of their 
country's population." 

Russians also resent the fact 
that rubles are diverted from the 
development of natural resources 
in Siberia to pay for housing, 
schools, and other projects in 
Central Asia. They are outraged 
that Georgians, Armenians, and 
other minority nationalities put 
local interests before those of the 
Soviet Union. 

"If a poll were to be taken in 
the Russian Republic," Fortune 



writes, "it would show over- 
whelming support for a hard-line, 
no-concessions response to non- 
Russian ethnic demands." 

Moreover, many Russians re- 
sent the approximately 7,000 
Black Africans studying in major 
Soviet cities. Blacks who become 
involved with Russian girls are 
frequently beaten up. When a 
student from Ghana was mysteri- 
ously murdered some years ago in 
Moscow, African students de- 
monstrated in protest. 

In 1974 Blacks demonstrated 
for a week in Kiev when the 
authorities tried to annul a 
marriage between a White girl and 
a Nigerian. Russian girls who date 
Blacks are humiliated and ostra- 
cized by their fellow Russians. 

But the most serious racial 
threat to the Soviet Union comes 
from the Chinese colossus to the 
East. 

For years Chinese leaders have 
been proclaiming that another 
world war is inevitable, and that 
the Soviet Union is the greatest 
threat to world peace. In prepara- 
tion the Chinese have massed 
more than 1.5 million soldiers on 
their northern borders. 

The almost pathological Slavic 
fear and hatred of Asiatics dates 
back centuries. The only success- 
ful invasions of Russia have been 
from the East. In the 13th and 
14th centuries Mongol hordes 
conquered and occupied most of 
the territory of what is now the 
Soviet Union. 

Despite their common claims of 
loyalty to Marxism-Leninism, the 



national-imperial ambitions of 
China and the Soviet Union are 
irreconcilably antagonistic. 

The Kremlin is deeply con- 
cerned that China is building a 
global front against the U.S.S.R. 
in its new search for friends and 
support. Soviet leaders cite the 
warming relationship between 
Washington and Peking; the 
recent unprecedented trip by 
Chinese Chairman Hua Kuo-feng 
to Romania, Yugoslavia, and 
Iran; and China's new friendship 
pact with Japan. 

The popular weekly Literatur- 
naya Gazeta recently described 
the Chinese leaders this way: 
"Their lack of political principles, 
their duplicity and cynicism, are 
known to the whole world. Their 
reliability is deceitful. Perfidious 
stabs in the back are their way of 
operating." 

China is still an overwhelmingly 
peasant country with only limited 
capacity to wage a successful 
nuclear war. But the hardhead ed 
program of modernization and 
industrialization now being 
pushed by the successors of Mao 
Tse-tung threatens the Soviet 
Union more than the Chinese 
claims to ideological purity and 
Third World leadership ever did. 

The Chinese, Mao often re- 
peated, can afford to lose several 
hundreds of millions of their 
people in a cataclysmic military 
showdown and still emerge vic- 
torious. 

Significantly, the Chinese have 
never renounced their claims to 
the vast territories in Siberian 




FYODOR DOSTOYEVSKY 

**Every great nation believes, 
and must believe if it wishes to 
endure, that it alone can save the 
world; that it lives to lead the 
other nations, unite them, and 
guide them as one in accomplish- 
ing the final, destined goals. I am 
sure that all the greatest nations of 
the world, in ancient and in 
modern times, have believed this. 
This faith alone carried them 
forward and gave each in its own 
time the ability to exert enormous 
influence on the destiny of 
mankind. " 

So wrote the great Russian 
IKerary genius Fyodor Dostoyev- 
sky (1821-1881). He was both 
pan-Slavic and anti-Jewish. His 
works are tremendously popular 
in the Soviet Union today, 
although they were suppressed in 
the first decades of Bolshevik 
rule. The Soviet Union seems 
more determined than ever to 
fulfill Dostoyevsky's vision of the 
role of a "great nation." 

Russia, Kazakstan, and Kirghizia 
seized from China in the 19th 
century by Czarist Russia. 

Russian leaders fear that in case 
of wax with China, the Central 
Asian minorities may side with 
their fellow Asiatics. 

Time is on the side of the 
Chinese, and Soviet leaders know 
that only a preventive war in the 
near future can halt the long- 
range "yellow threat." According 
to the memoirs of H.R. Halde- 
raan, the Kremlin asked President 
Nixon for connivance in such a 
war. 

A new generation of Soviet 
Russian nationalists is emerging. 
The Russily, as they are some- 
times known, are especially 
powerful in the military. Ironical- 
ly, their most articulate spokes- 
man is probably Alexander Sol- 
zhenitsyn. 

In his 1974 Letter to the Soviet 
Leaders he argues for a new 
national-authoritarian order in 
Russia. He appeals to the Soviet 
leadership on the supposition 
"that you are not alien to your 
origins, to your fathers, grand- 
fathers, and great-grandfathers; 
to the expanses of your homeland; 
and that you are conscious of 
your nationality." 

Above all, he urges them to 
abandon the "sham, cardboard, 
theatrical prop" of Marxist-Len- 
inist ideology, which makes fur- 
ther national development impos- 
sible. 

There are many indications that 
Solzhenitsyn's outlook is shared 



by ever larger numbers of his 
fellow countrymen. 

One sign of growing Russian 
national feeling has been the 
tremendous growth in societies 
for the preservation of architec- 
tural and historical monuments. 
Originally organized as outlets for 
conservationist and environmen- 
talist concerns, society meetings 
have been increasingly character- 
ized by outspokenly Russian 
nationalist speeches and declara- 
tions. 

For the first time in 20 years, 
the traditionalist Russian painter 
Ilya Glazunov has been given a 
major one-man show. Thousands 
wait in line to see his patriotic 
paintings of Russian saints and 
national heroes. 

Another sign has been the sharp 
rise in support and interest for the 
Russian Orthodox Church. Be- 
tween 25 and 30 per cent of 
Moscow children are now bap- 
tized. Religious marriages have 
become fashionable, even though 
they cost 500 rubles, as compared 
to three rubles for a civil 
ceremony. And it's not uncom- 
mon for a young girl to wear a 
golden cross on her necklace. 

But the motive is only partially 
religious. Many see the Church as 
the living symbol of traditional 
Russia. 

Soviet nationality policy today 
is based upon the mistaken 
notions of Lenin, who was only 
one-fourth Russian. He argued 
that, in the* long run, nationalism 
would die away under commu- 
nism. Education, equal opportu- 
nities, and higher living standards 
would erode national loyalties and 
usher in the new, internationalist 
"Soviet man." 

During the first years of 
Bolshevik rule, national sentiment 
was completely suppressed. The 
term "patriot" meant the same as 
"White Guard" or "counter- 
revolutionary." 

But following Lenin's death 
and the elimination of his Jewish 
rivals, Stalin used national senti- 
ment to secure his power. 

The Internationale was dropped 
as the national anthem and 
replaced by the Hymn of the 
Soviet Union. Military ranks were 
restored in the Red Army. After 
being banned, Glinka's opera, A 
Life for the Czar was reintro- 
duced under the title Ivan Susan- 
in. Books by Russian nationalists 
such as Dostoyevsky slowly reap- 
peared. 

During the Second World War 
Stalin used national sentiments 
without restraint to mobilize the 
defense of the "holy mother- 
land." 

Ivan the Terrible, Alexander 
Nevsky, and Marshal Kutuzov 
were held up as great heroes. The 
Orthodox Church was pressed 
into service, and pan-Slavism was 
revived. 

Today, Soviet demographic 
trends represent a more funda- 
mental threat to the Russian 
future than military invasion from 
the West. 

The Russian dilemma becomes 
more acute with each passing 
year. To drift on the present 
course will mean the steady 
erosion of Russian influence and 
the prospect of eventual domina- 
tion by non-Russians, But a 
conscious, pro-Russian national 




THIS CLASS OF THREE-YEAR-OLD RUSSIAN violinists exemplifies the pride the Russians have In their 
children. But the birthrate of the Russians and other Slavic peoples in the Soviet Union is far below that of 
the rapidly multiplying non-White minorities, whose growth threatens the future of these Russian children. 




THIS GROUP OF UZBEKS in Tashkent represents only one of the many Asiatic minorities in the U.S.S.R. 
With different lifestyles, languages, and traditions from the Russians, they are rapidly outbreeding the latter. 



policy would mean the abandon- 
ment of Marxist-Leninist doc- 
trine. Russian servival requires the 
rejection of communist ideology. 

The average Russian is tremen- 
dously proud of his country. He 
knows that the Soviet Union is the 
most powerful country in the 
world. He sees Soviet influence 
grow from year to year, while the 
United States becomes weaker 
and more confused, 

He is proud of Soviet achieve- 
ments in space and the interna- 
tional sports arena. He knows 
that hiscountry is now the world's 
largest producer of steel, oil, and 
cement. 

The tremendous suffering 
during the "Great Patriotic War" 
of 1941-1945 admonishes him to 
never take national security for 
granted. The Red Army is un- 
questionably the best in the world, 
and he considers military service 
an honorable duty. 

He also sees his standard of 
living improve from year to year, 
and he has greater individual 
freedom than ever before. 

And despite problems, he looks 
to the future with confidence. 
That's why not being able to read 
Playboy magazine or vacation in 
Italy doesn't bother him. 

He knows, however, that his 
national future is being threa- 
tened. And he knows that before 
too long he must act to eliminate 
that threat. M w 

(Issue No. 64, 1978) 



Letters 

Conventioneer 

First, congratulations on the 
convention!* For me it accom- 
plished two important objectives. 
I came away rededicated to the 
cause, more certain than ever that 
our way is The Way and that 1 



constantly see realities arid face 
them squarely. 1 like your sense of 
the necessity of a spiritual foun- 
dation for our resurgence as a 
people and your feeling that any 
people who are to prove equal to 
the demands that will be made 
upon their ultimate reserves must 
be instructed and hardened now 
for the ordeal as well as inspired 
and organized. In ail this 1 go 



have an important personal role, along with you completely, 
which I will more actively play. 

Second, it confirmed, by per- 
sonal observation, that which I 
had already decided from the 
Alliance's printed materials; the 



The only place where I have to 
wonder whether your realism 
doesn't flinch is when you de- 
clare, as you do in your letter 
accompanying the last issue of 



Alliance has the best people, the NATIONAL VANGUARD, that 
best attitude, and by far the best our "future looks bright indeed!" 
message of the many sincere To me, as I stand off and try to 
groups trying to help America look at things with calm, cool 
today. penetration, it seems grim to the 

I heard talk from staff members P° in t of being desperate, 
of "rough edges" which detracted But I am wholly with you in a 
from the convention's impact, determination to awaken and 
Believe me, they must have had arouse and prepare as many of 
more impact upon the staff than ° ur people as we can to stand and 
upon the gathered membership, fight and never to surrender, and 
The convention was a tremendous even if seemingly defeated to go 
success! on fighting underground, in the 

faith that in the end we shall 
R.C. triumph, and then go on to build 

N. Royalton, OH the future you picture — as I do 

— more noble, more beautiful, 
and more enduring than anything 
we have built in the past, 



Grim Resolution 

I greatly like just about every- 
thing you write and everything 
you are doing. Your whole 
analysis of our present situation 
seems to be absolutely sound. You 



W.G.S. 
Prattsville, NY 

(Issue No. 64, 1978) 






140 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



What Is to Be Done? 

In the face of treason and criminal irresponsibility on the part of 
the politicians, of apathy and ignorance on the part of the White 
masses, and of cowardice and selfishness on the part of most intelli- 
gent Whites, what is to be done to save our race, in spite of itself? 

The answer is not difficult to state, although a bit of argument is 
required to present a convincing case that it is the only answer. 

The answer, in brief, is that an organization must be built which 
satisfies the following requirements: 

It must be, first of ai!, not an ad hoc organization, but an organi- 
zation based on fundamental principles, an organization with a world 
view, essentially religious in nature, shared by every member of the 
organization. 

It must be, in structure,, a hierarchical organization, like an army 
— or a religious order — with the degree of understanding, of com- 
mitment, and of discipline increasing with the level of responsibility 
in the organization. 

It must be, in scope, an all-encompassing organization, an 
organization which not only generates propaganda and which recruits 



and trains new members, but 
which becomes eventually a com- 
munity unto itself, self-sufficient 
spiritually and materially, provid- 
ing all the functions and capabili- 
ties needed for carrying out its 
task — ultimately a separate state 
within the state. 

And it must be an organization 
which, in time, incorporates with- 
in itself the best elements of our 
people, developing from this elite 
minority a majority of will and 
determination, so that, at an 
exceptional moment, sufficient 
historical leverage can be exerted 
by the organization to effect a 
permanent change, in the desired 
direction, in the course of history. 

Now we will begin looking at 
the way in which the organization 
satisfying the above requirements 
can be built, and we will at the 
same time see why the various 
alternative answers to our original 
question which have been put 
forward by others are incorrect 
answers. 

The first thing to understand is 
that there is no shortcut or clever 
trick which will achieve what we 
want: no tax revolt, no slyly 
worded Constitutional amend- 
ment, no Pentagon coup d'etat, 
no secretly racist Presidential 
candidate disguised as a Ronald 
Reagan. These shortcuts have a 
fatal fascination for right wingers, 
but none of them will work, and 
the reasons why they won't are 
both specific and general. 

Consider, for example, the 
scheme of some of the tax-revolt 
enthusiasts, who are quite numer- 
ous at the moment. The great 
majority of the tax rebels, of 
course, are not right wingers and 
have no goal beyond reducing 
their own taxes, But some see the 
general dissatisfaction with high 
taxes as an opportunity for 
bringing about a shutdown of 
some of the Federal government's 
least popular programs. 

They reason that if enough 
people can be persuaded to refuse 
to pay their income taxes, the 
government can be brought to its 
knees. Then the tax rebels can 
dictate certain reforms: no more 
Federally enforced school busing, 
no more welfare payments or 
subsidized housing for Blacks, no 
more weapons and money for the 
Zionists, etc. 

But the System doesn't work 
that way. In the first place, most 
of the government's money comes 
from paycheck deductions and 
from other taxes over which the 
individual taxpayer has no con- 
trol. Only the self-employed per- 
son even has the option of 
refusing to pay his income tax. 

In the second place, the gov- 
ernment will always find the 
money to enforce its various 



race-mixing programs, to buy off 
the Blacks, and to support Zionist 
ambitions. The politicians wil! 
dismantle the U.S. Air Force 
before they will hold up the 
welfare checks or shut down the 
subsidized housing. 

If necessary they'll just print 
more money. When they are really 
squeezed they'll push through 
whatever legislation they need to 
counter a tax revolt, and the 
Federal judges — who feed at the 
same trough — will back them up. 

In the third place> if a tax revolt 
ever seems to be really catching 
on, the System will delegate one 
of its own to "lead" it, and the 
controlled news media will obedi- 
ently "legitimize" him. Remem- 
ber the man the media masters 
crowned as official spokesman for 
the "support our President" 
conservatives during Richard 
Nixon's Watergate crucifixion? It 
was Caiaphas himself: Rabbi 
Baruch Korff. 

This danger of pre-emption 
exists so long as most members of 
any movement receive the major- 
ity of their information and 
attitudes regarding the movement 
through System-controlled chan- 
nels. It can be avoided only by a 
movement which is so lightly 
organized that members look to 
the movement itself for informa- 
tion and guidance. 

There is just one thing that a tax 
revolt might accomplish, at the 
very most: it might cause tempo- 
rary and superficial changes in the 
System's way of doing things. If 
the natives become restless 
enough, the politicians and the 
media masters will certainly seek 
to appease them. They will even 
risk a little Black unrest in order 
to ameliorate White anger and 
resentment. They might even 
change the tax laws — perhaps 
even substantially. 

And that would be the end of 
the tax revolt, because 95 per cent 
of the rebels would feel they had 
accomplished their purpose — 
which, after all, is merely to 
reform the System, not to do 
away with it altogether. 

The most lethal weakness of the 
tax-revolt movement is that it is 
an ad hoc movement, with 
nothing other than anger to bind 
its adherents together, and always 
subject to being pre-empted by the 
System. If it were a front or an 
auxiliary for a movement based 
on fundamentals, then it might 
have some tactical value — in 
stirring up public discontent, in 
breaking down the public's awe of 
the System, in generating internal 
stress in the System — in helping 
to prepare the way for permanent 
and substantive change. But by 
itself, with nothing fundamental 
behind it, with no meaningful, 




Life tests the best and most fruitful individuals and races, and it asks 
whether a tree which must grow proudly on the heights is able to 
withstand bad weather and storms. — Friedrich Nietzsche 



long-range goals to further, it is 
only a trap for fools. 

Conservative and right-wing 
racists work, up a perennial 
enthusiasm for Presidential can- 
didates who, they convince them- 
selves, are secretly on their side. A 
few years ago their hero was 
George Wallace. In 1980 it will 
probably be Ronald Reagan. 

Never mind that any politician 
who has been a state governor in 
these United States has already 
compromised himself thoroughly 
and repeatedly. The right wingers 
tell themselves he had to say those 
things to get elected, he had to 
appoint that Black judge in order 
to keep his job, he had to wear a 
yarmulka to that Israel Bonds 
fundraiser in order to fool the 
Jews. When he becomes Presi- 
dent, they say, he'll turn the tables 
on the rascals. 

Suppose that, through divine 
intervention or some other extra- 
ordinary means, a U.S. Presi- 
dential candidate remained pure 
in heart up to the day of his 
inauguration, uncorrupted by the 
inherently corrupt process which 
brought him to the White House. 
Suppose he really were the man 
his right-wing boosters thought 
him to be. Suppose he really did 



want to overturn the System, 
clean out the entrenched Federal 
bureaucracy, and restore America 
to strength, honor, and White 
precedence (which is about as 
radical a program as the right- 
wing imagination can encom- 
pass). 

How would he do it? He might 
conceivably have a large enough 
circle of trusted and true personal 
friends, also uncorrupted and 
sharing his secret aims, so that he 
could pick a cabinet from among 
them. 

Suppose his new secretary of 
health, education, and welfare 
then proceeded to halt all racial 
busing programs. 

The media would tear into the 
new President with a fury which 
would make their Watergate 
assault on Nixon seem like good, 
clean fun in comparison. 

The Congress would not ap- 
prove his budget. 

The courts would declare his 
anti-bussing moves un-Constitu- 
tional. 

The entrenched, lower-level 
bureaucrats would sabotage his 
programs. 

If ail that didn't make him back 
down, George Meany, Jerry 
Wurf, and the other labor bosses 



would paralyze the country with a 
general strike. 

And, of course, the Blacks 
would riot. 

Suppose a couple of top 
generals in the Pentagon were in 
cahoots with the President. They 
could order out the troops to 
begin arresting the media masters 
and the Federal judges and the 
labor bosses and to machine-gun 
the noting Blacks. 

But the troops wouldn't go out 
— not the troops who make up 
today's U.S. Army! And there 
would be any number of officers 
down the chain of command who 
would understand what was hap- 
pening and who would counter- 
mand the generals' orders. There 
might be quite a bit of confusion 
for a few hours, even a bit of 
shooting, but there would be no 
successful coup d'etat. 

It is hardly necessary to paint 
the whole picture, even for the 
right wingers. The idea of a 
one-man revolution, or of a 
revolution by a smaJl group of 
conspirators, or of any other sly 
trick which amounts to sneaking 
up on the System and slipping a 
sack over its head, is sheer 
nonsense. 



In addition to the myriad 
specific reasons why such schemes 
will not work, there are two 
general reasons which apply to all 
of them. 

First, the System which rules 
America is a massive, many- 
headed thing. Those who would 
change it must be prepared to 
replace not only the President and 
his staff and his department heads 
and the top military leaders, but 
also tens of thousands of people 
at the intermediate and lower 
levels of government. 

It is not sufficient merely to 
shoot the top executives in the TV 
networks and in the editorial 
offices of the big-city newspapers. 
It is necessary to have people 
immediately at hand to replace 
them, people who are not only 
reliable but also competent. And 
it is likewise necessary to have 
replacements for the police chiefs 
of the major cities, for the 
superintendents of schools, for 
the Federal and state judges. 

No revolution can be carried 
through successfully which leaves 
the nation's legislators, teachers, 
preachers, labor leaders, business 
leaders, newsmen, and the leading 
members of every other segment 
of society unchanged, still loyal to 
the old order, still under the 
influence of old ideas. One must 
have not one man and not a small 
group of conspirators, but a 



revolutionary army which can 
supply from its ranks an entire 
social superstructure for the na- 
tion to replace the existing 
superstructure. And the members 
of this new superstructure must be 
not only ideologically reliable but 
also strong and capable people, 
willing and able to do what is 
demanded of them. 

The second general reason why 
there is no shortcut to the new 
order is that America is far sicker 
than the right wingers realize — or 
are even capable of understand- 
ing. Their general tendency to 
oversimplify the problem con- 
fronting them by thinking in 
terms of replacing a small number 
of evildoers with good men, as 
outlined above, leads also to a 
failure to see the extent to which 
the problem is rooted in the 
general population. 

The right-wing tendency is to 
put all the blame for America's 
ills on a few people: on a clique of 
powerful conspirators (the "in- 
siders"), on the Jews, on the 
international bankers, on the 
"trilateralists," or what have you. 
(This also happens to be a 
left-wing tendency, if one ex- 
cludes the Jews as potential 
culprits.) The masses of the 
people are seen as basically 
healthy but unable to put their 
sound instincts and their good 
common sense to work because of 



the control exerted by the evil 
conspirators at the top. 

Such a view is sheer fantasy. 

There are, to be sure, conspira- 
tors and conspiracies of various 
unwholesome sorts. And there 
most assuredly are Jews, who 
wield a great deal of power and 
use it to the enormous detriment 
of our race. But there is also a 
disease abroad in our land, and it 
extends far beyond the Jews and 
their conspiratorial henchmen. It 
permeates our whole society and 
afflicts the great majority of our 
people. 

It does little good to complain 
about the thieves, the traitors, the 
Jew-fawners, and the incompe- 
tents in the Congress without 
taking into account the fact that 
the great, White masses of this 
country elected them to the 
Congress because they liked their 
smiles and their folksy ways. And 
they keep re-electing them, even 
after their treachery and their 
crookedness is revealed. 

The late Hubert Humphrey was 
one of the vilest pieces of filth to 
foul this world with his presence. 
He unabashedly groveled at the 
feet of the Jews and sold out the 
interests of his race over and over 
again during the more than three 
decades of his political career. 
And yet the good people of 
Minnesota — a nearly all-White 



state — repeatedly chose him as 
their senator in Washington. 

Nor can the blame be put 
entirely on the System's control of 
the political process for what the 
Minnesotans did. They may not 
have been allowed much of an 
alternative to voting for Hum- 
phrey, but it is clear that they did 
it voluntarily rather than under 
protest. When Humphrey des- 
cended to his just deserts early this 
year, many a White Minnesotan 
blubbered mawkishly for the TV 
cameras about how much "heart" 
good, old Hubert had. 

Right wingers bemoan — and 
rightly so — the jungle music and 
the race-mixing TV programs 
which the Jew-controlled net- 
works broadcast to poison the 
minds of our people. But they 
conveniently forget that White 
Americans listen to that music 
and watch those programs, not 
just voluntarily, but enthusiasti- 
cally. Any right winger who tried 
to take their Jewish poison away 
from the White masses and give 
them something healthy in its 
place would be in danger of being 
lynched by those same White 
masses. 

And it does no good to make 
excuses for the people, to blame 
their mores and their voting habits 
on alien influences. Changes in 
the public's behavior and atti- 
tudes which may be wrought a 



141 

generation after the overthrow of 
the System are of little help in 
overthrowing the System. 

What must be taken into 
account are the facts as they exist 
now, and one of those facts is that 
there is no strong, general senti- 
ment in favor of the changes 
which right-wing racists want to 
bring about. There is precious 
little concern even about saving 
the White race. 

Anger at the government's 
taxing policies, resentment at 
being forced to mix with Blacks, 
dissatisfaction generally with the 
flabby, inefficient, and corrupt 
government in Washington are all 
potentially useful phenomena, of 
course, but one must be careful 
not to read too much into them. 
In particular, one must not 
nourish with them the false hope 
that the White people of America 
will of their own accord rise up 
against the System — when things 
have become a little worse, when 
the confidently predicted "eco- 
nomic crash" comes — and set 
things right again. 

Successful revolution and per- 
manent change can only come 
through organization, and that is 
a matter we will examine in 
NATIONAL VANGUARD next 
month. 

W.L.P. 

(Issue No. 64, 1978) 



Dramatic Story of the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 



The Devil's Wind 



The silence at the British mili- 
tary garrison outside Meerut, 40 
miles north of Delhi, was as op- 
pressive as the heat. As the British 
soldiers and employees of the East 
India Company and their wives 
and children prepared for evening 
church services late in the after- 
noon of May 10, 1857, the 
Company's native Indian soldiers, 
the sepoys, lolled sullenly around 
their barracks and in the fetid, 
tangled alleys of Meerut' s Sudder 
bazaar, several miles to the 
southwest. 

The day before, 85 troopers of 
the 3rd (Native) Light Cavalry 
Regiment had been disarmed in 
front of their comrades and then 
hauled off to jail in chains 
because they had refused to accept 
the greased cartridges issued them 
for their new Enfield rifles. The 
sepoys claimed the grease had 
been derived from the fat of cattle 
and pigs; biting through the 
grease-covered cardboard enclo- 
sing the cartridge, necessary in the 
complicated process of loading 
the rifle, was abhorrent to the 
religious sensibilities of Hindu 
and Moslem alike. 

Soon, the sun slipped over the 
western horizon, red as blood. 
Something terrible was in the air, 
but the English commander at 
Meerut, 67-year-oid Major Gen- 
eral William Hewitt, so fat he 
could no longer sit on his horse, 
chose not to notice it. 

It begain in the bazaar, as the 
lamps were lit for the twilight. A 
prostitute refused her services to a 
sepoy from the 3rd, taunting him 
for his cowardice. How could he 
think of coming to a woman while 
his mates languished in their cells? 
The other harlots in the brothels 
lining the narrow streets took up 




REBELLIOUS SEPOYS PAY THE PRICE for their orgy of mutiny and murder. Lashed across the muzzles 
of the British guns, they were torn apart by the blasts from blank charges. 



her cry: "No kisses for cowards 1" 
The sing-song chant maddened 
the tense and anxious men of the 
3rd Cavalry. The Indian troops 
began to loot and burn the stalls 
and shops which crowded the 
bazaar. They found willing ac- 
complices in the budmashes, the 
habitues of India's sordid urban 
underworld of crime and vice. 
Native soldier and civilian alike 
began their own shout, "Ailah-i- 
allah, maw Faringhi!" ("With 
the help of Allah, kill the White 
men!") 

The sepoys boiled forth from 
the bazaar and stormed the jail 
where the 85 mutineers crouched 



in their chains. The native sentries 
offered no resistance. While na- 
tive blacksmiths hacked at the 
manacles and leg irons which 
bound the prisoners, the mob 
emptied the jail of more than 700 
common criminals. Then, fren- 
zied with hatred, several hundred 
mounted sepoys made for their 
barracks to the northeast. 

A British officer of the 3rd 
Cavalry, Lt. Alexander Macken- 
zie, received word of the incipient 
rebellion and rode to confront his 
troops, firm in the conviction that 
he could prevail on them to return 
to their quarters peacefully. Their 
flashing sabres convinced the 



young lieutenant otherwise; he 
was barely able to wheel his horse 
around in time to speed to the 
safety of the English lines. 

When the mutinous sepoys of 
the 3rd Cavalry reached thejnative 
barracks, they quickly rallied the 
foot soldiers of the 11th and the 
20th Native Infantry Regiments to 
their side. As the Indian soldiers 
laid their own quarters to the 
torch, Colonel John Finnis, the 
Uth's commander,, rode up to 
reassert his authority. At first the 
men seemed to quiet down, but 
when, -Finnis turned to the sepoys 
from the 20th, he was cut down by 
a fusillade of bullets, 



While the mutineers gathered 
their arms and their courage in the 
vicinity of the flaming barracks, 
the British commanders watched 
in a paralysis of fascinated 
horror. General Hewitt doddered 
helplessly, relying on his subor- 
dinate, Brigadier General Arch- 
dale Wilson, who was only too 
eager to defer to his senescent 
superior. And 2,000 British 
troops, whose numbers compared 
to the 2,700 sepoys of Meerut in a 
more favorable ratio than ob- 
tained at any other major station 
in India, did nothing. 

As the British soldiers waited 
on the parade ground, drawn up 
in meticulous order, the roll called 
with leisurely exactitude, the 
riotous sepoys descended on the 
outlying and unprotected bunga- 
lows of the Englishmen's depen- 
dents. There were scenes of 
incalculable horror. 

A howling mob pursued Mrs. 
Charlotte Chambers, the wife of a 
British captain and six months 
pregnant, across the darkened 
lawns of the British cantonment. 
When they caught up to the 
terrified White woman they cut 
her down and tore the fetus from 
her womb with their long swords. 
Scores of other English women 
and children were slashed and 
stabbed to death in their homes, 
sometimes with the enthusiastic 
assistance of native servants 
whose-fidelity they had sworn by. 

Those English officers and men 
unlucky enough to be caught 
outside their lines suffered the 
same fate, although some of them 
had the grim satisfaction of taking 
more than one of their assailants 
with them. 

At length, 1,000 British 
soldiers, led by fat old General 



142 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



143 



Hewitt, riding in his buggy, 
marched to the inferno which had 
lately been the sepoy lines. After 
discharging a few ineffectual 
volleys of grapeshot and rifle fire 
at the shadows behind the flic- 
kering flames, they marched back 
to their own lines. 

At that time the sepoys were 
already on the march southwest to 
Delhi, the seat of the puppet 
Moghul emperor and the site of 
large stores of arms and muni- 
tions. The news of the native 
regiments' departure for the capi- 
tal, which portended a full-scale 
uprising, failed to budge Hewitt 
and Wilson. 

Even when Captain Rosser of 
the 6th Dragoons pleaded to be 
allowed to pursue the sepoys with 
a small detachment, so as to take 
them unawares from the rear, his 
commanders remained adamant. 
(General Wilson later testified 
that he "did not wish to divide his 
force.") 

By morning Delhi was in the 
hands of the mutineers. Within 
three weeks northern India, from 
the borders of the Punjab to 
Bihar, was in the throes of mutiny 
and anarchy, as regiment after 
regiment of the British East India 
Company's Bengal Army threw in 
their lot with the rebels. Before 
the revolt the Indians came to call 
"the Devil's wind" was finally 
smashed, thousands of English- 
men and their families would pay 
with their blood for the shame of 
MeeruL 

The twentieth year of Queen 
Victoria's reign, 1 857, was also 
the hundredth anniversary of the 
battle of Plassey, in which the 
English, led by Clive, had won the 
mastery of India from their 
French rivals. As the new year 
dawned on the subcontinent, the 
prospect of another century of 
progress under the aegis of the 
controlling East India Company 
had suffused India's British rulers 
with a rosy glow of optimism. Yet 
months before the explosion at 
Meerut, the anniversary of Plas- 
sey already held a different 
meaning for millions of Indians: 
for them, it was an omen that 
England's sway over their ancient 
culture would end that year. 

The year before, Lord Dalhou- 
sie, the governor general, had 
returned to England, his health 
broken after eight years of 
strenuous efforts to bring the 
advantages of European civiliza- 
tion to India. His labors had 
seemed to bear fruit. Railroad 
lines and telegraph wires had 
begun to crisscross the subcon- 
tinent. Traditional Hindu and 
Moslem values and practices were 
everywhere in retreat before the 
advance of Western educators and 
officials. Dalhousie had greatly 
accelerated this process by an- 
nexing several of those Indian 
states which still maintained a 
nominal independence, substi- 
tuting the just, if not amiable rule 
of the colonial power for the often 
capricious and always autocratic 
rule of the native potentates. 

Dalhousie's measures had un- 
settled important segments of 
Indian society, particularly the 
upper classes, who had been 
deprived of their offices and 
incomes by the reforms. The 
British seizure of the north-central 
state of Oudh in 1853, without the 
customary quasi-legal niceties, 
was particularly alarming, despite 
the tyrannical and inefficient rule 
of its Moslem nawab . 



The most important source of 
the mounting resentment against 
the British raj, or sovereignty, was 
the widespread fear among pious 
Hindus that Dalhousie and his 
successor, Lord Canning, were 
carrying out a conscientious and 
systematic plan to destroy the 
caste system, the pillar around 
which religious and social life in 
India had long revolved. 

The system of caste had its 
origins in the invasion of india 
from the northwest by the Aryans 
some 3,500 years before. Des- 
cended from the same predomi- 
nantly Nordic racial stock as our 
own Indo-European ancestors, 
the Aryans found a multiplicity of 
different racial types on the 
subcontinent, at various levels of 
civilization or savagery. 

The ancient Aryans were con- 
scious of the profound racial 
differences which separated them 
from the indigenous peoples, 
whom they scorned as "blacks," 
or as "noseless (flat-nosed) 
ones." Glorying at first in the 
annihilation of the natives, the 
Aryans soon succumbed to the 
temptation of exploiting their 
labor and interbreeding with their 
women. 

The three Aryan castes — the 
Brahmins (priests), the Kshatriyas 
(warriors), and the Vaishyas 
(farmers and tradesmen) — were 
augmented by a despised caste of 
bondsmen, the Sudras, compri- 
sing most of the non-Aryans. 
Even below the Sudras were the 
Untouchables, non-Aryans of 
particularly repellent occupations 
or modes of life. 

Over the course of centuries, 
the racial purity of the Aryans was 
destroyed by interbreeding, but 
the caste system continued in 
force, crystallizing on a religious 
rather than a racial basis, Sub- 
castes based on tribal or occupa- 
tional status multiplied (today 
there are some 3,000 different 
caste groups). Nevertheless, high- 
caste Indians tended to be Whiter 
than those of low caste, and the 
different castes continued to be 
generally isolated breeding com- 
munities. 

Although rooted in Hindu 
theology and cult, the caste 
system evinced a remarkable 
ability to weather and assimilate 
challenges to the Hindu outlook, 
whether from without the Hindu 
tradition or from within. Budd- 
hist and Moslem, Jain and Sikh, 
all were to a greater or lesser 
degree absorbed by the system, if 
only by being forced to constitute 
their communities, in effect, as 
new and separate castes. 

The rise of British power and 
influence in India in the 18th and 
19th centuries posed traditional 
Indian society the greatest threat 
it had ever encountered. The 
British East India Company, 
founded as a joint stock company 
in 1600, established trading fac- 
tories along India's coasts in the 
17th century, eclipsing the influ- 
ence of the Portuguese, who had 
arrived there as early as 1498. In 
the course of protecting and 
promoting its trading interests, 
the Company found itself drawn 
more and more into Indian 
politics. 

The 18th century saw a strong 
challenge to the East India 
Company's hegemony mounted 
by the French, led by the brilliant 
Dupleix, who initiated the prac- 
tice of establishing "protecto- 
rates" over various Indian states. 
The equally brilliant Robert Clive, 



a young company clerk, led the 
British to victory and set the stage 
for the East India Company's role 
as ruler and administrator, with 
the sanction of Parliament, of a 
steadily increasing area of the 
subcontinent. 

The dynamism and aggressive 
self-confidence of the British, 
which manifested itself in the 
enthusiasm for progress charac- 
teristic of the Victorian era, could 
not fail to alienate the tradition- 
minded Indians. Almost inevita- 
bly the conflict came to a head in 
the East India Company's Bengal 
Army. 

Like the Company's other two 
armies, which were headquartered 
in Bombay and Madras, far to the 
south, the Bengal Army was 
largely composed of native 
troops, or sepoys (from the Hindi 
for "mounted soldier"). The 
Bengal Army differed from the 
Bombay and Madras Armies in its 
preference for Hindus of high 
caste: a large proportion of its 
soldiers were Brahmins. It was not 
uncommon for a lower-caste 
sepoy officer to defer to a 
Brahmin private, and caste rela- 
tionships and their attendant 
problems were a constant in the 
day-to-day routine of the Bengal 
sepoys 1 British officers. 

The injunctions and prohibi- 
tions.imposed on a dutiful Hindu, 
particularly a Brahmin, were 
numerous. Failure to observe any 
one of them might result in 
expulsion from one's caste, in the 
eyes of Hindus a fate literally 
worse than death, 

All sorts of intercourse with 
caste inferiors and unbelievers 
were proscribed. Different castes 
could not eat together, nor could 
a member of a higher caste take 
food or drink touched by some- 
one from a lower caste. Even the 
shadow of a caste inferior falling 
across one's meal was sufficient to 
defile it. Thus, Hindus, especially 
those of the high castes, had to 
maintain a constant watchfulness, 
lest they inadvertently become 
despised outcasts. 

On the one hand, the Bengal 
Army's British commanders tol- 
erated the influence of caste in the 
ranks, since the high-caste nort- 
hern Indians made the best 
soldiers. At the same time they 
undermined the caste system by 
introducing regulations incompat- 
ible with its taboos. In 1856 an act 
was passed limiting future enlist- 
ment to soldiers willing to serve 
overseas — and thereby to breach 
the Hindus' caste injunction 
against traveling over open water. 

An increasing number of Brit- 
ish officers were insensitive to the 
sticky business of caste. Some, 
possessed of an evangelical strain, 
went so far as to preach the 
Christian gospel to their native 
troops. 

Thus, it was not for nothing 
that the sepoys were fearful of 
British intentions toward their 
caste system. Then in January 
1857 the rumor arose that the 
cartridges for the newly issued 
Enfield rifle had been profaned by 
the use of cattle and swine fat on 
their wrappers. Whatever the 
facts of the matter (there seems to 
have been some truth to the 
rumor), British officers were 
either unwilling or unable to allay 
the sepoys' fears. 

The story spread through the 
vast Bengal Presidency like wild- 
fire. Native units became increas- 
ingly recalcitrant. There were 




THE BATTERED RUINS of the British entrenchment at Cawnpore 
give mute testimony to the horrors of the siege. Hastily chosen, difficult 
to defend, the British positions were surrendered after three weeks. 
Then the British garrison was treacherously murdered. 



numerous instances of arson, and 
several sepoy regiments refused to 
touch the new cartridges. Their 
British officers and the Com- 
pany's administrators grew vague- 
ly disturbed, but nothing more. 

It is a measure of their 
incompetence and of the compla- 
cency which had invaded their 
outlook that the civil and military 
authorities were stunned by the 
outbreak of the mutiny. Much 
had changed since the heroic days 
of Clive. 

Administrative and military 
positions within the East India 
Company had become sinecures. 
Opportunities for making money 
and enjoying the easy life beck- 
oned to men bound for India far 
more than did the lure of martial 
adventure or the challenges of 
colonial administration. English- 
men had begun to bring their fam- 
ilies with them, and their wives 
and children adjusted themselves 
to the luxurious prerogatives of 
colonial life. The initial response 
of men like Hewitt and Wilson to 
the events at Meerut was all too 
predictable. 

Yet the men and women of the 
British nation bore within them- 
selves reserves of fortitude — a 
genius for heroism — unsurpassed 
by any people in history. Backed 
to the wall, the niceties and con- 
ventions of Victorian civilization 
swept away from them, they 
began to show their mettle. 

The strategic situation which 
faced the British as the mutiny 
spread was grim. The British 
troops in the Bengal Army num- 
bered only 23,000 men, as op- 
posed to over 150,000 sepoys. The 
bulk of the Britons were concen- 
trated in the Punjab and in Ben- 
gal, 1,300 miles apart and each 
hundreds of miles from north- 
central India, the epicenter of the 
revolt. The authorities in Lahore 
and Calcutta, the respective capi- 
tals of the Punjab in the north- 
west and Bengal in the northeast, 
would first have to defuse any po- 
tential uprisings in their own terri- 
tories and then speed relief armies 
to the interior. Until then, the 
beleaguered British garrisons 
would have to dig in and hold on. 

On the morning of May 11, in 
Delhi, the advance guard of 
sepoys from Meerut gathered in 
front of the^sprawling palace of 
the 82-year-old Moghul emperor, 
Mohammed Bahadur Shah, the 
last of a line descended from the 
dread Tamurlane, and persuaded 
him to be their leader. The rest of 



the Meerut rebels, quickly joined 
by sepoys from the Delhi garrison 
and by the inevitable city lowjifes, 
rampaged through the streets, 
slaughtering any Europeans they 
encountered. 

Despite the chaos and blood- 
shed which suddenly reigned in 
the city, many British soldiers and 
civilians kept their heads and 
began to take the first forceful 
measures to combat the mutiny. 
Two young telegraphers, Pilking- 
ton and Brendish, working fever- 
ishly in a small office on the out- 
skirts of the city, wired the news 
of the outbreak to the British 
authorities in the Punjab as the 
tumult raged outside their win- 
dow, and then made their escape. 
Once alerted, Sir John Lawrence, 
the Punjab's governor, ably assis- 
ted by General John Nicholson, 
moved quickly and ruthlessly to 
disarm the native regiments. 

A small British detachment 
commanded by Lieutenant 
George Willoughby fought off 
attacks on the powder magazine, 
just inside the Etelhi city walls. 
When at length the sepoys threat- 
ened to overwhelm them, Wil- 
loughby ordered the munitions 
ignited. The resulting blast gener- 
ated tremors which were felt 100 
miles away. Hundreds of sepoys 
were killed, and their dismem- 
bered corpses littered the streets 
and alleys of Delhi in a gory rain. 
Miraculously, Willoughby and all 
but three of his men were able to 
stagger back safely to the British 
cantonment on the ridge north of 
Delhi. 

As the sun went down over the 
smoking city, Brigadier General 
Harry Graves, the commander of 
the Delhi cantonment, ordered the 
bugler to sound the assembly for 
his sepoy regiments, in the hope 
that at least some of the native 
troops had remained loyal. A 
single sepoy answered the call. 
That night the British garrison, 
badly outnumbered by the rebels 
in Delhi, fled with its dependents 
through the darkness to the north. 
It would be almost a month 
before British soldiers returned. 

The mutiny spread slowly but 
bloodily through north-central 
India during the following three 
weeks. There were numerous mas- 
sacres, today all but forgotten, in 
the towns and cities where the 
British garrisons were small. One 
of the most repellent was staged 
by the rani of Jhansi, who had 
been embittered by the British an- 
nexation of her small kingdom 
after her husband's death four 



years before. While she watched 
coldly, the British, drawn up in 
three rows, were stabbed and 
clubbed to death, the women last 
of all, so that they could watch 
their menfolk and children die. 

Besides Delhi, the critical cen- 
ters of the mutiny were Cawnpore 
and Lucknow, both located in the 
state of Oudh, where popular 
feeling against the British was par- 
ticularly intense. Each city had 
had plenty of warning: the sepoys 
of Cawnpore did not rise up until 
June 6; it was several weeks later 
before the British at Lucknow 
found it necessary to barricade 
themselves in the governor's 
residency. In both places the be- 
sieged Whites conducted them- 
selves with boundless gallantry 
and self-sacrifice. More than 
anything else, it was the character 
of their leadership which doomed 
the British at Cawnpore and 
pulled them through in Lucknow. 

General Sir Hugh Wheeler, the 
commander at Cawnpore, confi- 
dent in the swift arrival of a relief 
column, declined to take refuge in 
the thick-walled magazine, which 
offered the best possibilities for 
defense. It was Wheeler's opinion 
that a level stretch of ground to 
the southeast, near the Ganges, 
would be more easily accessible to 
the advancing reinforcements. He 
ordered the area, on which the 
only substantial structure was a 
hospital, enclosed by a fdur- foot- 
high earthen embankment. 

For the men the hell of Cawn- 
pore lasted 20 days. Desperately 
short of food and water, beset by 
a blazing sun which sent tempera- 
tures soaring above 110 degrees, 
lacking medical supplies, the 
1,000 defenders were wracked by 
every weakness of mind and body. 

The sepoys poured a merciless 
fire of shot and shell into the 
enclosure, inflicting hundreds of 
casualties. Wheeler's own son 
Godfrey was among them, his 
head blown from his shoulders by 




SIR COLIN CAMPBELL 

a cannon shot. In his final 
message to the British forces at 
Lucknow, begging for relief, 
Wheeler cried out, "Surely we are 
not to die like rats in a cage?" 

On June 25 Wheeler's troops 
surrendered. Trusting to a safe 
conduct promised them by Nana 
Sahib, the leader of the revolt in 
Oudh, the remnants of the 
garrison, reduced to scarcely more 
than 400, marched to the Ganges. 
There a small flotilla of river 
boats had been assembled, osten- 
sibly to carry the British down- 
stream to Allahabad. 

It was all a treacherous ruse. As 
the Whites embarked, the sepoys 
opened fire on them. The men 
were all murdered on the spot; the 
women and children were herded 
off to imprisonment in a flat- 
roofed, one-story building called 
the Bibigarh. 

While the defenders of Cawn- 
pore marched to their doom, Sir 
Henry Lawrence, Sir John's brot- 
her, meticulously prepared for the 
inevitable siege at Lucknow. By 
fortifying and provisioning the 
strongest defensive position, the 



residency of the provincial gover- 
nor, well in advance of the local 
sepoys' uprising, Lawrence provi- 
ded his charges with the material 
basis for survival. 

The example of his calm 
bravery and self-possession in- 
spired the men and women of 
Lucknow to carry on through the 
grim months of the siege. The 
incessant bombardment by the 
insurgents' artillery claimed Law- 
rence's life at the outset. He died 
on July 4, two days after being 
wounded. His dying words were, 
"Let every man die at his post, 
but never surrender. God help the 
poor women and children." 

During the time that the garri- 
sons of Cawnpore and Lucknow 
were enduring the horrors of siege 
and slaughter, the long-awaited 
reinforcements had begun to 
move from Calcutta and the 
Punjab. Their pace was slowed by 
the summer heat and, in Bengal 
and its western neighbor Bihar, by 
the driving rains of the monsoon 
season, yet they marched along 
relentlessly. Unlike the Bengal 
Army's garrisons at the outset of 
the mutiny, they were led by offi- 
cers of extraordinary daring and 
ferocity. 

In the second half of June, 
Colonel James Neill marched his 
Madras Fusiliers up the Ganges 
valley at breakneck speed, cover- 
ing the 420 miles from Calcutta to 
Benares in ten days. He repressed 
the revolt in the holy city of the 
Hindus with ruthless brutality and 
then hastened upstream to Allaha- 
bad, where he did the same, 
inflicting stern reprisals on the 
natives. 

Brigadier General Henry Have- 
lock's column followed Neill at a 
more leisurely pace, liking up with 
him in Allahabad on June 30. 
Havelock immediately sent off a 
700-man force toward Cawnpore 
and set out with the remainder of 
his troops for that fateful city one 
week later. 




GEN. JOHN NICHOLSON 

On July 15, at Fatehpur, 50 
miles short of Cawnpore, Have- 
lock routed a sepoy army and then 
pressed on to his goal. On the next 
day Havelock's small army drove 
Nana Sahib's troops from Cawn- 
pore and advanced into the city to 
free the women and children 
whom the Indians had held 
captive. 

At the Bibigarh a scene of hor- 
ror awaited them. The inside of 
the building was an abbatoir. The 
helpless prisoners had been cut 
down two days before. 

It was evident that their mur- 
derers had taken a fiendish delight 
in the slaughter: here a British 
child dangled from a hook; there 
a woman was lashed to a pillar, 
her throat cut from ear to ear. The 
floor was two inches deep in 
congealed blood. 

Havelock's men found most of 
the 1 15 White victims tossed down 

a 50-foot well. The well was filled 
almost to the top. 

While Havelock was advancing 
up the Ganges, General John 
Nicholson, a solitary, moody 



man, was moving toward Delhi 
from the Punjab. In August he 
joined a British force, comman- 
ded by Major General Anson, 
which was supposedly besieging 
Delhi from the ridge to the north, 
but was actually more besieged 
than besieger. Nicholson galvani- 
zed the men's fighting spirit, and 
on September 14 he led a success- 
ful assault on the city. In the 
course of the attack he fell at the 
head of his troops. Nicholson's 
lieutenant, William Hodson, put 
an end to the Moghul's dynastic 
hopes by summarily executing his 
sons after they had been taken 
into custody. 

Eleven days later Havelock's 
forces, with the 78th Highlanders 
in the van, stormed Lucknow, 
After bitter street fighting, in 
which Neill fell, the relief forces 
broke through to the residency, 
where the numbers of the British 
defenders had been cut in half 
during the siege. 

But the reinforcements were not 
strong enough to loosen the 
rebels' hold on the city. The siege 
endured nearly two more months, 
until the Scotsman Sir Colin 
Campbell broke through the 
Indians' lines in November, his 
troops shouting, "Cawnpore! 
Cawnpore! You bloody mur- 
derers!" 

Although many of the rebels 
were to continue to resist for more 
than a year after the capture of 
Lucknow by Campbell, the back 
of the mutiny had been broken. In 
the aftermath of the rebellion, the 
East India Company was deprived 
of its position as India's colonial 
administrator. The British people, 
however, men and women, by 
their courage and tenacity, had 
proved themselves worthy of the 
mastery of the dusky subcontinent . 

T. OK. 

(Issue No. 64, 1978) 



An Editorial by Dr. William Pierce 



The Organizational Nexus 



Probably the greatest piece of 
foolishness current in America, 
after the notion that all the 
country's citizens are inherently 
"equal," is the belief that they are 
collectively capable of governing 
themselves wisely. 

Wisdom and will are individual, 
not collective attributes, yet so 
steeped have we ail become in 
democratic mythology that we 
personify the crowd, imagining 
that it possesses both. We seem to 
believe, along with the late 
Chairman Mao, that the ultimate 
repository of civic virtue is "the 
masses." 

The populist daydream, in- 
dulged in by rightists and leftists 
alike, is of a long-suffering, 
commonsensical American citi- 
zenry which, if left alone by the 
gangsters in Washington, could 
manage to keep the country's 
wheels turning, maintain the 
common defense, and restore 
domestic tranquility, all through a 
sort of popular consensus. 

The daydreamers of the right 
see the current enthusiasm for 
tax-reduction referendums as a 
manifestation of the people's 



ability to spontaneously correct 
the excesses of government, just 
as those of the left saw a similar 
manifestation in Richard Nixon's 
plunge from favor and conse- 
quent resignation after the 
Watergate revelations. The peo- 
ple, they think, will tolerate only 
so much foolishness or wicked- 
ness on the part of their leaders 
before rising up in their righteous 
wrath and homespun wisdom and 
setting things right again. 

I recently read the unpublished 
manuscript of a piece of revolu- 
tionary fiction written by an aide 
to a conservative legislator. 
The story described a spontaneous 
uprising by America's citizens'- 
band radio users. One morning 
the citizens just decided they'd 
had enough. Using small arms, 
their automobiles and trucks, and 
their CB radios, they took the 
country away from the politicians 
and the minority pressure groups. 

No organization, no leaders, 
just a revolution. Once started, it 
just grew; as the word spread over 
the CB airwaves, more and more 
citizens joined in. The Jews were 
hunted down and dispatched by 



vigilante groups, while the Blacks, 
seeing the handwriting on the 
wall, quickly shed their uppityness 
and shuffled out of harm's way. 

A pleasant enough daydream, 
to be sure, and typical of those 
dreamed by other right wingers. 
Three essential elements of all 
such daydreams are: 1) no funda- 
mental changes are wrought, 
except settling the hash of the bad 
guys, because right wingers don't 
really want any other fundamen- 
tal changes; 2) the citizens who 
settle the bad guys' hash do it 
spontaneously and anonymously, 
because that way no one has to 
stick his neck out; 3) there is a 
revolutionary consensus among at 
least a majority of the citizenry, 
so that the revolutionaries can 
maintain their good-guy, will-of- 
the-people self-image. 

Unfortunately, such daydreams 
have little relationship to reality. 
There is, in the first place, no 
consensus among White Amer- 
icans, revolutionary or otherwise. 
I would wager that a poll taken 
among CB users would find about 
the same proportion of citizens 
who voted for Jimmy Carter in 



1976 as in the general population. 
The same lack of consensus 
exists among somewhat more 
politically oriented groups, such 
as Proposition 13 enthusiasts, for 
example; a common dislike for 
taxes should not be seen as 
indicative of any deeper philoso- 
phical accord, just as a genera- 
lized resentment toward 
governmental favoritism for 
racial minority groups should not 
be seen as indicative of a general 
agreement on racial matters. 

Put any dozen disgruntled 
White taxpayers in a room and 
you'll hear a dozen different 
explanations of what's wrong 
with the country and what should 
be done about it. If there is 
anything even faintly resembling a 
consensus among them, it is one 
manufactured by the controlled 
media; they are just as afraid of 
the taboos the media has set up as 
the average citizen is. 

That's why not a single one of 
the tax-revolt groups will take a 
forthright stand on race, just as 
none dares pinpoint the blame for 
a major share of America's 
present economic problems on her 



Jew-controlled foreign policy and 
the quadrupling of imported oil 
prices which resulted from that 
policy. 

Although spokesmen for the 
more rabid pro-minority groups, 
such as Americans for Democratic 
Action, openly declare that tax 

revolt is anti-Black and that the 
tax rebels themselves are fascists 
and racists who want to make 
non-White welfare mothers get a 
job so they can't continue to 
breed 24 hours a day, the media 
masters have not gone so far. To 
express displeasure with taxes is 
still a permissible, if somewhat 
risque, activity. But overt racism 
or any criticism of the Jews is 
strictly taboo, and the tax rebels 
are careful to toe the line in that 
regard, 

And it is wrong to think that the 
public's failure to face and take a 
stand on the really vital issues of 
race and minority control is only a 
surface phenomenon, while inside 
the citizens are seething with 
resentment against those who 
have imposed the taboos. A few 
certainly are, but by no means 
"the masses." 



144 

Part of the reason for the lack 
of a White revolutionary consen- 
sus is ignorance. Most Americans 
— including most of those who 
know something is seriously 
wrong with the country — don't 
have the basic facts needed to 
come to the correct conclusions. 

Probably not more than one 
American in 10 is more than 
vaguely aware that the news and 
entertainment media are effec- 
tively under minority control. The 
ruckus raised by former Vice 
President Spiro Agnew and others 
about the Jewish domination of 
the media just hasn't sunk in. 
And certainly not more than one 
In 10 of those who do know 
about Jewish media control — 
i.e., not more than one per cent of 
the general population — really 
understands its full significance. 

There is a similarly appalling 
degree of ignorance on other vital 
matters. If you stopped 100 
people at random on the street 
and queried them about the 
relationship between the increa- 
sing number of non-Whites in the 
U.S. labor force and the failure of 
industrial productivity to 
increase, or about the relationship 
between productivity and the 
average American standard of 
living, how many do you think 
would be able to give you more 
than an uncomprehending stare? 
My guess is, not more than two or 
three. 

Even on matters which have 
been publicized to a certain extent 
through the controlled media, 
such as the horrendous influx of 
non- Whites into the United States 
in recent years from Mexico, the 
Pacific, and the Caribbean, there 
is a general state of misunder- 
standing and ignorance. 

One of the things the National 
Alliance is doing about this 
unfortunate situation, of course, 
is disseminating facts. Each issue 
of NATIONAL VANGUARD 
sows a few thousand more seeds 
of enlightenment into a vast 
expanse of ignorance. 

But if the education of the 
public were the sole key to White 
survival, we would surely be lost. 
The controlled media, the 
churches, the schools, and the 
government are pouring out deli- 
berate disinformation on such a 
prodigious scale that the efforts of 
a few thousand racially conscious 
Whites to stem this flood are 
simply hopeless. Seven evenings a 
week, four weeks a month, John 
Chancellor and Walter Cronkite 
reach more than 1,000 times as 
many Americans as this news- 
paper does once a month. 

No, we do not delude ourselves 
into thinking that we are "edu- 
cating the public." The seeds we 
sow may contribute a tiny 
amount to that end, but that is not 
their principal purpose. Anyway, 
even if we could reach as many 
Americans as John Chancellor 
and Walter Cronkite do, and as 
often, facts are not enough; it is 
not merely ignorance that causes 
Americans to act as they do and 
prevents the consensus which 
would allow the public to 
straighten out our national and 
racial affairs. 

The National Alliance receives 
a steady trickle of letters from 
White Americans who have read a 
NATIONAL VANGUARD for 
the first time or who have seen our 
article "The Masters of the 
Media" reproduced on a leaflet 
and whose reaction is, so what? 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



"If Jews are better organized and 
know how to handle money better 
than Gentiles do, why then they 
should be running the country," 
these writers argue. "After all, we 
believe in free enterprise, don't 
we?" 

This sort of rugged capitalism 
carries with it the smell of, "I'm 
doing all right for myself, Jack, so 
let's not knock the System. It's no 
skin off my back if the Jews are 
encouraging racial mixing, be- 
cause I won't be around to have to 
live in a mongrelized America, 
anyway." 

Fortunately, such overt egoism 
is characteristic of only a minority 
of the most alienated Whites, but 
it is nevertheless symptomatic of 
the widespread and growing con- 
fusion of values among the 
public. It does little good to 
inform people of the threat to the 
future of their race, when they are 
not really sure they care whether 
their race survives or not. 

It is a sad fact that most White 
Americans today, when con- 
fronted by an issue like that of 
non-White immigration, don't 
really have the values needed to 
justify the tough decision which is 
required. As long as they feel that 
they themselves are not immedi- 
ately and personally threatened by 
the alien flood, they find it easier 
to mumble some platitude about 
there being "room enough for 
everybody" in America, even 
when they know it's not true, than 
to take a position which might 
subject them to official disap- 
proval. 

Racially oriented right wingers 
who imagine that their concerns 
for the future are shared by the 
majority of Americans are simply 
wrong — and so are those who 
imagine that all that is needed for 
a White consensus is to inform the 
people of the dangers ahead. 
Public opinion — and the funda- 
mental values on which it rests — 
depend on more than facts. 

As I mentioned above, we tend 
to be misled by the current 
democratic mythology into as- 
suming some things about the 
average man which are incorrect. 
One of these things is that he can 
think for himself. The great 
majority of people, even if they 
have this latent ability, have never 
used it. They have always let 
others do their thinking for them. 

Until about a century ago — 
and even later in many parts of 
America — people formed their 
opinions almost exclusively 
through their daily inieractions 
with their immediate neighbors. 
In the marketplace, at the village 
school or church, in the black- 
smith's shop and the general 
store, among the hands in the 
fields and the members of one's 
own family, there was the contin- 
uous exchange of feelings, im- 
pressions, experiences, and, es- 
pecially, traditional concepts, all 
of which shaped the individual's 
view of the world in general and 
his opinion on any subject in 
particular. 

Neither a man's religion nor his 
politics was the product of any 
rational process, but was deter- 
mined almost always by the 
religion or the politics of those 
around him. There was a consen- 
sus — perhaps not a national 
consensus, including the inhabi- 
tants of geographically different 
areas with markedly different 
life-styles, but, at least, a number 
of local consensuses. 



Central Nexus Guides Public Opinion 



The real world was a man's 
village and the surrounding coun- 
tryside. From these he received 
nearly all his impressions. Any- 
thing as far as a hundred miles 
away was not entirely real. Even 
in the towns* where there may 
have been such exotic influences 
as newspapers, the writers and 
editors of those newspapers were 
of the same race as their fellow 
townspeople and generally shared 
the same consensus. 

Thus, from antiquity until 
fairly recent times, a man's 
mental connections were with his 
immediate neighbors. The village 
nexus (to coin a phrase) was the 
source of human consensus. This 
consensus might — and generally 
did — include patent absurdities 
and bizarre superstitions, local 
eccentricities and passing fads, 
along with the genuine wisdom of 
the ages. It was an organic 
consensus, however, and general- 
ly quite resistant to alien influ- 
ences, 

But the village nexus has now 
been broken almost everywhere in 
America and the rest of the 
industrialized West, and a new 
mental connection is taking its 
place: the centra! nexus. Urbani- 
zation, the tearing loose of the 
people from their roots in the soil, 
the depersonalization of work, 
alienation — this complex of 
developments has been treated by 
scholars a thousand times over 
during the last century, and 
another treatment will not be 
given here. 

But the central nexus itself, 
which is an outgrowth of these 
developments, is easy enough to 
understand. Millions of Ameri- 
cans, whose great-grandparents 
lived all their lives on the .same 
farm or in the same village and 
knew intimately all their neigh- 
bors, today live in high-rise 
apartments, change addresses 
every 4.3 years on the average, 
and don't even know the name of 
the family in the apartment across 
the hall. In our larger cities, in 
many cases, they may not even be 
able to speak the language of the 
family across the hall. 

Under these conditions the TV 
set, with its packaged-in-New 
York network programs, has 
taken the place of the bull session 
in the blacksmith's shop; the 
big-city daily newspaper, with its 
"news" filtered through the na- 
tional wire services, the place of 
the parish church; the cinema, 
presenting the latest product of 
the Hollywood film industry, the 
place of the general store; the 
glass-and-concrete educational 
emporium, with its state-coordi- 
nated texts and curricula, the 
place of the little, red school- 
house; the night club, with its 
rock band and Jewish comedian 
and strangers at every table, the 
place of the Saturday night barn 
dance among neighbors. 

The transition is not yet com- 
plete, of course. People still talk 
about politics and race and other 
issues at the office, in the barber- 
shop, in the plant, in the school 
cafeteria, and across the backyard 
fence. 

But the trend is quite unmis- 
takable. For all practical purposes 
people's opinions are determined 
these days by the central nexus 
rather than by the village nexus. 
And the central nexus is neither 



organic nor resistant to alien 
influences. 

In fact, as our article "The 
Masters of the Media" demon- 
strates, the central nexus, with its 
flow of information outward 
from a few hubs to millions of 
individuals whose connections to 
their neighbors have been severed, 
is ideally suited to infiltration and 
manipulation by any well-organ- 
ized minority — and that is 
exactly what has happened. 

The Jews did not plan orcause 
the transition from the village 
nexus to the central nexus, but 
they have certainly taken adv- 
antage of it to steer the thinking 
of the American people into 
channels compatible with Jewish 
interests. 

So far as public opinion — the 
"thinking" of the masses — is 
concerned, there is no way to beat 
the central nexus. The average 
man will believe what John 
Chancellor tells him rather than 
what we tell him, because he can 
easily reassure himself that John 
Chancellor is telling the truth just 
by switching channels and noting 
that Walter Cronkite is saying the 
same thing. 

More important, he will adopt 
the basic values that his news- 
paper and his favorite weekly 
news magazine and the characters 
in his favorite television serial 
assure him are the values of all but 
a lunatic fringe of his peers. He 
will learn all the cliches with 
which he "thinks" from Little 
House on the Prairie and The 
Late Show. 

Unless one can continuously 
bombard him with an equal 
volume of different cliches — that 
is, unless one can establish an 
alternate central nexus — one 
cannot hope to build a new 



consensus among him and the rest 
of the White citizenry. And, of 
course, one cannot establish an 
alternate central nexus with any- 
thing less than all the gold in Fort 
Knox plus all the petrodollars in 
Riyadh. 

That is why none of the 
right-wing schemes for White 
salvation currently being pro- 
moted will work. The majority of 
the White population will not act 
spontaneously to save themselves, 
because that's not the way the 
central nexus has programmed 
them to act. 

The foregoing comments do not 
reflect pessimism and should not 
cause pessimism in any but those 
unalterably wedded to a pet 
right-wing project. But we must 
understand that majority-based 
solutions are not feasible under 
present conditions, so that we can 
focus our efforts on a program 
for survival that will work. 

Any such program requires a 
consensus, of course, which in 
turn requires a new nexus. Since 
we cannot have a majority 
consensus, then we must do what 
we can with a minority consensus.. 

We can build a minority 
consensus through an organiza- 
tional nexus, and we will see how 
that is done and what its 
significance is in future issues of 
NATIONAL VANGUARD. 

Meanwhile, there is no inten- 
tion to disparage the racially 
conscious elements among the tax 
rebels, or any other White people 
with sound motives. But they 
must eventually be made to 
understand that without a con- 
sensus based on an organizational 
nexus all their efforts are utterly 
in vain. 

(Issue No. 65, 1978) 



The Black Angels of Yakima 

A milestone of sorts was passed in Yakima, Washington, last month. 
Someone in Yakima, a mostly White city of 45,000, noticed that all the 
plastic angels strung up above the city streets were White, with red hair 
and blue eyes — as has always been the case with angels. 

"Racist!" he cried. "The angels are racist!" 

"Ah, so they are," nervously agreed city officials. "WTiat shall we 
do?" 

"Paint them black 1" announced the city's director of public works, 
in a burst of inspiration. 

And so they did. They took down the angels (and the plastic Santas, 
too) and painted over that racist pinkish-white skin and that racist red 
hair and those racist blue eyes (not all of them, actually — only half of 
them in the 90-per-cent White city) and hung them back up again. 

Now, ordinarily such a bit of degenerate lunacy might seem worthy 
of mention only in our "Times & Manners" column on page two. But 
it seems to this editor that the Black angels of Yakima are a more 
significant milestone in the passing of Western civilization than a 
brazen young Jew being able to cozen a White jury into acquitting him 
of bank robbery and armed kidnapping charges — or even than the 
U.S. Army being pressured into giving "honorable" discharges to 
perverts and traitors. 

Yakima, after all, is not Brooklyn or Miami Beach. Nor is it some 
high-income bedroom suburb, populated with deracinated, upwardly 
mobile eager-beavers, desperately anxious to be "with It." Yakima is 
just plain folks, the American heartland. 

The people who live in Yakima are the kind who, in years past, used 
to become so indignant when the local Jews insisted that school children 
not be allowed to sing Christmas carols, that the Jews had to back 
down. 

But, so far as is known, the good people of Yakima did not budge 
from their TV sets when their angels were painted black last month, 
Something seems to have gone out of America, to have been drained 
from the souls of her people. 

What can a people have left in the way of spiritual resources, when 
they abandon their cherished traditions so easily? 

What will they fight for, when nothing is any longer sacred to them? 

What new indignities and degradations will they not meekly accept, 
so long as their refrigerators are kept full? 

(Issue No. 65, 1978) 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

What are the origin and the significance of European man f s drive 'Ho 
follow knowledge . . , beyond the utmost bound of human thought"? 

The Faustian Spirit 

The following article is an elaboration of a portion of an address by Or. William Pierce to the General Con- 
vention of the National Alliance in September, titled "The World View of the National Alliance." 



145 



In the late Middle Ages there 
lived in Germany a remarkable 
scholar reputed to have unraveled 
Nature's mysteries and to be able 
to employ his knowledge in 
wondrous and magical ways. 
Some regarded him as a skilled 
alchemist, who had acquired his 
powers through diligent work in 
the laboratory; others said he was 
only a trickster, who was more a 
master of sleight-of-hand than of 
alchemy; but most eventually 
came to regard him as a conjurer, 
who had made a pact with the 
Devil, exchanging his soul in 
return for knowledge and power. 

The mysterious scholar was 
Doctor Johann Faust (c. 1480 - c. 
1538), and the many legends 
which grew up about him cap- 
tured the imaginations of writers, 
poets, and composers in succeed- 
ing generations. Half a century 
after his death there was pub- 
lished in Germany a book com- 
prising these legends, Historia von 
Dr. Johann Fausten, by Johann 
Spiess, which soon appeared also 
in English and French versions. 

Late in the 16th century the 
English playwright Christopher 
Marlowe wrote his Tragical His- 
tory of Doctor Faustus based on 
these legends. After that countless 
others took up the Faust theme: 
the theme of man striving to 
exceed his ordained bounds, 
seeking knowledge beyond that 
allotted to others. 

The most noted writer in this 
vein was Johann Wolfgang von 
Goethe, the first part of whose 
long dramatic poem Faust was 
published in 1808. Drawing pri- 
marily on Goethe's treatment, 
Berlioz and Gounod, among 
others, composed operas. 
Throughout the 19th century and 
well into the 20th, symphonies, 
poems, plays, and novels dealing 
with the Faust legend continued to 
appear. 

The subject evidently resonates 
with something deep in the 
European soul. In fact, one may 
easily see a precursor of the Faust 
legend in that of Odin, whose 
quest for truth and understanding 
led him to give up one of his eyes 
aiid to be hanged for nine days 
from the World Tree. 

In the many versions of the 
Faust legend various elements are 
emphasized, but the persistent 
theme is that mentional above: the 
quest of exceptional men for an 
understanding of life and Nature: 
the reaching out for a new level of 
existence, for a fuller develop- 
ment of latent powers. 

It is from this persistent theme, 
rather than from the semi-histori- 
cal account of the life of Dr. 
Johann Faust or from any one of 
the fictional works using his name 
that we draw the meaning at- 
tached to the adjective "Faus- 
tian" today. The word refers to a 
spiritual tendency in the race 
which has shown such fascination 
down through the ages with the 



idea behind the Faust legend. It 
describes a fundamental urge or 
drive latent in the soul of 
European man — and active in a 
few exceptional Europeans. 

The Faustian urge in our 
race-soul says to us; "Thou shalt 
not rest or be content, no matter 
what thy accomplishments. Thou 
must strive all the days of thy life. 
Thou must discover all things, 
know all things, master all 
things." 

European man's Faustian urge 
is quite different from the urge in 
the Levantine soul to accumulate, 
to possess, the craving to pile up 
money beyond all reason, the lust 
for personal aggrandizement. 
And it is, of course, antithetical to 
what might be called the maftana 
spirit of the Latin peoples, which 
says to them: "Enjoy life. Don't 
hurry. You don't need to know 
what lies beyond the next ridge," 

It is the source of both our basic 
restlessness as a race and our basic 
inquisitiveness. It is what makes 
adventurers of us, drives us to risk 
our lives in ventures which can 
bring us no conceivable material 
benefit — something which is 
totally foreign to other races, 
accustomed to judging everything 
according to its utility only. 

It is the Faustian urge which has 
made our race the pre-eminent 
race of explorers, which has 
driven us to scale the highest 
mountains in lands inhabited by 
men of other races who have been 
content to remain always in the 
valleys. It is what, more than 
intellect alone, has made us 
likewise the pre-eminent race of 
scientists — especially in those 
days before the practice of science 
became a well-paid profession. It 
is what sent us to another world 
and has us now reaching for the 
stars. 

But the Faustian urge is also 
more than all these things. It 
raises those imbued with it above 
the economic men, who, in the 
eyes of Western politicians and 
Eastern commissars, of labor 
bosses and captains of industry, 
of neo-liberal Democrats and 
conservative Republicans alike, 
are the sole denizens of the earth. 
It makes of man more than a mere 
consumer or producer. It is, more 
than anything else, the manifesta- 
tion of the- Divine in man's soul. 

The opening scene in Goethe's 
Faust conveys the idea of the 
Faustian spirit expressed above: 
Faust is a restless scholar who has 
plumbed all of human knowledge 
but whose soul remains unslaked, 
his craving for ultimate truth 
unabated. Alone in his study, late 
at night, he gazes with a mixture 
of awe and desire on the sign of 
the Macrocosmos, and he says to 
himself, "Was it a god who 
engraved this sign which stills my 
inner tumult and fills my heart 
with joy, which with a mysterious 
force unveils the secrets of Nature 
all around me? ... Where shall I 




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REMBRANDT VAN RIJN was one of many artists fascinated by the 
legend of Dr. Faust. This 17th-century etching by Rembrandt shows 
Faust in his study with a magic mirror which reveals Nature's 
secrets to him. 



grasp thee, oh infinite Nature?" 
But Goethe paints other aspects 
of his protagonist's character 
besides the one we have called 
"Faustian." It may be that a 
better — or, at least, less 
ambiguous — adjective would be 
"Odyssean" or "Ulyssean," be- 
cause the English poet Alfred 
Tennyson, in one short poem, 
really strikes closer to the sense of 
the word that we want to convey 
than does Goethe or any of the 
other writers about the Faust 
legend. 

Tennyson*s hero's desire is "to 
follow knowledge like a sinking 
star, / beyond the utmost bound 
of human thought." To Ulysses, 
"all experience is an arch where- 
through / gleams that untravelled 
world whose margin fades / for 
ever and for ever when I move." 

Even in old age, after a much 
fuller and more eventful life than 
ordinary men are granted, Ulysses 
says, *"T is not too late to seek a 
newer world. / ... my purpose 
holds / to sail beyond the sunset, 
and the baths / of all the western 
stars, until 1 die." He sees himself 
as "made weak by time and fate, 
but strong in will / to strive, to 
seek, to find, and not to yield." 

And just as Goethe's Faust is 
contrasted with his famulus, or 
student-servant, the pedantic 
Wagner, even more strongly — 
and much more concisely — does 
Tennyson contrast Ulysses with 



his son Telemachus, a man of 
"slow prudence ... centered in the 
sphere of common duties," and 
quite lacking in his father's 
driving spirit. 

Yet, common usage favors 
"Faustian" over "Ulyssean," 
and we shall be satisfied with it. 

From a strictly anthropological 
viewpoint, we may seek a clue to 
European man's Faustian ten- 
dency in the particulars of his 
evolutionary development. He 
was, for 10,000 generations, a 
hunter of the herds of bison and 
reindeer and mammoths which 
roamed the frozen plain of 
northern Europe during the Ice 
Ages. We might expect, therefore, 
that he should show the inquisi- 
tiveness he does, which is the 
mark of the predator, whether cat 
or man — but we might also ask 
why other races which went 
through a hunting phase do not 
show it to the same degree. 

We might expect, because our 
ancestors followed the herds in 
their seasonal migrations for so 
many centuries, owning only the 
property they could carry on their 

There is no loftier mission than 
to approach Divinity nearer than 
other men and to disseminate the 
divine rays among mankind. 

— Ludwig van Beethoven, 
in a letter to Archduke 
Rudolph, August 1823 



backs, that they should have 
acquired the restlessness of the 
wanderer, while more sedentary 
races should have become, over 
the eons, more inclined to accu- 
mulation and less to exploration. 
But, again, there have been more 
southerly nomadic races which 
seem not to have become imbued 
with the Faustian spirit. 

The rigor of the northern 
climate, the challenge of the 
ever-changing seasons certainly 
shaped the character of our race 
as strongly as any other factor. 
Aggressiveness, venturesomeness, 
boldness were traits which en- 
abled our ancestors to find and 
exploit every scarce possibility for 
survival in a harsh and unforgiv- 
ing environment. But the Mongo- 
loid peoples, who evolved in a 
similarly harsh environment, seem 
to have responded somewhat 
differently to it and are today 
characterized more by stolidity 
than venturesomeness. 

We can only conclude that the 
Faustian spirit is the cosequence 
of a unique and transitory com- 
bination of causative factors, to 
which a single race was exposed 
over a period just long enough to 
effect the necessary genetic trans- 
formation and give it a tenuous 
racial basis. Even in our own race 
it manifests itself strongly only in 
the few who prefer adventure to 
advantage, accomplishment to 
acquisition, self-knowledge to 
self-satisfaction, the conquest of 
new worlds to the convenience 
and safety of the old, a true 
understanding of the Absolute to 
the unquestionability of a narrow 
orthodoxy. 

The race which is the bearer of 
this spirit must, therefore, be 
doubly careful that its genetic 
basis is preserved — that it does 
not become a race solely of 
lawyers, clerks, laborers, and 
merchants but remains a race also 
of philosophers, explorers, poets, 
and inventors: of seekers of 
ultimate knowledge, of strivers 
toward the perfection which is 
Godhood. 

When we take the longest 
viewpoint, we can see that the 
Faustian spirit, tenuous though it 
may be, is European man's entire 
justification for existence. 

(Issue No. 65, 1978) 

A White Man 's 
Prayer 

May there never be another war 
in which uniforms are necessary 
to distinguish the combatants. 

(Issue No. 55, 1977) 



146 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Nordic Warrior-Dictator Was Last Bulwark of Roman Republic 



Sulla the Fortunate 



Lucius Cornelius Sulla was 
born in 1 38 B.C., at the beginning 
of the Roman Republic's last, 
strife-wracked century. Sulla was 
the last man to make a practical 
attempt to salvage the Republic 
his patrician forefathers had 
founded four centuries before 
him. His career reflects the 
grandeur and the horrors of the 
desperate struggle which brought 
about Rome's gradual transfor- 
mation from a city-state of free 
White men into a colossal empire 
in which tyrants ruled over 
half-breeds and slaves. 

Sulla's family was of the 
Roman aristocracy of blood, the 
patricians, who had formed 
Rome's governing class from its 
earliest days and who still played 
the leading role in the affairs of 
the Republic at (he time of Sulla's 
birth. Sulla inherited the physical 
and mental traits of his ancestors. 
The Greek biographer Plutarch 
describes Sulla's blue eyes as 
"terribly sharp and dominating." 
His complexion was ruddy, and 
his hair was golden blond, which 
gave him, according to Plutarch, 
an extraordinary appearance in 
the Rome of his day, in which the 
mixing of breeds was already a 
long-established vice. 

Sulla's aristocratic physical 
traits were accompanied by a 
boundless ambition to advance to 
the highest honors which service 
to the Republic could confer, 
coupled with exactly that hard- 
headed pragmatism and will-to- 
action which had animated 
Rome's leaders for centuries. 

Sulla's aspirations were scarcely 
hampered by the humble econo- 
mic lot which his family, despite 
its noble origins, endured. The 
young Sulla was an outstanding 
scholar. He mastered the arts of 
rhetoric and debate, so important 
to an ambitious Roman, and 
became learned in Greek and 
Latin literature as well. 

During his student days Sulla 
roomed in cheap lodgings, in 
sharp contrast to the luxury with 
which Rome's young aristocrats, 
already pampered with the spoils 
of the provinces, were accustomed 
to surround themselves. Yet even 
in those days Sulla amused 
himself in the raucous company 
of actors and musicians, a plea- 
sure which he was to enjoy to the 
end of his life. 

Sulla was successful with wo- 
men. An affair with the rich but 
low-born Nicopolis was financial- 
ly as well as emotionally reward- 
ing, for she left Sulla her estate on 
her demise. Sulla was adopted by 
another wealthy woman (an in- 
creasingly common practice of the 
day). He inherited the bulk of her 
wealth as well. Thereby the young 
patrician acquired the means 
without which a successful politi- 
cal career in second-century Rome 
had become almost unthinkable. 

Sulla's entry into public life 
coincided with a time of renewed 
tension between two factions 
which had crystallized 25 years 
earlier, during the tribunate of 
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus: 
the optimates and the populares. 
Both groups drew their member- 



ship from the Roman upper 
classes, but they differed radically 
in their attitudes toward the 
senatorial oligarchy which had 
effectively controlled the Roman 
polity since the origins of the 
Republic. The faction which, 
under the leadership of the 
Gracchi brothers, Tiberius and 
Gaius, developed into the popu- 
lares (roughly, "party of the 
people"), sought to supplant the 
senatorial regime by appealing to 
the Roman masses. 

The senatorial optimates ("the 
best men") attempted to circum- 
vent Tiberius' program for the 
redistribution of public lands in 
attempted to continue Tiberius' 
In their efforts they used a variety 
of arguments, first appealing to 
Rome's unwritten constitution, 
then to brute force. Tiberius was 
killed by a mob led by the 
optimates in 1 33 B.C., and Gaius 
and his followers, who had 
attempted to continue Tiberius's 
program, were proscribed (pub- 
licly outlawed) by the Senate and 
hunted down in 122 B.C. 

The populares, who derived 
wide support from the Roman 
lower classes and from the citizens 
of the Latin and Italian cities 
subordinate to Rome, were not to 
be so easily suppressed. Before his 
death Gaius Gracchus had en- 
listed the Roman equites to his 
cause. The equites ("knights") 
were so called because in the 
earlier days of the Republic they 
had formed a class prosperous 
enough for each man to supply his 
own horse and equipment for 
cavalry service in time of war. 

By the second half of the 
second century B.C., however, 
the equites had long since aban- 
doned their military function and 
instead made up Rome's banking 
and merchant class. Their finan- 
cial support was increasingly 
important in the intensifying 
political struggle, and their re- 
sentment at the greater political 
and social prestige of the senator- 
ial aristocrats was played on by 
the (likewise aristocratic) leaders 
of the populares. 

Discontent with the policies of 
the optimates in the Senate 
surfaced with renewed vigor after 
1 12 B.C., when the leaders of the 
anti-senatorial faction exploited 
popular discontent with the slow 
progress of the war against 
Jugurtha, the usurper-king of 
Numidia, in northern Africa. 
Jugurtha, who inaugurated his 
war against his royal cousin 
Adherbal by slaughtering the 
Roman population of Cirta, a city 
on the edge of the Sahara, was 
accused by the populares of 
systematically bribing the leaders 
of the Roman Senate in order to 
hinder their war effort against 
him. Although these accusations 
were greatly exaggerated, the war 
in Numidia had dragged on for 
five years when Gaius Marius was 
given the command of the Roman 
armies in Africa, and Sulla was 
made his quaestor. 

Marius was a novus homo y a 
"new man," as those Romans 
who were the first of their line to 




v -.;■-, pum 1 



X 
LUCIUS CORNELIUS SULLA 



hold consular office were called. 
He was a natural opponent of the 
optimates (he had obtained the 
African command by forcing out 
the aristocrat Metellus) and an 
outstanding military leader. In 
Sulla, at first, he found an able 
subordinate. 

Although Sulla seems to have 
had little prior military experi- 
ence, he acquitted himself super- 
bly in the Jugurthine War, His 
duties as quaestor were those of 
quartermaster and paymaster. In 
addition, he commanded the 
Roman troops in Marius' 
absence. 

In a short time, according to 
SaJlust, a first-century Roman 
historian hostile to Sulla, he 
became the most skilled soldier in 
the Roman army. Sulla and the 
Italian cavalry squadrons which 
he commanded stood up well 
against Jugurtha's troops, both in 
the hit-and-run raids across the 
deserts and the foothills of the 
Atlas Mountains and in the 
set-piece battles which Jugurtha 
and his allies undertook in a 
desperate attempt to end Marius' 
scorched-earth strategy. 

Sulla won the acclaim of the 
Romans by an exploit which 
brought the war to its close. 
Ingratiating himself with Boc- 
chus," the king of Mauretania, 
Sulla took Jugurtha prisoner at 
Bocchus' court, with the king's 
approval, although it was a near 
thing, to the last minute, whether 
Jugurtha would be surrendered to 
Sulla or vice versa. 

Plutarch reports that the popu- 
larity which Sulla gained by his 
capture of Rome's wily enemy 



angered Marius and paved the 
way for the later enmity of the 
two men. In fact, Sulla served as 
Marius' legate in several cam- 
paigns during the following years, 
notably at the great battle of 
Vercellae in northern Italy in 101 
B.C., where the Romans annihi- 
lated a great horde of the 
Germanic Cimbri and their Celtic 
allies. 

While Marius gathered the 
lion's share of the honors for his 
victories over the Germans, in- 
cluding an unprecedented four 
consecutive consulships, Sulla 
gained valuable military experi- 
ence* in other campaigns against 
the Gallic tribes north of the 
Roman province of Narbonensis, 
in southern France, and against 
the untamed tribes of the Alps. 
The mortal rivalry with Marius 
would only explode several years 
later. 

In 98 B.C. Sulla was elected 
praetor, the Roman official in 
charge of the administration of 
the Republic's laws. In the 
following year Sulla was sent to 
administer the Roman province of 
Cilicia in Asia Minor. At 
that time the neighboring pro- 
vince of Cappadocia, to the 
north, was in ferment as a result 
of the expulsion of the pro-Rom- 
an King Ariobarzanes by Gordius. 
Gordius was suspected to be the 
pawn of King Mithridates of 
Pontus, who was gathering his 
forces for an eventual challenge to 
Rome's overlordship in the east. 

Sulla crushed Gordius, restored 
Ariobarzanes, and then achieved 
a diplomatic coup by opening 
relations with the Parthians, who 



were creating an empire on the 
Iranian steppes. Sulla made clear 
by his conduct during his inter- 
view with the Parthian ambassa- 
dor Orobazus that the Roman 
Republic was the superior power, 
seating himself between and 
above the Cappadocian king and 
the Parthian envoy. He was 
showered with popular applause 
when he returned to Rome. 

Shortly after his arrival in 
Rome Sulla was charged by 
Censorinus, a member of the 
populares, with corruption and 
extortion in Cappadocia. Such 
accusations against members of 
the senatorial faction had become 
commonplace after Gaius Grac- 
chus' institution of courts to try 
provincial administrators accused 
of malfeasance, since these courts 
were composed exclusively of 
equites, Naturally, those gover- 
nors who showed the greatest care 
in protecting their colonial sub- 
jects from the depredations of 
Roman merchants and tax-far- 
mers, almost all of them equites, 
were most likely to be indicted. 

Censorinus' accusations were 
flimsy, and he failed to appear in 
court on the appointed day. 
Nevertheless, Sulla had been 
served notice that the populares 
considered him a dangerous 
enemy. 

In 91 B.C. a large number of 
Rome's Italian allies revolted 
against Rome's hegemony on the 
Italian peninsula. The rebellion 
was triggered by the assassination 
of the tribune Marcus Livius 
Drusus, who had alienated both 
the optimates and the equites by 
attempting to enfranchise the 
Italians. 

Both Marius and Sulla served as 
generals in the campaign against 
the rebellious allies, which came 
to be known as the Social War 
(socius being the Latin word for 
ally). Sulla proved himself as 
skilled a general as Marius, and 
even more energetic. His leader- 
ship was decisive in quelling the 
uprising, as was Rome's mag- 
nanimous grant of citizenship to 
those Latins and other Italians 
who surrendered their arms to 
Rome. 

Scarcely had the Romans over- 
come the threat on the peninsula 
when Mithridates launched an 
attack against the Romans in Asia 
Minor unprecedented in its scope 
and ferocity. At least 80,000 
Romans, most of them bankers 
and tax gatherers, were butchered 
throughout the cities of Asia 
Minor. The Roman military 
forces were overwhelmed, and 
Greece and Syria were drawn into 
the revolt. 

The question of who was to 
lead the Roman armies to restore 
the situation in the east touched 
on more than military and foreign 
affairs. Even more than the great 
prestige which would be conferred 
on such a leader, the army he 
would command might be a 
powerful weapon in the factional 
strife which was always simmering 
in Rome. 

It was Sulla whom the Roman 
people chose for the command, 



after he had been elected consul 
for that year. Marius, enraged at 
having been passed over, allied 
himself with the unscrupulous 
tribune Publius Sulpicius Rufus. 
Sulpicius, who had formed a band 
of young toughs recruited from 
the equites, which he called his 
"anti-Senate," obliged Marius by 
unconstitutionally revoking Sul- 
la's appointment and naming 
Marius to command the Asian 
expedition. Sulpicius then un- 
leashed his supporters on the 
optimates, killing hundreds of 
them and forcing Sulla to flee for 
his life to his forces at Nola, 130 
mites southeast of Rome. 

Sulla reached the encamped 
legions in advance of the officers 
whom Sulpicius and Marius had 
dispatched to inform the men of 
the change in command. The 
army rallied to Sulla, stoned 
Marius' staff officers, and 
marched on Rome. Enroute Sulla 
and his men were met by Servilius 
and Brutus, two of the praetors, 
who beseeched Sulla not to 
outrage precedent by violating the 
sacred boundaries of the city. 
Even as they spoke, Marius' 
supporters were embarking on a 
new slaughter of the aristocratic 
faction. 

Sulla disregarded the pleas of 
the praetors and advanced on 
Rome, after first deceiving the 
delegates from the city into 
believing that he intended to halt 
outside the gates. Two of his 
subordinates led an advance force 
into the city, and Sulla followed 
with the remainder of the legions. 
After brief but bitter street 
fighting, the Sullan army gained 
the city. 

Marius made a brief attempt to 
rally Rome's slaves to his cause by 
offering them their freedom, but 
to no avail. He fled Rome, 

eventually reaching safety in 
Africa. Sulpicius Rufus was slain, 
along with numerous followers. 

Despite their salvation from the 
populares, many senators were 
displeased with Sulla's uncom- 
promising measures. His pre- 
eminence boded ill for the princi- 
ple of collegiality which the 
oligarchy swore by. There were, 
as well, a large number of 
populares remaining. Although 
they found it prudent to veil their 
sympathies for the moment, they 
stood ready to resume the struggle 
for the mastery of Rome on 
Sulla's departure. 

Thus it was that the Roman 
people elected magistrates hostile 
to Sulla. Foremost among them 
was Lucius Cinna, from whom 
Rome's aristocrats would later 
endure heavy losses, Sulla swal- 
lowed whatever anger he felt at 
the elections, since the situation in 
Asia was deteriorating rapidly. He 
decided to deal with Rome's 
foreign enemies first. 

Greece had largely embraced 
the cause of Mithridates in the 
first flush of his success, seeing in 
his victories an opportunity to 
regain the freedom they had lost 
to Rome in the preceding century. 
Nonetheless, the Hellenes affected 
to greet Sulla warmly, doubtless 
remembering the ruthless mea- 
sures his predecessors had taken 
in 146 B.C., when the Romans 
had razed Corinth. 

Alone of the Greek cities, 
Athens held out against the 
Romans, defended by its tyrant 
Aristion. Sulla invested the proud 
city, battering at tne walls with all 



the complex machinery of ancient 
siege warfare. 

To finance the vast quantities 
of materiel needed for his opera- 
tions Sulla hit upon the sacrile- 
gious plan of appropriating the 
rich treasures dedicated to the 
gods at Olympia, Epidaurus, and 
Delphi. The Greeks at Delphi 
were understandably horrified by 
Sulla's intentions; his emissary, 
Caphls the Phocian, returned with 
word that the guardians of the 
temple had heard Apollo's lyre 
sounding from the inner shrine. 

Sulla laughed off this portent. 
Wasn't music a sign of joy, rather 
than anger? Evidently the god was 
delighted at the prospect of Sulla 
overseeing his wealth. The trea- 
sures were duly confiscated and 
sold to further the siege of 
Athens. After the discovery of a 
weak point in the Athenian 
defenses, Sulla's forces stormed 
the city, inflicting great carnage 
on the inhabitants. 

Meanwhile Taxiles, one of 
Mithridates' generals, was moving 
south from Thrace and Mace- 
donia with seemingly overwhelm- 
ing forces. Sulla marched quickly 
from Athens to the open country 
of Boeotia, north of Attica. At 
Philoboeotus he joined forces 
with the Roman general Horten- 
sius, who had advanced south- 
ward from Thessaly just ahead of 
Taxiles' armies. 

At Philoboeotus the entrenched 
Romans confronted over 100,000 
of the enemy, chiefly Medes and 
Scythians, although Greek mer- 
cenaries constituted the backbone 
of Taxiles' force. The Asiatic 
army outnumbered Sulla's forces 
by five to one. Sulla decided to 
wait Taxiles' troops out, counting 
on the superior Roman discipline 
to hold, while the barbarians, 
unaccustomed to a war of posi- 
tion rather than of movement, 
grew restless and relaxed their 
guard. 

Sulla's strategy bore fruit. 
After several days of preparation 
he launched his attack against an 
enemy that had begun to rove 
around the countryside, engaged 
in disorderly foraging and plun- 
dering. A detachment of Sulla's 
Greek allies from the Boeotian 
town of Chaeronea managed to 
gain a height above and behind 
the enemy, inflicting first panic 
and then heavy losses on the 
Scythians below them. Sulla's 
troops pressed forward relentless- 
ly, and the scythe-wheeled chari- 
ots on which Taxiles had counted 
whirred harmlessly past them. 

Even so, it was a difficult fight. 
More than once the vastly superi- 
or numbers of Mithridates' army 
seemed about to overwhelm the 
Romans, but each time Sulla 
shifted the right wing, which he 
commanded personally, to the 
critical point. Finally the enemy 
lines buckled for the last time, and 
the Romans gave pursuit, in- 
flicting great slaughter. 

No sooner had Sulla defeated 
Taxiles than he received word that 
Flaccus, a supporter of Marius, 
was moving toward him with an 
army ostensibly meant to rein- 
force him, but more likely with 
secret orders to attack him. At the 
same time, a large army of 
Mithridates' picked troops, com- 
manded by Dorylaus, landed at 
Chalcis and swarmed into- 
Boeotia. 

Once again Sulla confronted a 
large Asiatic army in Boeotia, this 



time on the plain of Orchomenus. 
Here the enerrty refused to fall 
prey to Sulla's waiting game. 
Dorylaus attacked at once and 
sent the Roman legionaries reel- 
ing. Sultd leaped from his horse, 
seized a standard, and pushed 
forward through his fleeing men, 
shouting, "As for me, Romans, I 
can die here with honor; but as for 
you, when you are asked where it 
was that you betrayed your 
commander-in-chief, remember 
and say: 'It was at Orcho- 
menus.'" Sulla's example rallied 
his men, and in three sharp 
engagements the Romans all but 
annihilated Mithridates' second 
invading army. 

The victory over Dorylaus came 
at an opportune time. Reports 
from Rome were reaching Sulla of 
renewed and bloodthirsty cam- 
paigns by the populares against 
his own senatorial party. His wife 
Metella had been forced to flee 
with her children. She joined Sulla 
with the news that his opponents 
had burned down his houses and 
villas. 

Sulla opened negotiations with 
Mithridates' general Archelaus at 
Delium, He haughtily rejected 
Mithridates' offer of an alliance 
and advanced across the Helles- 
pont to Dardanus on the Troad. 
There Sulla and Mithridates ne- 
gotiated a treaty obliging the king 
of Pontus to withdraw from all 
the lands he had invaded and to 
pay a large indemnity to the 
Roman Republic. 

Sulla was roundly criticized for 
letting so relentless an enemy of 
Rome escape on such easy terms. 
Yet Sulla and what remained of 
the senatorial class in Rome were 
in mortal danger. Cinna and his 
chief henchman, Gnaeus Papirius 
Carbo, had solidified their hold 
on Rome by a reign of terror. In 
Greece, Flaccus' army, now 
commanded by Fimbria, menaced 
Sulla. 

Sulla advanced to Thyateira, 
where Fimbria's forces had en- 
camped. Such was Sulla's popu- 
larity that large numbers of his 
opponent's men began to desert to 
him. Fimbria, confronted with the 
inevitable, took his own life. Sulla 
stopped at Athens once more, 
where he confiscated a large 
library containing excelled edi- 
tions of Aristotle's works, and 
then marched across Greece to 
Dyrrachium. From there he em- 
barked for Italy. 

Sulla landed with his army at 
Brindisium^ on the heel of the 
Italian boot, in the spring of 83 
B.C. He faced grave strategic 
problems, for his Roman enemies 
outnumbered him heavily. His 
own troops' term of service had 
elapsed, and there was no guaran- 
tee that they wouldn't simply go 
home. Furthermore, the popu- 
lares were bolstered by the 
fanatical support of the non-Latin 
peoples, particularly the hardy 
Samnites and Lucanians, still 
unreconciled to their enforced 
subordination to Rome. 

Sulla easily obtained his men's 
enthusiastic allegiance, declining a 
large gift which they subscribed to 
him. Their spirit stood him in 
good stead. After the landing 
Sulla led his troops to victory 
against the consul Norbanus, 
driving him and the remnants of 
his forces across the Apennine 
passes to Capua. Sulla's lieu- 
tenant LucuUus routed another 
army of ths populares ai Fidentia. 



Sulla moved slowly up the 
peninsula, gradually but steadily 
augmenting his 1 forces from the 
mounting defections which 
plagued the armies of the popu- 
lares. His enemy Carbo, foresha- 
dowing Macchiavelli's terms, re- 
marked that in making war on 
Sulla he had to deal with a man 
who was at heart both a lion and a 
fox, and the fox was more 
worrisome than the lion. 

Advancing northward, Sulla 
defeated the son of his old patron 
and later enemy, Marius, in a 
pitched battle at Sacriportus. 
Sulla's generals, among them 
Pompey and Crassus, who later 
formed the first triumvirate with 
Julius Caesar, annihilated the 
remainder of Carbo's forces, and 
Carbo fled to Africa. 

Just before Rome, at the city's 
Colline gate, Sulla fought his last 
battle. The enemy, most of whom 
were Samnites led by the embit- 
tered anti-Roman Telesinus, 
fought desperately, and the out- 
come was in doubt through the 
night. Sulla, reinforced by Cras- 
sus' troops, managed to drive the 
enemy to Antennae, where he set 
them one against the other by an 
offer of clemency to one of their 
legions. After their surrender, 
Sulla had them alt dragged to the 
Circus at Rome, where he 
commanded that they be merci- 
lessly slaughtered. 

Sulla recognized that his mili- 
tary victories over the populares 
would not be sufficient to destroy 
the threat they posed to the 
Senate's control of Roman politi- 
cal life; the remainder of the 
Marian faction had to be rooted 
out and destroyed. To that end 
Sulla instituted a brutal and 
thorough purge of the leading 
populares and their supporters 
among the equites. 

As the captive Samnites were 
being cut down in the Circus, 
Sulla's partisans were already 
making their bloody rounds a- 
mong the men who had backed 
Marius and Cinna. Sulla's men 
were without scruple; among 
them were many former popu- 
lares, who now turned their 
murderous attentions to their 
erstwhile companions. At least 
1600 equites were slain, and as 
many as 40 senators. Their 
property was appropriated by 
Sulla, to be handed out to his 
friends and operatives. 

After crushing the populares, 
Sulla staged an impressive tri- 
umph to commemorate his vic- 
tories over Mithridates. Garland- 
ed patricians, newly returned 
from exile, added to the solemn 
dignity of the procession. At the 
close of the ceremony, Sulla 
addressed the Roman people, and 
publicly assumed the surname 
Felix ("the Fortunate"), in recog- 
nition of the tie which binds every 
great man with fate and destiny, 

Sulla's proscriptions appalled 
many optimates, who had previ- 
ously hurried to acclaim him as 
their savior on his triumphant 
return to Rome. With the open 
danger banished, the members of 
the senatorial class — like conser- 
vatives in every age — showed 
themselves all too willing to carry 
on the affairs of state on the basis 
of an idealized vision of the past 
rather than facing the stern 
demands of the present and 
future. 

Sulla had no intention of 
allowing the class and system of 
government which he had restored 



147 

to fall victim to its own squea- 
mishness. Since both consuls were 
dead, he brought about the 
appointment of an interrex (inter- 
im king, an office harking back 
four centuries to the days of the 
monarchy). As had been ar- 
ranged, the interrex, acting under 
the provisions of a special law, 
proclaimed Sulla dictator for an 
unlimited term to enact legislation 
and to reorganize the Republic. 

Sulla, the first Roman dictator 
since the dark days of the second 
Punic War 125 years before, ful- 
filled with scrupulous punctilio the 
duties with which he had charged 
himself. He introduced changes 
which greatly reduced the oppor- 
tunity for unscrupulous politi- 
cians to appeal for the support of 
the urban rabble, and he limited 
the legislative powers of the 
tribunes, who drew their mandate 
from the popular assembly. Fur- 
thermore, he barred tribunes from 
holding any future offices, which 
deterred ambitious Romans from 
using the tribunate as a stepping- 
stone to higher office. Most 
unpleasantly for the rapidly in- 
creasing proletarian idlers of 
Rome, Sulla eliminated the corn 
dole. 

At the same time Sulla took 
positive steps to strengthen the 
Senate. He increased its numbers 
from somewhat fewer than 300 
members to 600, thereby more 
than making up, at least in 
quantity, for the senators who 
had fallen to the populares. 

In addition Sulla clarified and 
reformed the procedures by which 
one might be selected to the 
magistracies. A sizable interval — 
ten years — was mandated for 
men seeking to hold an office they 
had previously held. Further- 
more, Sulla attempted to put a 
stop to abuses of provincial 
commands by regularizing the 
process by which retiring magis- 
trates were appointed to govern 
the provinces. 

Sulla's institution of a system 
of permanent courts to deal with 
criminal offenses was an innova- 
tion which eventually formed the 
basis for much of Europe's system 
of criminal justice. 

After serving as dictator for a 
year, then as consul, Sulla relin- 
quished any claims to political 
power and became once again a 
private citizen. He retired to his 
estate in Campania, north of 
Naples, where he occupied him- 
self in writing his memoirs, which 
have been, most unfortunately, 
lost to posterity. In 78 B.C., little 
more than a year after his 
retirement, he died a painful 
death from cancer. 

Sulla's funeral in Rome was the 
most elaborate conducted for any 
Roman citizen to that day. His 
bones were buried on the Campus 
Martius, the burial ground of the 
Roman kings. His tomb bore an 
inscription to the effect that no 
man did more to help his friends 
or to hurt his enemies. 

Sulla's reforms were not 
enough to save the Republic. They 
dealt primarily with the political 
manifestations of deep-seated 
social, and ultimately racial, 
problems. Then, too, he was the 
last man of stature that, the 
optimates produced. After his 
demise, even former Sullan lieu- 
tenants like Pompey and Crassus 
sought the personal aggrandize- 
ment to be gained by cultivating 



148 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



the support of the equestrian It could be argued that Sulla's Aryan founders of Rome were of the great White statesman and 

financiers and the urban masses, task was a hopeless one, that he well in the process of being soldiers of all times, whose 

Sixty years after his death Rome was defeated before he started by drawn. Even if that be true, Sulla courage and guile on behalf of his 

was a Republic in name only, the racial miasma into which the deserves to be remembered as one race's elite never failed him, truly 



a man with an iron heart. 



(Issue No. 65, 1978) 



An Editorial by Dr. William Pierce 



Criteria for a White Future 



When a sensitive, intelligent, 
racially conscious White Ameri- 
can observes the hellish business 
of racial and cultural destruction 
going on all around him, he 
ordinarily reacts in one of two 
ways: he becomes involved in one 
brand or another of conservative 
or right-wing foolishness; or he 
tries to shed his sensitivity and 
retreat into a detached — one 
might even say solipsist — 
"observer" status, in which the 
world around him becomes un- 
real, like a drama being played 
out on a giant, panoramic TV 
screen. 

Those who choose the latter 
route will, in most cases, stay with 
it until an unusually violent and 
personal bump against reality 
shatters the carefully cultivated 
illusion that what's going on in 
the world doesn't involve them 
and isn't their responsibility. Un- 
fortunately, of these persons the 
ones with the greatest potential 
value are those clever and re- 
sourceful enough to avoid such 
bumps — whether a rape or a 
quota-related promotion denial or 
an offspring who becomes a 
race-mixer — until general econo- 
mic and social conditions have 
deteriorated much further than 
they have at this time. 

We have attempted, in two 
previous editorials, to convince 
those who have chosen — or are 
contemplating choosing — the 
former route that it leads to just 
as much a dead end as the latter. 
Specifically, we pointed out in the 
first editorial two basic flaws in 
the conspiracy-oriented right- 
wing approach: namely, the fail- 
ure to recognize both the magni- 
tude of the problem to be solved 
and its organic nature. The second 
editorial pointed out why the 
masses of the people themselves 
are incapable of effecting any 
spontaneous solution, and why 
any approach relying on educa- 
tion alone is forlorn. 

Now we shall examine in detail 
the one possible route to a White 
future for this planet. It is, as 
indicated in last month's editorial, 
a route which depends upon the 
establishment of an organiza- 
tional nexus: that is, a mental and 
spiritual connection between a 
carefully selected minority of the 
White population and an organi- 
zational structure of a very special 
type. Through this nexus flow the 
information, the impressions, and 
the feelings which determine the 
opinions and attitudes of the 
selected minority, establishing a 
consensus which allows the mi- 
nority to think and act effectively 
as a unit. The organizational 
nexus takes the place of the 
present central nexus and the 
disrupted village nexus of the 
past. 

Not every organization is suit- 
able for this purpose; as men- 
tioned in the first editorial in this 
series, the organization which can 
achieve our purpose must be 
hierarchical, radical, all-encom- 



passing, and racial-elitist. Consi- 
der, for the sake of illustration, a 
few existing organizations which 
fail to satisfy some or all of these 
criteria: 

Neither the Republican Party 
nor the Democratic Party is 
radical, all-encompassing, or ra- 
cial-elitist, and their hierarchical 
structures are only very weakly 
developed. They are not radical, 
because they have no purposes or 
goals rooted in fundamental 
principles. The "principles" 



cal criterion quite nicely, but none 
of the others. The racial-sensitivi- 
ty indoctrination to which recruits 
are now routinely subjected and 
the occasional servings of demo- 
cratic ideology dished out along 
with the military training hardly 
suffice to qualify the Army as 
either a radical or an all-encom- 
passing organization. 

It may be an all-pervasive 
physical influence on the lives of 
its members, but they remain 
almost as diverse ideologically 



m 



"The ritual, the mystique, the vows and 
code of behavior of the Order stemmed from 
its radicalism, and they contributed to its all- 
encompassing influence over its members. " 



which they do espouse are patent- 
ly contrived and are subject to 
instant change to suit the varying 
needs of each electoral campaign. 
They are not aJL-encompassing, 
because they address themselves 
to a quite limited array of issues 
and provide no guidance at all, 
even for their staunchest adher- 
ents, on those aspects of life 
outside that limited array. That is, 
the nexus between the organiza- 
tion and its members is incom- 
plete. The incomplete nexus may 
provide a consensus on a few 
narrowly defined issues, but it 
provides no general consensus, no 
common world view for the 
membership. 

And it is quite clear that they 
are not organized along racial- 
elitist lines. It is a fact that the 
Republican Party tends to have a 
much more nearly White member- 
ship than the Democratic Party, 
but that is a fact which the 
Republicans are desperately trying 
to change. Both parties are 
interested solely in the quantity of 
votes they can muster, and they 
care not at all about the racial 
quality of the voters. 

The hierarchical structures of 
the two parties are severely limited 
in two ways: First, officials are 
elected by the mass of party 
members, through a delegate 
system, and are subject to new 
elections at frequent intervals. 
This leads to a strong tendency on 
the part of the officials to cater to 
the changing whims of the 
membership rather than to adhere 
to any long-term strategy, and it 
breaks up the continuity of 
leadership. 

Second, authority is fragment- 
ed by intra-party rivalries between 
the stronger candidates for public 
office, who often establish their 
own competing mini-hierarchies 
within the overall hierarchy and 
think of the party primarily as a 
vehicle for furthering their own 
public careers; thus, the party 
often plays second fiddle to one or 
more of its own candidates. 

The U.S. Army is an organiza- 
tion which satisfies the hierarchi- 



and spiritually as the members of 
the civilian population. And it 
goes without saying that the U.S. 
Army of today is not racial-elitist, 
regardless of any tendencies in 
that direction in the past. 

The various Christian churches 
vary in the degrees to which they 
satisfy one or more of our criteria. 
The Roman Catholic Church still 
has a moderately strong hierar- 
chical structure, although it is 
yielding more and more to 
schismatic tendencies and demo- 
cratic rot. Many of the Protestant 
churches, on the other hand, are 
no more hierarchical than the 
Democratic and Republican Par- 
ties. 

The Roman Catholics and the 
Protestant Fundamentalists vie 
with one another in their degree of 
radicalism, with some of the more 
extreme Fundamentalist sects 
easily edging out the Catholic 
Church. But other Protestant 
groups have succumbed to mo- 
dern, secular tendencies to such 
an extent that they have a zero 
radicalism quotient. 

During the Middle Ages the 
Roman Catholic Church came 
close to being an all-encompassing 
organization in some parts of 
Europe, principally in the Medi- 
terranean area. Today it domi- 
nates the lives of its members to a 
far lesser extent in most places, 
although still more than the larger 
Protestant sects. A few radical 
Protestant groups, however, es- 
pecially those flourishing in geo- 
graphically isolated or culturally 
backward areas, still exercise a 
very strong influence on all 
aspects of the lives of their 
members. 

Although some of the church- 
related knightly orders of the 
Middle Ages may have been de 
facto racial-elitist (the Teutonic 
Order, alone of the major orders, 
was also de jure racial-elitist), ail 
the Christian churches today are 
strongly anti-racial-elitist and, in 
fact, collectively present one of 
the greatest threats to the survival 
of the White race. 



It is dangerous to name any 
single organization as an example 
which satisfies our four criteria, 
because many readers will inevi- 
tably see any such organization as 
a model, to be copied in ways 
irrelevant, as well as in those ways 
relevant, to our purpose. The one 
group mentioned above which 
does, in fact, meet the four 
criteria is the Teutonic Order, and 
it should be kept in mind that, 
while il is an interesting illustra- 
tive example, it is not a model 
which we want to copy in every 
detail. 

Although the Teutonic Order, 
as originally conceived toward the 
close of the twelfth century, was a 
Christian charitable society, asso- 
ciated with St, Mary's Hospital in 
Jerusalem, founded by German 
Crusaders, it very soon became a 
military-religious order, with the 
task of Christianizing, by fire and 
sword, the heathen peoples of 
central and eastern Europe. Be- 
yond that it accepted and admir- 
ably accomplished the mission of 
carrying German culture and the 
German spirit to the eastern 
marches and transforming them 
into integral parts of Germanic 
Europe. 

Despite the Order's later in- 
volvement in all the crass com- 
mercial and political affairs of the 
conquered territories, it was not 
an ad hoc organization; neither 
money nor politics were motives 
of its founders. With a transcen- 
dant religious zeal and a fervent 
devotion to what was then per- 
ceived as fundamental truth, the 
Teutonic Order was truly a radical 
organization. 

The ritual, the mystique, the 
vows and code of behavior of the 

Order stemmed from its radical- 
ism, and they contributed to its 
all-encompassing influence over 
its members: After taking vows of 
poverty, obedience, and chastity, 
the Teutonic knights partook of a 
semi-monastic life-style. They 
wore a distinctive monk's habit 
(white with a black cross) over 
their armor. When not in the field 
they lived communally in the 
castles and fortified houses (Or- 
densburgen) which they built to 
rivet down the inexorably advan- 
cing frontier of their conquests. 
Prayers and other monkish pas- 
times were almost as much a part 
of their lives as the martial arts. 

The Order, as is necessary in the 
case of any organization with a 
military function, was structured 
hierarchically. A grand master of 
the Order was chosen for life by 
the members of what amounted to 
a general staff. Five members of 
this general staff formed a 
permanent ministry, or privy 
council, which aided the grand 
master in his executive duties. 

Each of the provinces or 
territories under the Order's con- 
trol was organized similarly, with 
a provincial commander having a 
provincial council of knights as 
subordinate officers. Finally, each 



Ordensburg was under the author- 
ity of a commander subordinate 
to the provincial commander and 
advised by a council consisting of 
all the knights belonging to that 
Ordensburg. 

The Teutonic Order accepted as 
members only Germans of noble 
birth. As mentioned above, it was 
the only major knightly order of 
the Middle Ages which was not 
cosmopolitan in its membership 
policy. This represented quite a 
departure from the policy of a 
church which clasped to its bosom 
every baptized Jew and Levantine 
convert, no matter how dusky his 
hue. 

The Order's racial-elitism, un- 
fortunately, was not as thorough- 
going as it might have been, since 
the group's principal purpose was 
not so much the racial improve- 
ment of the eastern marches as 
their conversion to Christianity 
and their Germanization, in the 
political-cultural sense. In fact, 
the Order's rule of celibacy acted 
dysgenically, resulting in the 
extirpation of some of Europe's 
best genes and contributing to the 
racial impoverishment of the 
German nobility. 

Nevertheless, the restrictive 
membership policies, by giving 
the Order a high degree of racial 
homogeneity, undoubtedly heigh- 
tened its esprit de corps and 
contributed substantially to its 
military successes. The Teutonic 
knights were, indeed, a band of 
brothers. 

During the thirteenth century 
the Order conquered Old Prussia, 
and in the following century the 
Baltic states, extending German 
rule along the southeastern and 
eastern coasts of the Baltic Sea 
and as far up the Gulf of Finland 
as Narva. 

Although Pomerania, the (at 
that time) Slavic province stretch- 
ing along the southern coast of the 
Baltic Sea on both sides of the 
Oder, had already been Christian- 
ized in the twelfth century, the 
Teutonic knights played a major 
role in reshaping its political and 
cultural destiny during the thir- 
teenth and fourteenth centuries. A 
similar role was played in the 
March of Brandenburg, where the 
Order's dominating influence 
reached as far west as the Elbe. 

All in all the Teutonic Order 
significantly and permanently 
shifted the course of European 
history and exerted a tremendous 
military, political, and cultural 
influence over vast territories, 
inhabited by millions of people, 
throughout a period of more than 
two centuries. The truly astound- 
ing aspect of this achievement was 
the Order's size: it never had as 
many as a thousand members. 

It more than made up for this 
lack of numbers in two ways: in 
the exceptionally high quality of 
its members and in the organiza- 
tional nexus which bound the 
members together. The nexus was 
complete; the members' commit- 



ment to the organization's goals 

was total, Beyond these two 
things, the organization's hierar- 
chical structure resulted in effi- 
cient decision-making, continuity 

of purpose, and internal stability. 

Conditions in the world have 
changed mightily since the Middle 
Ages, but the human condition 
has not. Although the Teutonic 
Order itself would be awkwardly 
anachronistic in today's world, 
the fundamental organizational 
principles which led to its success 
seven centuries ago remain valid. 
The achievement of a radical 
purpose, against a numerically 
superior opposition, calls for an 
organization of exceptionally 
capable, highly motivated, totally 
committed people able to function 
in a completely coordinated man- 
ner. 

Imagine a modern American 
Order founded for an ad hoc 
political purpose, say, the forced 
annexation of Canada to the 
United States so as to gain control 
of Canada's nickel deposits and 
oil sands; an American Order 
organized along the lines of the 
Republican Party, consisting of 
members signed up by neighbor- 
hood canvassers; an American 
Order like the present U.S. Army, 
with recruiting brochures stressing 



that the Order is "an equal 
opportunity employer" and offer- 
ing the inducement of foreign 
travel and free occupational train- 
ing. Imagine such an American 



holding members with the requi- 
site personal characteristics, for 
resisting centrifugal tendencies 
and internal subversion, and for 
evoking the degree of individual 



". . . the essential task of a movement of 
national liberation and racial progress is the 
rooting out of the decadent mores of the 
present and their replacement with a new and 
fundamentally different set of values, atti- 
tudes, and customary behavior. " 



Order setting out to conquer 
Canada . . . with fewer than a 
thousand members. 

The idea is, of course, laugh- 
able. 

No ad hoc organization, no 
organization based purely on 
self-interest, no organization 
structured democratically, and no 
organization composed of the 
same number of average citizens 
could have accomplished what the 
Teutonic Order did — nor can it 
accomplish what, we must, 

For continuity of purpose 
during a long struggle, for 
unwavering concentration on 
long-range goats through periods 
of adversity, for winning and 



commitment necessary to over- 
come an enormous numerical 
disadvantage,, the four organiza- 
tional criteria cited above must be 
met. 

There is also another compel- 
ling reason why a complete 
organizational nexus is necessary. 
People recruited from the U.S. 
civilian population, even the most 
intelligent people, are inevitably 
under the influence of the prevail- 
ing mores. The values and atti- 
tudes of the larger society bias 
their outlooks. In particular, 
popular taboos inhibit the accep- 
tance of some of the harsher 
revolutionary realities and the 
carrying out of necessary actions. 



This was not a problem for the 
Teutonic Order. Its members were 
not required to act in contraven- 
tion of established taboos. The 
values and teachings of the 
Christian church in that more 
virile era were perfectly conso- 
nant with using any necessary 
degree of force to convince 
pagans of the error of their ways. 
Nor were the Teutonic knights 
attempting to change the existing 
moral order in any way; they 
wanted only to increase the 
number of souls subject to it. 

In America, on the other hand, 
the essential task of a movement 
of national liberation and racial 
progress is the rooting out of the 
decadent mores of the present and 
their replacement with a new and 
fundamentally different set of 
values, attitudes, and customary 
behavior. Unless the adherents of 
such a movement — especially its 
cadres — have themselves under- 
gone this process of spiritual 
renewal, there is little chance that 
they will be able to bring about 
such a change in the larger 
society, regardless of any tem- 
porary political or military suc- 
cesses they may achieve. 

And the only way that a 
movement's members can reason- 
ably be expected to shed their old 



149 

values and attitudes and assimi- 
late new ones is through a 
complete organizational nexus. A 
little optional reading for new 
members is insufficient. Instead, 
each member must become com- 
pletely involved with the ideas and 
the activities of an organization, 
not only reading and studying all 
the organization's publications, 
but also discussing them with 
others, attending meetings, distri- 
buting leaflets and newspapers 
publicly, and otherwise devoting a 
substantial portion of each day to 
this involvement. 

Only in this way will the new 
values and attitudes gradually 
replace the old ones, with the 
member becoming more and more 
confident in his understanding of 
the new world view and basing his 
daily decisions on it more and 
more naturally and unconscious- 
ly. And, thus, it is clear that, for 
this process to take place, not only 
must the organization be radical 
(i.e., fundamental in its treatment 
of issues), but it must also have an 
all-encompassing approach to the 
world and to its members. 

{Issue No. 66, 1979) 



Ukrainian Liberation Struggle in 1 7th Century Pitted 
Cossacks Against Jewish Overseers, Tax-Collectors 

Bohdan Khmelnytsky 
And the Fight for 
Ukrainian Freedom 



During the centuries following 
the Mongol destruction of Russia 
in 1240, the vast expanse of the 
Ukraine, stretching in those times 
from the eastern Carpathians to 
the Dnieper River, knew no 
surcease from foreign attack and 
alien rule. The Ukraine's position 
on the frontier dividing Slavdom 
from the Tatar-dominated steppe 
to the south and east (the very 
name "Ukraine" is derived from 
the East Slavic word for "border- 
land") left it exposed not only to 
the Tatar slave raiders of the 
Crimea, but also to the territorial 
ambitions of the more settled 
Slavic-lands to the north and west, 
notably Poland and Muscovy. Yet 
never was the lot of the Ukrai- 
nians worse than in the three- 
quarters of a century following 
the Ukraine's annexation by 
Poland in 1569. 

In those years Poland was 
under the sway of an aggressive 
and arrogant landed nobility. The 
magnates dominated the Polish 
parliament, the Sejm, and exer- 
cised an authority in the state 
greater than that of the king. 
When Poland seized the Ukraine 
from Lithuania, the nobles leaped 
at the chance to acquire estates 
there. Certain families, notably 
the Wisnowieckis, the Koniecpol- 
skis, and the Potockis, amassed 
great holdings, on which the mass 
of the Ukrainian peasantry toiled 
in serfdom. 



The contrasts between the 
Ukrainians and their Polish mas- 
ters could hardly be more pro- 
nounced. The Polish gentry was a 
cultured aristocracy, fluent in 
Latin and French, devoted to 
learning and the arts. The nobles 
lived in opulent palaces hung with 
rich tapestries and paintings by 
Italian masters. Their tables glit- 
tered with fine silver and crystal, 
and Italian orchestras made music 
at their lavish and frequent balls. 

The Ukrainians were almost all 
poor peasants. Most of them were 
bound to the soil of their lords' 
estates, and their dwellings, al- 
though scrupulously clean, were 
humble. These Ukrainian serfs' 
lives were unremitting, back- 
breaking labor. They were taxed 
and fined at every turn and 
subjected to brutal beatings if 
they displeased their masters. 

While the Ukrainians were 
devoted to the Orthodox form of 
Christianity derived from Byzan- 
tium, the Poles were aggressively 
Catholic. The militant Jesuit 
order had vigorously promoted 
the Counter-Reformation in Po- 
land, and after 1569 the Jesuits 
turned their attention to the 
Ukraine. By a combination of 
proselytization and persecution 
they induced, in 1596, a majority 
of the Orthodox bishops of the 
Ukraine to recognize the supre- 
macy of the pope while retaining 
the Orthodox rite. This compro- 



mise, resulting in Uniate, or 
Ukrainian, Catholicism, was ab- 
horrent to most Ukrainians. Their 
rejection of Catholicism height- 
ened the disdain of the Poles. 

More burdensome to the Ukrai- 
nians than even their Polish 
masters were the stewards and 
estate managers set over them. 
Most of these overseers were 
J ews . 

During this period the Jews of 
Poland exercised more power and 
enjoyed more privileges than their 
racial brethren elsewhere. The 
canonical laws against the Jews 
were not rigorously applied in 
Poland. In effect, the Jews 
constituted a state within the 
state, governed at the local level 
by the rabbis and nationally by a 
general synod which convened 
twice a year. Jews who attempted 
to circumvent the authority of this 
all-but-independent Jewish go- 
vernment by petitioning the law- 
ful authorities of Poland ran the 
risk of ostracism or even death at 
the hands of the kahal (Jewish 
council of elders), in conformance 
with the Talmudic strictures 
against mesira, i.e., the act of 
testifying against another Jew 
before the Gentiles. 

In his monumental History of 
the Jews, the eminent Jewish 
historian Heinrich Graetz des- 
cribed with remarkable frankness 
the character of the Jews of 
sixteenth- and seventeenth- 




"^W^M*^ 



BOHDAN KHMELNYTSKY'S statue In Kiev. The most honored and 
loved of his countrymen's heroes, Khmelnytsky was an Implacable foe 
of the Ukraine's oppressors. 



century Poland: "To know better 
was everything to them; but to act 
according to acknowledged prin- 
ciples of religious purity, and 
exemplify them in a moral life, 
occurred to but few. Integrity and 
right-mindedness they had lost as 
completely as simplicity and the 



sense of truth. The vulgar ac- 
quired the quibbling method of 
the schools, and employed it to 
outwit the less cunning. They 
found pleasure and a sort of 
triumphant delight in deception 
and cheating. Against members of 
their own race cunning could not 



150 

well be employed, because they 
were sharp-witted; but the non- 
Jewish world with which they 
came into contact experienced to 
its disadvantage the superiority of 
theTalmudical spirit of the Polish 
Jews," 

Recognizing their business acu- 
men and their inherited ability to 
squeeze blood from a stone, the 
Polish lords employed the Jews to 
manage their business affairs and 
their estates. The Jews were 
granted all sorts of privileges and 
franchises. They had a virtual 
monopoly on the production and 
sale of liquor in the Ukraine, and 
they were often employed as tax 
collectors, retaining a substantial 
cut for themselves. 

But it was in their activities as 
stewards and overseers for the 
gentry that the Jews showed their 
true mettle. They were quick to 
inform their employers of any 
infraction, and their vigilance 
resulted in savage punishment for 
many a serf. They were masters at 
milking every feudal fee and im- 
post from the peasants. 

Since the Ukrainians were 
required to pay a tax at the birth 
of each child and at marriage, the 
Jewish overseers were the sole 
possessors of keys to the Ortho- 
dox churches, lest the ceremonies 
be performed in secret and the tax 
evaded. These impositions and a 
thousand others won them the 
undying hatred of the Ukrainian 
peasantry. 

In these darkest years of the 
Ukrainian nation the man who 
was destined to lead the Ukrai- 
nians from bondage was coming 
of age in the eastern borderland 
along the Dnieper. His name was 
Bohdan Khmelnytsky, He was 
born in 1 595 in Pereyeslav on the 
Dnieper. His father, Michael 
Khmelnytsky, had migrated there 
several years before from Pod- 
lesia, just east of Poland proper. 
A member of thelower gentry, the 
elder Khmelnytsky had been 
attracted by the rich farmland of 
the steppe, which had lain fallow 
since the depredations of the 
Mongols 350 years before. 

Like most frontiersmen Mi- 
chael Khmelnytsky was a warrior 
as well as a farmer, and he raised 
Bohdan to follow in his footsteps. 
Father and son were members of 
that most extraordinary military 
society, the Zaporozhie Cossacks. 

In the words of the great 
Ukrainian writer, Nikolai Gogol 
(whose Taras Bulba is the su- 
preme evocation of the Cossack 
ethos), the Cossacks were "a free, 
riotous outgrowth of the Ukrai- 
nian character." They had arisen 
over the course of the previous 
two centuries as the response of 
the Ukrainian pioneers to the 
incessant slave raiding of the 
Crimean Tatars, who made a 
flourishing business of carrying 
off Ukrainian girls and selling 
them to the harems and brothels 
of the Middle East. 

Soon the Ukrainian horsemen 
were more than a match for the 
mounted Tatars, who named 
them, in grudging admiration, 
"Cossacks" (from the Turkish 
for "free warriors"). The Cos- 
sacks increasingly took to the 
attack, raiding the Crimea, Turk- 
ish ships, and even the sultan's 
Anatolian realms in their light, 
swift boats. 

At the same time they were 
evolving into a superb fighting 
force the Cossacks were develop- 
ing into a unique society, akin to 
the militant knightly orders of the 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Catholic Church in the Middle 
Ages. At their chief headquarters, 
the 5/c/i, at Mikitin Rih below the 
Dnieper cataracts (hence the name 
zaporozhie, "beyond the falls"), 
the Cossacks formed a military 
brotherhood of equals. The Cos- 
sack host elected their own 
officers, generally for a year's 
term, and had their possessions in 
common. Only members of the 
Orthodox Church might be Zapo- 
rozhie Cossacks, and no women 
were allowed in the sich, although 
most Cossacks had families and 
farms in the surrounding country- 
side. 

Young Bohdan Khmelnytsky 
learned the Cossack ways, riding 
and shooting and manly honor. 
His education did not suffer, for 
he was enrolled at the Jesuit 
college in Yaroslav, Galicia, 
where he studied the Latin 
classics. 

Khmelnytsky received his bap- 
tism of fire on a military 
expedition against Moldavia, a 
vassal state of the Ottoman 
sultan, in 1620. The Cossacks 
rode under the command of 
General Zolkiewski, a Pole, since 
they were subjects of the Polish 
king, although their allegiance 
remained tenuous. Due to Zol- 
kiewski's poor generalship, the 
Polish forces were routed by the 
Turks and Tatars near the Molda- 
vian city of Jassy. Michael 
Khmelnytsky was killed, and 
Bohdan was led off to two years 
of captivity in Istanbul. 

Khmelnytsky took advantage of 
his enforced stay in the Ottoman 
capital to learn Turkish and to 
acquaint himself with the sultan's 
court and administration, know- 
ledge which would prove very 
useful in the future, When he 
returned to the family farm at 
Subotiv, on the banks of the 
Tiasmin, a tributary of the 
Dnieper, he had acquired a 
maturity and fund of worldly 
experience rare for a man of his 
age. He took over the manage- 
ment of the estate and was 
formally admitted to the Cossack 
host. 

In the years following 1 620 the 
Polish authorities attempted to 
tighten their control over the 
Zaporozhie Cossacks. The Cos- 
sacks' fondness for unauthorized 
plundering expeditions against the 
Tatars and Turks, even in time of 
peace, often proved embarrassing 
to the Polish government. More 
important, the growing numerical 
strength o^ the Cossacks, con- 
tinually increased by Ukrainians 
fleeing from serfdom, raised the 
spectre of a future threat to the 
state. 

The Poles devised a scheme to 
limit the Cossacks to 6,000 men, 
who were required to register with 
the authorities. The registered 
Cossacks were more strictly disci- 
plined, but they were confirmed in 
their freedom and put on the royal 
payroll. Those Cossacks who 
exceeded the registered number 
were to be forced back into 
serfdom. 

The Cossacks rose up against 
the Poles' attempts to regiment 
them in 1625, and again in 1637 
and 1638. Each time they were 
bloodily repressed. The uprisings 
were hampered by an understand- 
able reluctance on the part of 
those Cossacks who were duly 
registered to join their fellows. 

Nevertheless, even those Cos- 
sacks who had remained loyal to 
the king felt the punitive measures 
imposed following the revolt in 




A ZAPOROZHIE COSSACK 



1638. Those who took part were 
forced to sign a humiliating 
confession of guilt, and the 
registered Cossacks were forced to 
surrender the last vestiges of their 
autonomy. Henceforth, the het- 
man, as the supreme commander 
of the Cossacks was known, was 
to be a Pole, and a garrison of 
Polish troops was stationed in the 
sich of the Zaporozhians at 
Mikitin Rih to watch over therm 

Khmelnytsky, who had been 
entered on the rolls as a registered 
Cossack, took no part in the 
uprisings. At the end of the 1620's 
he had married the daughter of a 
fellow Cossack, Anna Somko, 
and was occupied with raising his 
family and increasing his wealth. 
By the 1640's he had fathered five 
children and amassed a substan- 
tial estate at Subotiv. 

In 1646 the ambitions of 
Poland's King Wladyslaw IV, 
coupled with the peculiarities of 
the Polish constitution, seemed to 
afford the Cossacks the possibility 
of regaining their old privileges. 
Wladyslaw was desirous of wa- 
ging war on the Turks, which was 
within his otherwise severely 
Limited rights. Since the Sejm had 
the sole authority to raise and 
finance armies in peacetime, 
however, it was necessary for the 
king to assemble his forces in 
secret. To that end he conferred 
covertly with several Cossack 
leaders in April 1646. One of them 
was the centurion of the registered 
Cossacks in the Chihirin district, 
Bohdaji Khmelnytsky. 

In exchange for the military 
support of the Cossacks Wlady- 
slaw promised to do his best to 
help the Cossacks regain their 
rights and to raise the number of 
registered Cossacks to 12,000. 
The king drew up a charter 
detailing his promises to Khmel- 
nytsky and his companions. 



Although King Wladyslaw's 
plans for a Turkish campaign 
were aborted when the Sejm 
learned of them and ordered his 
army disbanded, the Cossack 
delegation retained the charter, 
which came into Khmelnytsky's 
possession. In a short time it 
would prove very useful, for in 
the following year came the 
incident which turned Khmelnyt- 
sky into an implacable opponent 
of Polish rule and the scourge of 
Jewry in the Ukraine, 

The Polish governor of Chi- 
hirin, Alexander Koniecpolski, 
was eager to increase his revenues 
by ferreting out tax evaders. A 
Jew in his employ, one Zachariah 
Sabilenski, sought to ingratiate 
himself with the governor by 
informing him that there was one 
Ukrainian landowner in particu- 
lar, Khmelnytsky, who consis- 
tently concealed the extent of his 
wealth. 

When Daniel Czaplinski, Ko- 
niecpolski's assistant, learned of 
the case being drawn against 
Khmelnytsky, he entered a claim 
on the Cossack's Subotiv estate, 
which had never been formally 
deeded. With Koniecpolski's tacit 
approval, Czaplinski assembled a 
band of armed retainers and 
prepared to swoop down on the 
estate. 

Khmelnytsky got wind of Cza- 
plinski's plans and rushed to 
Chihirin to implore the governor's 
intercession, leaving his children 
and his mistress Helen (his wife 
had died several years before) 
unprotected at Subotiv, In his 
absence Czaplinski and his men 
descended on the estate, burned 
the mill and the granary to the 
ground, carried off Helen, and 
flogged Khmelnytsky's ten-year- 
old son to death. Several days 
later Czaplinski married Helen in 
a church wedding. 



Khmelnytsky's attempts to ob- 
tain legal redress were fruitless. 
Koniecpolski was unconcerned, 
and a local court ruled that 
Khmelnytsky had no claim to the 
land at Subotiv. Furthermore, 
they found that Czaplinski's men 
had beaten his son to death 
"accidentally." 

In a last, vain effort to have 
justice done, Khmelnytsky suc- 
ceeded in having his case present- 
ed to the Sejm in Warsaw. It 
proved a humiliating ordeal. 
Czaplinski was cleared of all 
charges, and Khmelnytsky was 
mocked openly by the Polish 
lords, 

Far from breaking his spirit, the 
injustices which the Poles and 
their Jewish helpers had heaped 
on Khmelnytsky filled him with a 
burning desire for revenge. Ac- 
cording to one story, Khmelnyt- 
sky met again in secret with the 
king, and Wladyslaw advised him, 
"It's about time you Cossacks 
remembered that each of you has 
a sword by his side." Now 
Khmelnytsky prepared to put his 
sword to use. 

On his return to the Dnieper 
region, he spread the word of the 
charter which he had obtained 
from the king. Regardless of 
Wladyslaw's ability or intent to 
implement the charter's promises, 
his seal on the document lent 
Khmelnytsky credence and pres- 
tige among the Cossacks. Once 
again the talk was of revolt, 

In January 1648 Khmelnytsky 
formally sought sanctuary at the 
sich. He won the Cossacks' 
sympathy by recounting his own 
sufferings and detailing those of 
the entire Ukrainian nation. He 
roused them to a frenzy when he 
thundered, "The Poles have 
delivered us as slaves to the cursed 
breed of Jews!" The Cossacks 
prepared for war. 

The officers of the sich were at 
first dubious of the Cossacks' 
prospects against the considerable 
military strength of Poland, parti- 
cularly in the light of the failure of 
the previous uprisings. But here 
Khmelnytsky's genius as a strate- 
gist and a diplomat began to 
assert itself. He suggested enlist- 
ing the Crimean Tatars, the 
Cossacks' hereditary enemies, as 
allies, and an embassy was 
dispatched to Caffa, the Tatar 
capital. Khan Islam Geray, who 
had no love for the Poles, quickly 
agreed to the alliance, and he 
placed a cavalry force of 4,000 
men at the Cossacks' disposal. 

On April 17, 1648, the rada, the 
general assembly of the Cossack 
host, ratified its leaders' decision 
to make war on Poland and 
elected Khmelnytsky to the su- 
preme military command. The 
Polish army, alerted to the 
incipient uprising, was already on 
the march toward Mikitin Rih. 

The Polish forces were com- 
manded by Stephen Potocki, an 
arrogant young noble who dis- 
dained the fighting qualities of the 
Cossack host. At Korsun, 75 miles 
south of Kiev, Potocki made the 
mistake of dividing his forces. He 
sent 2,000 men, most of them 
registered Cossacks ostensibly 
loyal to Poland, down the Dnie- 
per in boats. With the remainder 
of his army, some 4,000 men> he 
advanced on Khmelnytsky's for- 
ces. 

On April 29 Potocki and his 
t,roops entered the valley of 
Zhovty Vody ("Yellow Waters"). 
Suddenly the overconfident young 



general found himself confronted 
with thousands of Khmelnytsky's 
Cossacks commanding the sur- 
rounding heights. The Poles' only 
recourse was to await the arrival 
of the reinforcements sailing 
down the Dnieper. 

Khmelnytsky's agents had not 
been idle among the registered 
Cossacks, however. Colonel Kri- 
chevsky, the commander of the 
lead boat of the Dnieper flotilla, 
was well-disposed toward his 
countrymen's cause. At Kamenny 
Zaton, where the remainder of 
Potocki's force was to disembark 
in order to march to their 
commander's aid, Krichevsky fo- 
mented a mutiny which resulted in 
the mass defection of the regis- 
tered Cossacks to the Ukrainian 
cause. After slaughtering those 
among their leaders who refused 
to join them, they marched to the 
aid of Khmelnytsky rather than 
Potocki. 

The arrival of Krichevsky and 
his Cossacks at Zhovty Vody 
produced a predictable consterna- 
tion among the Polish forces. 
After fruitless attempts to dis- 
lodge the Cossacks from their 
postions on the 5th and 6th of 
May, Potocki withdrew his forces 
to the north, 

The retreat rapidly turned into 
a rout. The Tatars mercilessly 



harried the Poles. Potocki was 
killed, and hundreds of his men 
were captured by the khan's 
horsemen. 

The rout of the Polish army 
triggered a mass uprising of the 
Ukrainian peasants. All across the 
Ukraine the serfs turned on their 
masters, on the Catholic clergy, 
and above all on the hated Jews. 
Those Jews not spry enough to 
flee to the fortified towns were 
strung up or torn to pieces by 
raging peasant mobs. Some few 
hundreds of them tricked the 
peasants by feigning conversion to 
Christianity and a repentance for 
their former cruelty, but the mass 
of them either died where they 
were or streamed westward. 

After defeating the Poles at 
Zhovty Vody, Khmelnytsky of- 
fered to negotiate. Most Ukrai- 
nians wanted him to march on to 
Warsaw, but Khmelnytsky, mind- 
ful of his army's deficiencies in 
training and supply, was content 
to withdraw the bulk of his forces 
to Chihirin and await the response 
of the Sejm to his peace offers. 

The peasants' uprising con- 
tinued, however, abetted by guer- 
rilla forces led by Khmelnytsky's 
lieutenants. With their help the 
peasants were able to capture 
most of the towns in which the 



Jews had taken refuge. At Ne- 
mirov the Cossacks tricked the 
Jews into thinking they were 
Polish troops. When the Jews 
opened the city gates to welcome 
them, the Ukrainians stormed in 
and put them to the sword. 

At Tulczyn a Scottish soldier of 
fortune who called himself, ironi- 
cally enough, Krivonos (Ukrai- 
nian for "Hooknose") wiped out 
the Jewish and Polish defenders 
alike. City after city fell, and their 
Jewish occupants received no 
mercy. 

The withdrawal of Khmelnyt- 
sky's main force from the borders 
of Poland emboldened the Poles 
to reject Khmelnytsky's terms, 
which were quite lenient, calling 
merely for a recognition of 
Cossack autonomy and the res- 
toration of the Orthodox Church 
to its former status in the 
Ukraine. The Poles raised an 
army of 50,000 men and advanced 
into the western Ukraine. Khmel- 
nytsky's Cossacks met them at the 
Pyliava River in Volhynia on 
September 13. Two days later 
Khmelnytsky outmaneuvered the 
Polish forces and drove them 
back in headlong retreat. 

Once again Khmelnytsky's 
strength did not permit him to 
exploit his victory with a full-scale 



invasion of Poland. After be- 
sieging Lvov and advancing into 
Poland as far as Zamoscie, he 
broke off the campaign and 
returned to winter in the Ukraine. 

The following spring {he Poles 
attacked in force again. In August 
Khmelnytsky's forces stopped 
them at Zbnov and had them on 
the edge of annihilation, when the 
Tatar khan treacherously opened 
negotiations with the Polish lea- 
ders. Khmelnytsky settled for a 
treaty, signed August 18, 1649, 
the terms of which barred Jews 
and Jesuits from the Ukraine, 
raised the number of registered 
Cossacks to 40,000, and guaran- 
teed the Ukrainians self-govern- 
ment under their hetman over a 
large area of their country. 

Poland regarded this treaty as 
merely another breathing spell to 
build up its forces. In February 
1651 the Poles attacked on several 
fronts. The Ukrainians, hampered 
by the increasingly lukewarm 
support of their Tatar allies, 
maintained the defense with diffi- 
culty. Finally, at the climactic 
battle of Berestechko on the Styr 
River, the Tatars bolted from the 
field, allowing the Cossacks to be 
overrun by the Poles. 

The following September Boh- 
dan was forced to sign a treaty 
which greatly limited the 



151 

Ukraine's new-won freedoms, re- 
stricting Cossack self-government 
to the area around Kiev. 

Khmelnytsky did not give up 
the search for foreign allies. 
Finally, he made the fateful 
decision to seek the protection of 
Muscovy, and in January 1654 
Khmelnytsky and his Cossacks 
took the oath of allegiance to the 
tsar. 

The agreement entitled the 
Ukrainians to many privileges, 
which would come to be honored 
in the breach more than in the 
observance over the next 250 
years. Nevertheless, the Ukraine 
would be allowed to preserve a 
good measure of its national and 
cultural identity. 

This was Khmelnytsky's great 
achievement. When he died in 
1657 he bequeathed to the Ukrai- 
nian people a sense of their 
identity as a nation . The great war 
of liberation which he led against 
the Polish and Jewish oppressors 
kindled a fire which has never 
been extinguished in the hearts of 
Ukrainian patriots. Someday that 
fire may again light the way to a 
free Ukrainian nation. 

T. 0*K. 

{Issue No. 66, 1979) 



Whites on the March 

in Britain 



World 's Biggest Pro- White 
Organization Is Britain 9 s 
Militant National Front 



Britain's National Front is 
today the largest and most 
successful White people's move- 
ment in the world. In just over a 
decade, it has grown from a union 
of tiny, squabbling patriotic 
groups into the fourth largest 
political party in Great Britain. 

The National Front was organ- 
ized in February 1967 from a 
union of A.K. Chesterton's 
League of Empire Loyalists and 
the British National Party, along 
with members of the Racial 
Preservation Society. A few 
months later, the Greater Britain 
Movement joined. 

In 1970 the Front put up 10 
candidates for parliament in the 
first general election it contested. 
The following year 84 Front 
candidates in local elections 
polled an average of 5.2 per cent 
of the votes. Membership rose 
sharply in 1972, following a flood 
of Asian immigrants from Ugan- 
da into Britain. 

In 1973, for the first time, 
Front candidates began to consis- 
tently win more than 10 per cent 
of the vote. By January 1974 the 
Front had set up 84 local units 
throughout the country. In Octo- 
ber 1974 the Front was able to put 
up 90 candidates, who won 
115,000 votes. 



Meanwhile, support for the 
parties of the System began to 
drop. Before 1974 the Conserva- 
tive and Labor parties could count 
on cornering about 90 per cent of 
the total votes cast. In the October 
1974 elections their share fell 
sharply, to 75 per cent. 

The Front contested 174 seats in 
the May 1976 local elections, and 
80 of their candidates each polled 
more than 10 per cent of the vote. 
By October 1977 the Front had 
grown to 44 London branches and 
187 provincial chapters. 

In the Greater London Council 
election of 1977, Front candi- 
dates outpolled the Liberals, 
Britain's third largest party, in 33 
of 91 districts and won 119,000 
votes. The news of this startling 
increase in the Front's strength 
made headlines in newspapers 
around the world. 

Now the Front is preparing for 
the parliamentary elections which 
must be held before the end of this 
year. This time the Front pledges 
to contest more than 300 seats. 

From election to election the 
National Front has steadily in- 
creased its number of candidates 
and percentage of votes. The 
Front did not blossom quickly, 
only to wither away soon thereaf- 
ter. Rather, its rise is all the more 




NATIONAL FRONT members are making their presence In Britain known, despite the blackout on favor- 
able news about the Front by the controlled media. This is a London march by members of the Front's youth 
arm protesting the media encouragement of racemixing in British schools. 



impressive because it has been 
solid and steady. 

Although no general elections 
were held last year, the Front 
continued to grow. New branches 
were organized, and important 
new organizational departments 
were established. 

Founded in late 1977, the 
Front's youth arm, Young Na- 
tional Front, already has more 
than 1,000 members and has 
organized its own demonstrations 
and rallies. 

Last September the Front pur- 
chased Excalibur House, an im- 



pressive headquarters building 
in central London. A march by 
3,000 Front members and sup- 
porters led by a forest of Union 
Jacks marked the event. 

Among the estimated 18,000 
dues-paying Front members to- 
day, young people and workers 
are especially well represented. 

One important factor in the 
growth of the Front has been the 
ability of its top leaders to work 
closely together as a team despite 
significant differences in tempera- 
ment and personality. Besides 
Chairman John Tyndall, other 



Front leaders include; 

• Martin Webster. The 35-year- 
old chief organizer and master of 
publicity also edits the mass- 
circulation broadsheet National 
Front News. 

• Richard Verrall. The 29-year- 
old editor of the Front's monthly 
magazine Spearhead graduated 
With honors in art and art history 
from London University. Verrall 
writes for National Front News 
and serves as chief of administra- 
tion. 

• Andrew Fountaine. The depu- 
ty chairman of the Front is well 



152 

known as a passionate and fiery 
public speaker, He headed the 
Young National Front during its 
first year of growth. 

A highly cdmriiitted and articu- 
late cadre of idealistic youngs men 
and women provides the Front 
with a second line of leaders, 
insuring talented and capable 
leadership for the future. 

The Front wins support and 
frightens enemies by projecting an 
image of vitality, passion, youth- 
fulness, and strength. For exam- 
ple, the Front's public speakers 
know how to whip a crowd into a 
frenzy better than any others in 
British politics today. 

Extremely effective Front pos- 
ters and newspapers are designed 
for maximum emotional impact. 
Few readers can remain indif- 
ferent to articles under provoca- 
tive headlines such as: "Birming- 
ham: Multi-Racial Nightmare 
City," "Rasta 'Dreads' Terrorize 
White Women," or "Blacks 
Wage War Against Police." The 
"Nightmare File" of atrocities by 
non-Whites is a regular feature of 
National Front News. 

Front demonstrations are pre- 
ceded by an impressive mass of 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Union Jack flags and usually by a 
stirring marching band. The Front 
kicks its way into the headlines by 
provocatively marching through 
non-White districts, fully expect- 
ing mobs of communists and 
non-Whites to attack. The 
resulting photos and film clips of 
ugly leftist thugs assaulting peace- 
ful Front marchers and British 
policemen help win new support. 

The Front's appeal to the heart 
is matched by an appeal to the 
British mind. Articles in Spear- 
head, the Front's attractive 
monthly magazine, are intelligent 
and articulate. (Spearhead is 
available to American readers for 
$11.50 per year from: Excalibur 
House, 73 Great Eastern Street, 
London E.C2, England.) 

Most of the headline-grabbing 
success of the Front has come 
from widespread British opposi- 
tion to the growing number of 
non-White immigrants. And it's 
the racial issue, above all, which 
wins fanatical support for — and 
generates vicious hatred against 
— the Front. 

Jews, liberals, and communists 
have reacted to National Front 
successes with a hysterical cam- 



paign of lies, slander, and violent 
intimidation. "The NF is the 
target of a universal, unremitting, 
and vicious hostility that is 
unprecedented in the history of 
British politics," Richard Verrall 
charges. 

The campaign against the Front 
is headed by ANAL, the reaction- 
ary, hate-mongering "Anti-Nazi 
League." ANAL is Financed by 
Jews and secretly run by the 
notorious Trotskyite Socialist 
Workers Party, which openly calls 
for a communist dictatorship. 

Peaceful Front marches have 
been repeatedly attacked by com- 
munist mobs, while SWP goon 
squads regularly beat up Britons 
suspected of "racialism." 

The media masters in Britain 
black out most news favorable to 
the Front, while keeping informa- 
tion from the public which they 
claim will "encourage racial 
hatred." At the same time, 
government officials threaten im- 
prisonment for patriots who say 
anything which can be construed 
as "inciting race hatred," under 
provisions of Britain's infamous 
Race Relations Act. 



Unfortunately, the smear cam- 
paign against the Front has had 
some success, because it evokes an 
unreasoning emotional reaction 
from Britons conditioned by the 
intense anti-White and pro-Jewish 
propaganda effort during and 
since the Second World War. 
Even widespread opposition to 
non-White immigration has not 
yet translated into a correspond- 
ing level of support for the Front, 
because many Britons have been 
intimidated by simplistic charges 
in the mass media that the Front is 
"anti-working class," "hate- 
mongering," or simply "danger- 
ous." 

However, the contradiction be- 
tween the lies spread by the 
System and the reality experienced 
by every Briton grows with each 
passing year. Furthermore, a new 
generation is maturing which 
isn't terrified by the phony specter 
of "fascism" or "Nazism." 

The National Front knows that 
the System it works to overthrow 
is built upon a shaky base of lies, 
expediency, and shortsighted 
opportunism. Labor strife is 
growing. Racial chaos is spread- 



ing. Britain's position within the 
Common Market grows more 
humiliating with each passing 
year. More than ever, voters are 
fed up with the tired, old lies of 
the System parties. 

Front leaders are confident that 
future events in Britain will 
continue to undermine the credi- 
bility of the System and vindicate 
the warnings of the Front. 

The phenomenal rise of the 
National Front is only the most 
spectacular example of a racial- 
nationalist awakening throughout 
the White world. This common 
struggle against a common enemy 
is not only mutually encouraging, 
it is also strategically important 
for the future. It helps to insure 
that, if a pro-White government 
should take power in one country, 
the common enemy will not be 
able to push other White nations 
into war against that country, as 
happened 40 years ago. 

For patriotic White Americans, 
the National Front is an encoura- 
ging example and represents a 
stirring challenge. Mqrk Weber 

(fssue No. 67, 1979) 



Singer Killing: Inexcusable Atrocity 



Sometimes a single incident 
occurs which is so poignant and 
outrageous that it symbolizes the 
evil of the System we live under 
more vividly than aDy report 
about a major social or economic 
problem. Such was the killing of 
John Singer by police in January. 

John Singer was born in New 
York City 47 years ago. Soon 
afterward his parents took him to 
Germany, just as Hitler was 



coming to power. John joined the 
Hitler Youth and stayed in 
Germany until he was 17. 

When he came back to America 
Singer joined the U.S. Marines. 
Later he moved to a high 
mountain valley in northern Utah, 
in order to get "away from the 
evils and complexities of modern 
society," as he explained it. He 
built a log farmhouse and out- 
buildings on a three-acre home- 




JOHN SINGER and one of his sons, in a 1978 photo. He believed In 
law and order, bat he believed even more In raising his children to be 
spiritually healthy and racially conscious. 



stead and lived there for more 
than two decades, working mainly 
as a television repairman. Singer 
took a wife, Vicki, and they had 
seven children. 

In 1973 he took his children out 
of the local public school, which 
tolerated drugs, defended homo- 
sexuality, and promoted racial 
mixing. He objected strongly to a 
textbook used by the school which 
featured pictures comparing 
George Washington and Negro 
"civil rights" leader Martin 
Luther King. Singer condemned 
racial mixing as evil. 

"The main issue/' Singer said 
last year, "is that 1 want to keep 
my children morally clean." 

He built a small, red school- 
house on the homestead, where 
Vicki taught the children. 

State officials demanded that 
the children be given tests, which 
found them "behind" academi- 
cally. But the officials also 
reported a "family with the father 
as a strong, vigorous patriarch 
who has the full support of his 
wife and the genuine support, 
love, and respect of his children." 

The Singers were proud of their 
self-sufficiency and craftsman- 
ship. Their farm has its own, 
independent water system, and 
heat comes fTom wood- and 
coal-burning stoves. Their or- 
chards and gardens provide an 
abundance of fruits, vegetables, 
and livestock. "We have a root 
cellar, a store of wheat, a small 
flour mill, and a beautiful organic 
vegetable garden," Singer said. 

The children were talented, 
beautiful, and creative. Fourteen- 
year-old Heidi, the oldest, was 
adept at jewelry and leatherwork. 
Suzanne, 1 1 , was an accomplished 
painter. Timothy, 12, had built a 
sturdy wood cabin in the back 
yard by himself. 

"You must let a child's talents 
run free," Singer had said. "They 
do not do this in the public 
schools." 

The Singers defied state offi- 
cials who demanded that the 




SINGER (right), with two daughters and a neighbor, before police 
killed him with a shotgun blast In the back for resisting a court order to 
submit Us children to racembdng propaganda In the public schools. 



children be kept in an "accre- 
dited" school. "They are trying to 
take away our God-given li- 
berty," Singer said. He ignored 
the official papers and drove off 
some policemen at gunpoint who 
had come to arrest him, posing as 
newsmen. 

"1 won't let the sheriff arrest 
me," Singer had vowed. The 
ex-Marine patrolled the farm with 
an M-l rifle, and some of the 
children were also armed. 

One snowy morning last Janu- 
ary, as John Singer walked down 
from the homestead to pick up his 
mail, eight policemen waited in 
ambush and sviTounded him. 



"They tried to get him, and I 
guess he pulled a gun," the sheriff 
told reporters afterwards. "When 
he did, I guess they shot him." 

John Singer was hit in the back 
with a shotgun blast and died on 
the way to the hospital. 

The police arrested Vicki and 
jailed her in Salt Lake City on a 
contempt charge, 

Singer's aged mother, Char- 
lotte, told reporters she wished 
she had been there to die with her 
son. "He wants to raise his 
children decent, and for that he 
has to lose his life," the mother 
said, weeping. "They murdered 
him in cold blood." 



Hundreds of outraged citizens 
telephoned state officials to pro- 
test the slaying. The state capitol 
was evacuated twice because of 
bomb threats. 

"Singer tried to place himself 
above the law," a county deputy 
attorney said to reporters. "We 



must have law, or we will have 
anarchy." 

In schools across America, 
White children are beaten, 
robbed, and terrorized — victims 
of government-ordered racial 
mixing. President Carter has 
offered amnesty to illegal aliens 



who have broken U.S. immigra- 
tion laws and successfully evaded 
arrest. 

Convicted killers, rapists, and 
muggers are released every day on 
parole to continue their lives of 
crime. Street gangs terrorize 
whole sections of major cities. 



Story of the Man Hitler Wanted as a Son 

Leon Degrelle 

and the 
Crusade for Europe 



The Russians came at dawn, the 
better part of two regiments, men 
and tanks silhouetted against the 
blood-red sun as they moved 
forward across the steppe. Hud- 
dled among the peasants' huts of 
Grpmovaya-Balka, the men of the 
Wallonian Legion awaited them, 
silently cursing the frozen earth, 
which had offered implacable 
resistance to their entrenching 
tools. 

Against the oncoming Soviet 
troops — 4,000 of them — and 
the 14 tanks which accompanied 
them, the 500 Belgian volunteers 
who held the village disposed of 
no weapons heavier than machine 
guns. Their only hope was to 
hold on until the German com- 
mand, hard pressed all along the 
Samara front, could rush them 
reinforcements badly needed in 
other sectors. 

Corporal Leon Degrelle 
crouched behind the frozen car- 
cass of a horse, sighting down the 
barrel of his MG34. He gave no 
heed to the bitter cold or to his 
injured foot, painfully broken 
two weeks before. 

The Russian artillery shells were 
already landing in the village, 
inflicting terrible casualties when 
they were on target. Now the 
Soviet infantry broke into a run, 
their blood-curdling battle cry, 
"Ourrahpobledal, " "Hurrah for 
victory!," ringing in the ears of 
the French-speaking Walloons, 
drowning out the cries of the 
wounded and dying. Degrelle and 
his comrades began to fire, 
tearing big gaps in the ranks of the 
advancing Russians. 

Still they surged forward. They 
had reached the outskirts of the 
village now and were fighting at 
close quarters with the Walloons. 
In the absence of anti-tank 
artillery or rockets, the Soviet 
T-34 tanks prowled freely among 
the huts, gunning down and 
rolling over any defenders in their 
paths. 

Suddenly Degrelle was struck in 
the face by a piece of ricocheting 
shrapnel. Blood streamed down 
his cheeks, but he held his 
position, raking the Red infantry 
with machine-gun bullets as they 
darted forward from hut to hut. 

The Walloons gave ground 
grudgingly, but the more numer- 
ous Russians pushed them back 
inexorably. As his fellow soldiers 
retreated to the other end of the 
village, Degrelle, his face a bloody 
mask, continued to fire. 



At length the barrel of De- 
grelle's machine gun began to 
overheat, and the tide of Russian 
attackers threatened to swamp 
him. Without hesitating, Cor- 
poral Henri Berkmans, Degrelle's 
armorer, grasped his wounded 
companion by the waist and 
dragged him across the ice to the 
cover of a peasant's hut already 
crammed with their fellow Wal- 
loons. 

It was a brief respite. The crew 
of a Soviet tank had spotted them. 
Roaring up beside their temporary 
haven, the massive T-34 fired 
point-blank at the flimsy struc- 
ture. The first shell blasted 
through the hut without hitting 
the Walloons, who clawed franti- 
cally to tear a hole in the rear wall. 
Two more rounds roared through 
the hut before Degrelle and his 
comrades got out, miraculously 
unscathed. 

As the remaining Walloons 
formed a last defensive perimeter, 
the Soviet forces regrouped for 
the decisive assault, eager to apply 
the coup de grace to these 
bothersome accomplices of the 
hated Germans. The Russians 
began to advance once more, and 
the Walloons, hunched behind 
whatever cover they could find, 
awaited them grimly, determined 
to hold off the Russian assailants 
and their unseen ally, death, yet a 
while longer. 

All at once the air was pierced 
by screaming sirens and the 
ever-louder roar of airplane en- 
gines: Stukas! The shrieking 
German dive bombers swooped 
down on the swarming Reds as 
pitilessly and murderously as 
hawks pursuing field mice. Tank 
after tank was hit by exploding 
bombs sown with unerring preci- 
sion. The bomb blasts tossed tank 
crewmen and foot soldiers high in 
the air, as if they were scarecrows. 

Clouds of oily, black smoke 
billowed from the Russian mon- 
sters, now reduced to burning 
hulks. With a mighty shout, the 
men of the Wallonian Legion 
rushed forward and drove the 
Russians from the village. 

Twice more that day, February 
28, 1942, the Russians attacked, 
and twice more the Belgians, now 
reinforced by German infantry 
and armor, threw them back. 
When evening fell on Gromovaya- 
Balka, 700 Russian soldiers lay 
dead in Us ruins. 

The Wallonian defenders had 
paid a heavy price. Seventy of 
them had been killed, among 



them the gallant Berkmans. Near- 
ly 200 more had been wounded, 
reducing the unit's combat 
strength* by half. Shortly there- 
after, their valor would be 
recognized by the German high 
command: 34 soldiers of the 
Wallonian Legion, including 
Leon Degrelle, received the Iron 
Cross for their defense of Gromo- 
vaya-Balka. 

Who was this Degrelle, and 
what drove him to the side of his 
country's conquerors? 

Leon Degrelle was born in 1906 
at Bouillon, a small town near the 
French border, surrounded by the 
oak' forests of the Ardennes and 
dominated by the castle of 
Godfrey de Bouillon, a leader of 
the First Crusade. There his father 
owned a prosperous brewery. 

After attending the Jesuit col- 
lege at Namur, Degrelle entered 
the University of Louvain in 1925. 
He left his studies after several 
years to work for Rex (from 
Christ us Rex, Christ the King), a 
Catholic publishing house, of 
which he became director in 1931 . 

Under Degrelle, Rex churned 
out a flood of Catholic literature 
and propaganda. He himself 
edited two newspapers, Rex and 
Vlan, in which he analyzed the 
Belgian scene, Soon his writing 
raised eyebrows in the Catholic 
hierarchy. 

Life in modern Belgium offered 
a depressing contrast to the 
political and cultural flowering of 
earlier ages, Degrelle pointed out. 
The land which had been an 
integral part of Charles the Bold's 
Burgundy and the empire of the 
Habsburgs, which had produced 
Charlemagne and Charles V, 
Brueghel and Rubens, Orlando de 
Lassus and Francois Cuvillies, 
had become a European back- 
water, a pawn of international 
finance and balance-of-power 
politics. 

Degrelle was disgusted by the 
venality and opportunism which 
characterized Belgian politics. 
The three major parties — the 
Catholics, the Liberals, and the 
Socialists — had come to be 
nothing more than the tools of 
powerful interests, whether the 
church hierarchy or big business 
or big labor. In his publications 
Degrelle flayed the party politi- 
cians and the establishment they 
fronted for mercilessly. 

In 1935 Degrelle, calling for a 
national renewal at the expense of 
the established interests,, founded 



Public officials are regularly 
caught taking bribes. Fraud runs 
rampant throughout the Federal 
government, Jimmy Carter wel- 
comes mass-murderer Menachem 
Begin to America. 

But John Singer "broke the 
law." He wanted to raise his 



153 

children away from the evil and 
immorality of a society gone mad. 
That was a crime for which the 
System decreed he had to die. 

(Issue No. 67, 1979) 




LEON DEGRELLE 



the Rexist movement. His tireless 
campaigning and spellbinding 
oratory led his group to a 
stunning success in the national 
election of 1936. The new party 
rolled up 270,000 votes, 11.5 per 
cent of the total, and elected 12 
senators and 21 deputies. 

Confronted by the Rexist chal- 
lenge, the established parties 
closed ranks. Their collusion 
excluded Rexist deputies from 
important parliamentary commit- 
tees. The controlled news media 
directed a drumfire of criticism 
against Degrelle's "extremism" 
and alleged lust for power. 

In March 1917 Degrelle decided 
to contest a by-election in Brus- 
sels, which quickly took on the 
nature of a plebiscite. 

The Belgian establishment 
pulled out all the stops against his 
candidacy. The prime minister, 
Paul Van Zeeland, opposed De- 
grelle for the seat, backed by all 
three parties. The Catholic pri- 
mate of Belgium condemned 



Degrelle and Rexism. The Brus- 
sels newspapers supplied the usual 
one-sided editorials and repor- 
tage. 

The outcome was a foregone 
conclusion. From that point on, 
the movement's fortunes declined 
sharply, although Degrelle did 
win a later election. By 1939 only 
Degrelle and three other Rexists 
from the party list sat in parlia- 
ment. The disillusioned leader 
turned his thoughts more and 
more from the present pettiness of 
Belgium to the vision of a reborn 
Burgundy, stretching from Frisia 
to the Rhone, of which Wallonia 
would be the pivot. 

The onset of the Second World 
War forced the Belgian establish- 
ment to choose between the old 
order and the new. By making 
Belgium party to the Anglo- 
French effort to stifle the Euro- 
pean resurgence led by Hitler and 
Mussolini, the country's politi- 
cians invited the German invasion 
of 1940. 






154 

Volunteers from All 
Nations Joined Effort 
To Free Europe from 
Capitalists and Reds 

The Germans knifed through 
Belgium with relentless efficiency. 
After 18 days of hopeless struggle, 
the Belgian army was battered 
into submission, Meanwhile, the 
Belgian politicians, after provi- 
dently appropriating Belgium's 
gold reserves and the plates used 
to print the nation's money, fled 
across the channel to England. 
There they reconstituted them- 
selves as Belgium's "legitimate'' 
government and whiled away their 
exile in luxury and petty intrigues. 

No sooner had the German 
armies crossed the frontier than 
Leon Degrelle was seized at his 
home by the Belgian authorities, 
in flagrant violation of his 
parliamentary immunity. In the 
following weeks he endured a 
brutal odyssey through Belgian 
and French jails. 

During his captivity Degrelle 
lost 30 pounds. Several of his 
teeth were broken, and he was 
deafened in one ear by a 
particularly brutal beating ad- 
ministered in his cell at Caen. At 
last, thanks to German interven- 
tion, Degielle, who had been 
given up for lost by his family and 
followers, was freed from the 
French concentration camp at 
which had been com- 
by a Jew named Bern- 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



155 




Eastern Front: Mightiest Heroism World Has Known 



DEGRELLE AT A REXIST RALLY: In 1935 Leon Degrelle, no* yet 

30 years old, founded the Resist movement of Belgian national awaken- 
ing. A brilliant speaker and an indefatigable campaigner, he aroused 



wild enthusiasm at pre-war rallies all across Wailonia. In early 1937 he 
packed the cavernous Brussels Sports Palace with his Resist supporters 
for eight nights In succession. 



Vernet, 

manded 

heim. 



Upon his return to Belgium, 
Degrelle found the political pros- 
pects of the Rexist movement and 
the Wallonian people anything 
but auspicious. The Germans 
naturally favored their Flemish 
cousins, and there was little 
accord between Belgium's Fle- 
mings and Walloons. Further- 
more, Degrelle had had little 
previous contact with Hitler and 
National Socialism. 



Degrelle considered that any 
hope of realizing his dream of a 
new Great Burgundy depended on 
the good will of Adolf Hitler. The 
Wallonian leader was sure he 
knew the way to win the former 
combat soldier's favor: on the 
field of battle, Fighting side by 
side with Germany against a 
common foe. 

Thus, when Germany went to 
war against the Soviet Union on 
June 22, 1941, Degrelle was 
ready. Within two months he had 
raised a force of 1,000 Wallonian 
volunteers to join the crusade 
against Bolshevism. 



On August 8, 1941, the Wal- 
lonian volunteers departed for 
Germany. As they paraded 
through the Brussels streets en- 
route to the railway station, they 
received an enthusiastic sendoff 
from their fellow Rexists. The 
excitement was heightened by 
Leon Degrelle's presence in their 
ranks. His decision to enlist, made 
public only the day before, had 
stunned his friends and enemies 
alike. 

Married and the fatner of two 
young daughters, Degrelle, at 35, 
was an unlikely infantryman. His 
ingenuous, almost cherubic face 
seemed to belie his athlete's 
frame. Despite his political ac- 
complishments, something of the 
enfant terrible still clung to him. 
Besides, he had never undergone 
military training, had never so 
much as fired a gun. Degrelle's 
enemies smirked and whispered 
that the leader of the Rexists 
would depart the train at the first 
stop after Brussels. 

The short but arduous appren- 
ticeship in the skills of the combat 
infantryman which Degrelle re- 
ceived at Regenwurm, near the 
Polish border, more than com- 
pensated for his previous lack of 
military training. By November 
1941 Degrelle found himself lug- 
ging 65 pounds of machine gun 
and ammunition near Karabinov- 
ska, midway between Dneprope- 
trovsk and the Donets basin. 

In late autumn of 1941 the 
German advance, after nearly 
five months of uninterrupted 
success, had bogged down in the 
black, oozing, sucking mud of 
Russia. Roads became impassable 
for heavy vehicles, and horses and 
men sank to their thighs in the 
mire, the Russians took advantage 
of the Germans' immobility by 
stepping up hit-and-run attacks by 
partisan guerrillas. 

DEGRELLE FIRES a submachine gun on the Eastern Front He was It was against these irregulars 
the epitome of the new type of soldier which filled the ranks of the that the men of the Wallonian 
Waffen SS: recklessly heroic, granite hard, and politically conscious. Legion saw their first action. 
He fought to win a leading role for his people In a free, regenerated There were no pitched battles, 
Europe. Hitler said to him: "You are almost unique in history, a politi- only short, running engagements 
cal leader who fights as a true soldier!" between small units. Nevertheless, 




they took their toll. In late 
November the first legionaries fell 
on the cold soil of the eastern 
Ukraine, far from their Belgian 
homes. 

Shortly after their arrival in 
Russia, the Belgians were con- 
fronted by an even more ferocious 
enemy than the Red guerrillas. 
The Russian winter of 1941-1942 
fell with a fury unmatched in a 
century and a half. Temperatures 
in the Wallonian Legion's zone of 
operations dropped to 40 degrees 
below zero, and the snow piled up 
to heights of over six feet. 

At the end of November 
Degrelle and his comrades 
marched across the frozen earth 
to the Donets basin, a center of 
mining and industry, where they 
made their winter quarters. The 
march across the winter hell 
between Karabinovska and Cher- 
binovka was 50 miles of torture. 
Men and animals slipped and slid 
on vast expanses of ice. Many fell 
victims to frostbite. By December 
10 the Wallonian Legion, at last 
firmly established in Cherbinov- 
ka, had lost 150 men to the cold 
and to disease. 

Through all the rigors of that 
terrible winter Degrelle was an 
inspiration to his fellow soldiers. 
He shared in all their trials; 
indeed, he bore them with a 
cheerfulness palatable even to the 
chronic grumblers. His political 
authority as chief of Rex was 
greatly augmented by his fellow- 
ship in arms. 

Degrelle's own outlook was 
being profoundly affected by his 
experiences at the front. Any 
tendency to the egoism which 
bedevils the average politician was 
swept away by a thousand lowly 
tasks and duties, performed side 
by side with men of humble 
origins who had once shouted 
their adulation for him at the 
cavernous Sports Palace in Brus- 
sers. In the friendly jibing of his 
fellow infantrymen, Degrelle be^ 
came "Modest the First, Duke of 
Burgundy." 



The constant threat of death 
brought with it a heightened 
consciousness and, in the best of 
men, an increased dedication. 
Degrelle wrote, "Before we may 
have led a banal existence, 
marked by concessions to every- 
day life. The front taught us to 
love renunciation. We felt neither 
hatred nor desire. We had over- 
come our bodies and destroyed 
our ambition. Thus purified, we 
could devote ourselves ^ to the 
cause. And death frightened us no 
more." 

In February 1941 the Walloons 
got a chance to show their mettle 
in heavy combat. The Red Army 
attempted to exploit a number of 
overextended and exposed sectors 
along the German front. The 
Wallonian Legion was in the thick 
of the fighting, which featured a 
sharp contest over the village 
Rosa Luxemburg and the heroic 
defense of Gromovaya-Balka. 

The February fighting was 
costly for the Walloons. By 
March 2 only two of the unit's 22 
officers were fit for duty, and the 
Wallonian Legion had been re- 
duced to a third of its original 
strength. 

Reinforced by a new contingent 
of volunteers from Belgium, the 
Legion joined the renewed Ger- 
man offensive in July. The goal 
was the rich oil fields of Transcau- 
casia, vital to refuel the mighty 
German war machine. 

The march south across the 
Don and the Kuban steppe 
proceeded at a rapid pace. In the 
space of a month the Legion 
advanced 700 miles to the foot- 
hills of the snow-capped Cauca- 
sus, marching in a summer heat 
that often exceeded 105 degrees. 

The Russians offered little 
resistance until the German forces 
reached the passes which lead over 
the Caucasus to Transcaucasia. 
There the Reds battled furiously 
to deny the enemy their oil. 

The Wallonian Legion fought 
its way up the valley of the 
Pschich River, driving toward 
Sochi, a Black Sea port. Degrelle, 



who had been promoted to 
Lieutenant after Gromovaya- 
Balka, now proved his ability to 
Lead men in combat as well as in 
electoral campaigns. His notions 
of tactics were hazy, but his 
unflinching courage in the face of 
enemy fire carried one objective 
after another in the fierce moun- 
tain warfare. 

At Pruskaya on August 19, 
Degrelle led an attack up a hill 
bristling with Russian defenders. 
At the summit he came face to 
face with the Red commander. 
Both men fired simultaneously. 
The Russian fell dead at De- 
grelle's feet. The Legion con- 
tinued its advance- 
Three days later the Walloons 
captured the village of Cherya- 
kov. Degrelle Jed a sally which 
blunted the first Red counter- 
attack. Over the next five days the 
Wallonian Legion beat off wave 
after wave of Russian attackers, 
until they were relieved. 

The German advance stalled 
once again that autumn. Overex- 
tended and running precariously 
short of supplies and ammuni- 
tion, the German armies were 
forced to retreat. At the onset of 
winter the Wallonian Legion 
withdrew across the strait of 
Kerch and up the Crimean 
peninsula. As they fell back the 
Russians were already springing 
the trap at Stalingrad. 

The Legion's outstanding per- 
formance had meanwhile at- 
tracted the interest and admira- 
tion of the officers of the elite 
Waffen SS, After protracted 
negotiations between Degrelle and 
Heinrich Himmler, the leader of 
the SS, the Wallonian Legion was 
inducted into the Waffen SS. The 
move was popular among the 
men. The combat prowess and 
prestige of the SS were un- 
matched, and the veterans of 
Gromovaya-Balka and Cherya- 
kov felt honored to share in it. 
Furthermore, membership in the 
SS, a supranational Aryan order, 
would afford Degrelle an impor- 
tant voice in postwar Europe, 
provided Germany and her allies 
were victorious. 

In the spring of 1943 the 
Walloons were dispersed to vari- 
ous SS training camps. The 

Book Review 



intangible SS spirit and the 
all-too-tangible aches and pains of 
the most difficult training they 
had ever experienced elevated 
even the battle-tested men of the 
Wallonian Legion to an un- 
dreamed-of level of endurance, 
vigilance, and hardness. When, in 
November 1943, the Legion was 
reorganized as the 5th SS Storm- 
brigade Wailonia, with Major 
Lucien Lippert its commander 
and Degrelle the chief of staff, 
there was no more formidable 
infantry unit in the world. 

Shortly thereafter the Wal- 
lonian Brigade returned to the 
front, which the ever-waxing 
might of the Red Army had 
pushed to the west bank of the 
Dnieper. The Walloons were 
posted to a sector near Cherkassy, 
which gave its name to a vast 
salient, some 10,000 square miles, 
held by the German 8th Army. 

In January 1944 disaster struck. 
On the 27th two Soviet armies, 
Zhukov's in the north and 
Koniev's in the south, began a 
drive around the Cherkassy sector 
which culminated in their junction 
at Zvenigorodka, far behind the 
German lines.. The Cherkassy 
salient had become the Cherkassy 
pocket, 

The German command laid 
plans for a breakout in force to 
the west. They concentrated the 
bulk of their forces near Steblyov, 
with the SS Regiment Germania 
as the spearhead. The Wallonian 
Brigade was assigned the vital 
mission of guarding the rear. 

The operation, to which the 
sober strategists of the Wehr- 
macht staff had assigned a five 
per cent chance of success, put the 
Walloons to their greatest test. 
The Soviets, scenting victory, 
hammered at the German flanks, 
but they drove hardest from the 
rear, straining for the break- 
through which would allow them 
to roll up the retreating army 
from behind. 

On February 5, at the village of 
Starosselye, the thin Wallonian 
line nearly buckled, After repel- 
ling wave after wave the Walloons 
panicked and fled in the face of 
yet another massive Soviet as- 
sault. The Russian breakthrough 
was at hand, 



At that point Degrelle rode up. 
Standing on his mud-spattered 
staff car as Russian bullets whined 
past his ears, he exhorted his men 
to be worthy of their Burgundian 
ancestors. Then Degrelle leaped 
from the car, seized his rifle, and 
shouted, "Burgundians, rally to 
my luck! You'll see how much the 
Russians fear met About face! 
Forward! Follow me!" 

Degrelle's counterattack drove 
the Russians from Starosselye. 
Reinforced that afternoon by two 
tanks, the Wallonian Brigade 
clung to the key strongpoint for 
four blood-drenched days. On the 
8th they fell back to the Ross 
canal, and then to Novo Buda, 

where an apocalyptic struggle 
unfolded. 

Infuriated by the prospect of 
their prey's escaping, the Rus- 
sians stormed Novo Buda with 
redoubled fanaticism. The town 
was raked by murderous artillery 
and mortar barrages. House-to- 
house fighting of an intensity not 
witnessed since Stalingrad turned 
shops and houses into abattoirs 
dripping with gore. 

German generals fought and 
died side by side with privates. 
Lucien Lippert, the Wallonian 
Brigade's brave commander, was 
shot dead outside a mouzhik's 
hovel. Men's minds snapped, 
overwhelmed by horror and 
exhaustion. 

If the saying be true that 
fortune favors the brave, Degrelle 
proved it amply in the Cherkassy 
pocket. Always in the thick of the 
fighting, he seemed unkillable. 
Russian bullets nicked him twice 
at Starosselye. At Novo Buda a 
spent mortar fragment lodged 
between his coat and his chest, 
barely breaking the skin. 

The Reds were thrown back at 
Novo Buda. On February 18, 
1944, 40,000 German soldiers 
streamed through the Russian ring 
near Lisyanka, due in large 
measure to the incredible tenacity 
of the Wallonian volunteers. Such 
heroism did not come cheap. Of 
the more than 2,000 Walloons 
who had arrived at the front the 
previous November, only 632 
came through the hell of Cher- 
kassy. 



A few days later Degrelle was 
summoned to Adolf Hitler's 
headquarters, near Rastenburg in 
East Prussia. The hero from the 
trenches of the First World War 
pressed the Knight's Cross of the 
Iron Cross into Degrelle's hand. 
In a voice husky with emotion, 
Hitler told the Wallonian leader, 
"If I had a son, I would want him 
to be like you." 

Against the Fuehrer's wishes, 
Degrelle returned to combat. The 
Wallonian Brigade, which had 
been decimated at Cherkassy, was 
reinforced and expanded to be- 
come the nucleus of the 28th SS 
Wallonian Division. Transferred 
to the Baltic front, Degrelle and 
his brave Walloons waged an 
unending succession of desperate 
holding actions against over- 
whelming odds. Across the 
marshlands of Estonia and the 
fiat lake country of East Prussia 
the men of the Wallonian Divi- 
sion, in ever-diminishing num- 
bers, fought on grimly until there 
was no more hope. 

Nor did they fight alone. There 
fought beside them half-a-million 
other volunteers, from thirty 
different European peoples, 
bound by Nibelungen fealty to the 
German Siegfried until the bitter 
end. They joined from every walk 
of life, even to the last days of the 
war: peasants and aristocrats, 
craftsmen and scholars, workers 
from the mines and> mills and 
workshops of all Europe. 

And many of them died, on the 
vast and lonely Russian steppe, in 
the rubble-strewn alleys of Buda- 
pest and Berlin, in a thousand 
other places unmarked and for- 
gotten, not sweetly, not decorous- 
ly, but excruciatingly: shot, 
stabbed, frozen, crushed, heads 
sliced off by whirling shell 
fragments, limbs blasted from 
their torsos, entrails gushing from 
their bellies, in every way their 
fragile bodies could be riven from 
their mighty hearts. 

Should we ask why, a few have 
tried to tell. Degrelle, a man of 
culture, wrote that it was for 
Europe, "the Europe of Vergil 
and Ronsard, the Europe of 
Erasmus and Nietzsche, of Ra- 
phael and Duerer, the Europe of 
Ignatius and Saint Theresa, of 



Frederick the Great and Napo- 
leon." 

Few of the others could have 
put their reasons into words. Like 
the simpler Westerners who came 
before them, the men who fought 
and fell at Tours and Liegnitz, at 
Acre and Lepanto, the European 
volunteers, though driven by the 
deepest loves and longings, cher- 
ished most the fragments of the 
Whole: the sunlight playing on a 
little girl's blond hair, a favorite 
spot beneath the willows by the 
brook, the fellowship by evening 
in the village tavern, the fields 
their fathers plowed before them, 
hearth and family, blood and soil. 
And though today the bodies of 
so many of them lie commingled 
with the European soil, see to it, 
White reader, that their spirit 
shall not perish from this earthl 

Shortly after the Anglo-Ameri- 
can armies overran Belgium, the 
Belgian government in exile re- 
turned to Brussels, the breasts of 
its ministers glittering with the 
medals and orders for "resis- 
tance" which they so freely 
bestowed on one another. One of 
the first acts of Belgium's restora- 
tion government was to condemn 
to death their old enemy, Leon 
Degrelle, for defiance to the state. 

But Degrelle was able to elude 
their grasp. Granted political 
asylum by the Franco regime, he 
has lived since the war in Madrid. 
He managed to save his medals, 
which by the war's end included 
the Knight's Cross with Oak Leaf. 
He has saved as well the silken 
banners of the Wallonian Divi- 
sion. Some day, Degrelle hopes, 
they will be exhibited at the 
Belgian War Museum. 

Not long ago a visiting Belgian 
journalist asked him if he had any 
regrets about the war years. Leon 
Degrelle thought for a moment, 
and then gave his reply: "Only 
that we lost!" 

T. O'K. 

(Issue No. 67, 1979) 



A Salvo Against Psychoquachery 



The Psychological Society: A 
Critical Analysis of Psychiatry, 
Psychotherapy, Psychoanalysis, 
and the Psychological Revolution, 

by Martin L. Gross, 369 pages, 
Random House, 1978, $10.00. 
Reviewed by Peter Yeagher. 

It started, a few have specu- 
lated, when he spied his mother 
having sexual intercourse. At age 
seven he entered his parents' 
bedroom to urinate all over the 
floor. Other excretory problems, 
constipation and a spastic colon, 
beset him in later life. 

He claimed he could not work 
without a big, black cigar thrust 
into his mouth; sucking on 20 a 
day must have given him much 
oral gratification. Even so he was 
forever battling severe depression, 
except when faced with a train 



ride. Then he succumbed to 
terror. 

Although his published work 
explored every real and fanciful 
element of human sexuality, he 
was himself impervious to wo- 
manly charms; indeed, the major 
events of his life can be plotted 
against a series of passionate 
friendships with men like Fliess, 
Adler, and Jung. The friendships, 
however, always turned into 
equally passionate enmities, be- 
cause he eventually felt betrayed. 
This led him to formulate a 
general rule: paranoia is caused by 
repressed homosexuality. 

The man, of course, is Sigmund 
Freud, whose teachings have 
greatly influenced many in the 
so-called helping professions. In 
addition to psychologists and 
psychiatrists, these include social 



workers, guidance counselors, 
and certain members of the clergy 
who have transubstantiated them- 
selves into pastoral counselors. 

Sigmund's foibles and follies, if 
not his fallibilities, have long been 
common knowledge among these 
professionals and the more learn- 
ed of the intellectual faddists. 
Anyone curious about Freud's 
dank little secrets can now learn a 
good many of them without 
ruining his eyesight on inter- 
minable works like Ernest Jones's 
three-volume biography. Martin 
L. Gross's The Psychological 
Society contains a handy sum- 
mary in a readable, journalistic 
style honed in spots to a polemical 
edge. 

About a third of the book is 
devoted exclusively to Freud and 
how his quirks perverted his 



theories into queeries. In a sense 
the entire book is about Freud, 
since he, more than anyone else, 
laid the foundations of today's 
Psychological Society. What 
Gross wants to topple he must 
first lay bare. 

Gross contends that the central 
Freudian notions about the un- 
conscious, infantile sexuality, re- 
pression, and the psychoanalytic 
method are unscientific and 
"mystical." Worse, they have 
hindered investigations into the 
real causes of mental illness by 
denying "the organic view of the 
mind as a biochemical device with 
a relatively inflexible, gene-deter- 
mined style, what we generally 
call one's nature or temperament. 
In this biological view, the 
environment is capable Only of 



modifying one's inclination. The 
person flourishes best when the 
environment and his nature are in 
fortunate juxtaposition." 

There is a large measure of 
truth to Gross's charge. By 
stressing childhood experience 
Freudians, in effect, blame mental 
illness on environment. Time and 
again Freud, a physiologist by 
trainingi denied that most mental 
aberrations were caused by or- 
ganic disorders of the brain. 

The result, according to Gross, 
is that the mentally ill are being 
treated by a method that owes 
more to shamanism than to 
science. Instead of pills and 
injections to correct biochemical 
imbalances, they are given words. 
If these words have any effect, it 
is not because they dredge from 



156 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AN D NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



157 



the unconscious repressed child- 
hobd traumas which are then 
worked out with the aid of a 
therapist, 

The only active ingredients in 
the Freudian-based talking cures 
are suggestion and the passage of 
time — and the first may be 
superfluous. Studies, such as the 
two conducted by Hans Eysenck 
in 1952 and 1965, have shown that 
two-thirds of those who go to 
psychotherapists eventually end 
up cured. Since psychotherapists 
are busy men they cannot see 
everyone; some patients must wait 
as long as two years for an 
appointment. While waiting, 
about two-thirds somehow man- 
age to get well by themselves. No 
wonder Eysenck' s colleagues hate 
his guts I 

Psychotherapists have com- 
pounded the mischief by hood- 
winking the public into believing 
that they alone know the answers 
to perplexing questions about 
human behavior. The reward for 
their effrontery has been extrava- 
gant. In addition to money they 
enjoy intellectual respect, which 
often can be put to the uses of 
power in a society that hangs on 
any banal word or semidemihemi- 
thought, so long as it comes from 
an "expert" with the right pieces 
of paper hanging on his office 
wall. 

The scope accorded that power 
has expanded enormously since 
the beginning of the century. 
Then its application was limited 
mostly to rich Viennese Jewesses 
suffering from species of hysteria 
the likes of which few had 
observed before and almost none 
has seen since. But now — 
especially in the United States — 
everyone's psyche is being probed 
by a cacophonous coven of 
psychomavens who purvey their 
insights through books, maga- 
zines, newspapers, radio, and 
television. 

So seductive have been their 
tales of unresolved Oedipal com- 
plexes, toilet-training trauma, and 
reaction formation that the typi- 
cal maleducated American, most 
often a college graduate, looks to 
these charlatans for advice. This 
state of affairs is what Gross, 
using cute journalistic license., 
calls the Psychological Society. 

Read casually, Gross's work 
has much to recommend it. The 
animus against the Psychological 
Society is easy to share; the 
knifework on Freud, deft; the 

Sick WASP 

Nothing can raise the gorge of a 
self-respecting White man or 
woman more surely than the 
spectacle of a fellow White, 
unhinged by the incessant pro- 
minority propaganda of his tele- 
vision set, apologizing to the 
world for being White and 
fawning at the feet of creatures 
whose ancestors were allegedly 
repressed by his. 

One such unhinged White is 
Peter Gorton Jenkins, a young 
Connecticut WASP who set out to 
walk across the country five years 
ago, just after graduating from 
college. He reported on his walk 
in an illustrated article in the April 
1977 issue of National Geogra- 
phic. In the article he said he was 
"confused" by America's racial 
violence, the recent Kent State 
shootings, and similar happen- 
ings, and he wanted to give "the 
country another chance. " Mostly 
he found a chance for plenty of 



strong case for genetics, nourish- 
ing fare for those who have had to 
eat environmentalist pap. 

The last, genetics, is crucial to 
Gross's position. Despite' his 
exhaustive survey of recent re- 
search which implicates heredity, 
Gross fails to prove his Case. To 
do so would be impossible. 
Mental illness, because of its 
multiplicity of forms, cannot 
easily be laid at the doorstep of 
either genetics or environment. 
Both are involved in proportions 
which cannot yet be determined. 

Let us assume that every mental 
"problem" can ultimately be 
traced to some gene or combina- 
tion of genes. Nevertheless, on the 
basis of Gross's own evidence, 
many neurotics and a surprising 
number of psychotks will become 
"normal" again. Whoever heard 
of anyone slipping into and then 
out of a true genetic disorder like 
Tay Sachs disease, sickle cell 
anemia, or thalassemia? 

Diabetes has a strong genetic 
component, yet many individuals 
can escape its ravages without 
using insulin if they follow 
elementary precautions about diet 
and exercise, If they disregard 
these precautions and develop 
diabetes, which is responsible, 
genetics or environment? 

Perhaps a better example is 
intelligence, which we know is 
determined primarily by genes. 
How many people of normal 
intelligence at age 20 become 
certifiable morons (or geniuses) at 
30 and return to normal at 35? 

While the new investigations 
into genetic influence on human 
behavior are exciting, one should 
guard against excessive enthu- 
siasm. The old nature/nurture 
dilemma still has two very sharp 
horns. For nearly four decades 
intellectual life has been impaled 
on nurture. But what is to be 
gained by pushing ourselves off 
nurture only to fling ourselves 
recklessly onto nature, a far har- 
sher determinism? 

All this is not to say Freud 
should be spared. Clearly he needs 
to be attacked, but on proper 
grounds. Gross assails Freud for 
the wrong reason: baldly stated, 
because Freud believed people can 
overcome many forms of mental 
impairment without pills or 
injections — hardly an unwar- 
rantable belief. 

Gross's target goes beyond 
Freud himself, however; it in- 
self-abasement, meeting lots of 
"really great" Black forks along 
the way, moving in with some of 
them for months at a time, and 
adopting one batch — in Murphy, 
North Carolina — as his second 
family. 

Now the media-addled Mr. 
Jenkins has come out with a book 
about his pedestrian guilt trip {A 
Walk Across America , Morrow, 
$12.95), and its puke quotient is 
even higher than that of his 1977 
magazine article. One excerpt, 
describing his attendance at a 
foot-stomping, hand-clapping, 
amen-shouting sermon in a Black 
Baptist church, is typical: "Of all 
the cool things, this service 
surpassed every far-out and 
turned-on experience I'd always 
held close to my snobby heart." 

More Babble 

Two Jewish professors who 
teach English at Eastern New 
Mexico University want to elimi- 




What 



Equality: Man's Most Dangerous Myth 



SOPHOCLES 



FREUD 



GOETHE 



THE OLD FAKIR concocted his poisonous witches' brew from plausible concepts originated by Sophocles, 
Goethe, and others. The worldwide Jewish publicity apparatus did the rest. 



eludes all use of qualitative, 
"unscientific" concepts, such as 
the unconscious, in human affairs. 
Much as one would like to see 
Freud helped out of the helping 
professions, the fee Gross pro- 
poses to iharga is exorbitant and 
ultimately leads to intellectual 
impoverishment. 

Qualitative concepts are abso- 
lutely indispensable to the human 
sciences. They may lack referents 
and resist quantification, but 
truth cannot always be fitted into 
tables of statistics. Any human 
science from which all qualitative 
notions have been eliminated is 
little more than an exercise in 
precise trivialities. 

Many notions associated with 
Freud which Gross derides as 
unscientific and mystical are 
nonetheless valuable. What 
should be noted, however, is that 
Freud has no proprietary right to 
them, since, for the most part, all 
he did was pluck elements from 
two great efflorescences of White 
culture, classical Greece and 
romantic Germany. 

This is no place for a thorough- 
going influence study, but Freud 
read more of Greek tragedy than 
Sophocles 1 Oedipus plays. For 
instance, the dangers of sexual 
repression can be found in 
Euripides' Hippolytus; the disrup- 
tiveness of the id in the Bacchae. 

Even the ritual battle between 
psychoanalyst and patient seems 
to have been adapted from the 
agon of classical tragedy. (There 

nate all grammatical structure 
from the English language, so it 
will be easier for minorities to 
learn. 

Professors Stanley Berne and 
Arlene Zekowski have proposed 
that all sentence structure, punc- 
tuation, and other "complica- 
tions" of the English language be 
done away with. They say that the 
300 or so rules governing English 
grammar are arbitrary And so 
complicated that they drive stu- 
dents of marginal ability away 
from reading and writing. 

"Did God give grammar to 
Moses on the mountain?" Berne 
asked. "It's the whole cancerous 
structure of the English lan- 
guage" which must go, added 
Zekowski. 

Their ideas for a "newspeak" 
version of the English language 

are being Filmed for presentation 
on TV by the Public Broadcasting 
System later this year. 



are also parallels between the 
so-called psychoanalytic process 
and initiation into the Greek 
mystery cults, which scholars say 
was the origin of Greek drama.) 

And -as for sublimation of the 
sex drive as the source of man's 
higher strivings, see Plato's Sym- 
posium. 

Goethe's well-known descrip- 
tion of his daimon provided 
enough insight for Freud to 
"discover" both the unconscious 
and the id, and Schopenhauer 
must have been a great help too. 
Other key notions of the German 
romantics, which Freud would 
have been lost without, include 
ambivalence, subjectivity, and the 
primacy of history in human 
affairs. 

While Freud's purloined ideas 
in and of themselves are hardly 
evil, the use to which they have 
been put is. As Gross himself 
points out, "In the mind of the 
philosopher-physician [Freud] 
were the seeds of a mystical yet 
apparently irresistible revolution 
against the Christian middle-class 
ofpre-World War I." 

Freud made no secret of his 
Jewishness, one of the many 
characteristics his disciples share 
to this day. As in the case of 
Marx, the real aim behind all his 
theorizing was to destroy a society 
which was irretrievably alien to 
his own nature. Unfortunately, 
Gross, undoubtedly for his own 
good reasons, skirts this central 
issue and makes only a few 



inconsequential remarks about 
Jewish mother-son relations. 

At bottom Gross's work is 
seriously misleading. The real 
danger posed by the Psychological 
Society is not that the concepts 
arrogated to Freud may do little 
to help the mentally ill. It is that 
Freud's heirs use them to keep 
the mentally healthy from seeing 
how healthy they really are. 

Whenever anyone raises serious 
questions about key social prob- 
lems — the inequality of the races 
is only one — the psychodoctors 
spring into action. Rather than 
allow objective discussion, 
Freud's heirs cleverly begin to 
distract attention by speculating 
about the serious psychological 
flaws which must have motivated 
the "socially deviant" questions, 
The mass media obligingly spread 
idle chatter about feelings of 
sexual insecurity, psychosexual 
fears, and sexually repressed 
authoritarian personalities. 

While aspersions like these may 
not deter those sure of themselves, 
many in the audience are cowed 
into following the party line. If 
propaganda based on sex can 
overpower truths revealed by 
personal experience, then the dry 
scientific truths of genetics stand 
little chance. Which underscores 
the important role qualitative 
notions still play in the human 
sciences. 

{Issue No. 67, 1979) 



Recipe for Amazons? Worse in Mexico 



Margaret Dobbins, an assistant 
professor of sociology at Ala- 
bama's Auburn University, has an 
interesting hypothesis: namely, 
that the only reason girls grow 
up to be smooth, soft, and 
curvaceous, while boys grow up to 
be hairy and muscular, is that the 
two sexes are treated differently. 
If society treated little boys and 
little girls exactly the same from 
birth, they would grow up with 
the same size and strength — 
among other things. 

"The hypothesis is that social 
policy can alter secondary sexual 
characteristics," Ms. Dobbins 
told those attending a scientific 
conference in Houston in Janu- 
ary. If she had really thought her 
nuttiness through, she might have 
fealized that she had produced a 
powerful argument against the 
Equal Rights Amendment, for 
those who really believe in the 
omnipotence of the environment. 



If you think corruption by 
public servants is becoming un- 
bearable in the United States (and 
it is), you should visit our 
non-White neighbor to the south. 
It's completely beyond control 
there. 

A recent survey of Mexico 
City's 30,000 policemen revealed 
that more than 75 per cent of 
them have sold, hocked, or "lost" 
their official sidearms. The com- 
mon practice is to sell their 
expensive, new, government-issue 
pistols to the underworld or other 
private individuals, purchase 
cheap "Saturday-night specials" 
as replacements, and pocket the 
difference. 

(Issue No. 67, 1979) 



Ail racial differences are either 
genetic (hereditary, inborn) or 
cultural (acquired from society 
after birth). The latter can be 
changed or eliminated by en- 
forced social changes; the former 
are independent of man's laws 
and customs, except over a period 
of many generations. 

Examples of cultural traits 
which differ from race to race are 
mannerisms of speech ("Amos V 
Andy" dialect or "Black Eng- 
lish"), styles of dress, and per- 
sonal grooming. If Blacks and 
Whites are forced to live together 
from birth, attending the same 
schools and exposed to exactly the 
same cultural influences, they will 
grow up speaking and dressing in 
very nearly the same manner. 
Even Blacks who have grown up 
in the tribal areas of Africa and 
who customarily distort their ear 
lobes or lips with huge wooden 
plugs or plaster their hair with 
liquid cow dung as a means of 
attracting Blacks of the opposite 






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ONLY THE FOOL or the mischief-maker can claim that the same soul 

dwells in the breast of the Negro, the White, and the Jew. Body and 

sex can be trained to adopt White soul ftre Interdependent, and the face more often than not reveals the 




essence of the Inner nature. Every man instinctively knows this, but the 
false propaganda of racial equality has confused and misted many 
Americans. 



standards of personal cleanliness 
and grooming. 

The fact is, however, that the 
most important racial differences 
are genetic rather than cultural. 
Skin and eye color, facial fea- 
tures, skull shape, skeletal pro- 
portions, patterns of body fat 
deposition, tooth size, jaw shape, 
female breast form, odor, and 
hair texture are only the most 
noticeable genetically determined 
physical characteristics which dif- 
fer racially. 



Beyond these things are the 
entire biochemical constitution 
and development of the indivi- 
dual. There are profound racial 
differences in blood chemistry, in 
endocrine function, and in physi- 
ological response to environmen- 
tal stimuli. Blacks and Whites 
mature at different rates. They 
have different susceptibilities to 
many disease organisms as well as 
different patterns of congenital 



Racial differences, in other 
words, are much more than skin 
deep; they permeate the individual 
and are manifested in virtually 
every cell of his body. They are 
the products of millions of years 
of separate evolutionary develop- 
ment which has adapted the dif- 
ferent races, with considerable 
precision, to different environ- 
mental demands. 

When we understand the all- 



disease. They even have different pervading nature of genetic racial 



nutritional requirements. 



V. 



Black-White Race Differences: A Partial List 

Intelligence: The 1Q of the average American Negro is 15 per cent 
loweT than that of the average American White. Individuals of high 
intellect are much scarcer among Negroes than among Whites. This 
difference is revealed not only by the Negro's historical lack of 
achievement, but also by extensive testing. The U.S. government's 
PACE examination, given to 200,000 university graduates who are 
prospective professional or administrative civil-service employees 
each year, is passed with a score of 70 or above by 58 per cent of the 
Whites who take it but by only 12 per cent of the Negroes. Among 
top scorers the difference between Negro and White performance is 
even more striking: 16 per cent of the White applicants make scores 
of 90 or above, while only one-fifth of one per cent of the Negro 
applicants score as high as 90 — a White/Black success ratio of 80/1 . 

Lactase Deficiency: Most adult Negroes lack the ability to digest 
milk and food products based on milk; their bodies do not produce 
the enzyme lactase, which is necessary for the digestion of milk 
sugar. This genetic deficiency stems from the failure of Negroes to 
domesticate animals in Africa prior to contact with Whites; their 
ancestors consequently did not use milk as an adult food. 
Body Proportions: Negroes have arms which are longer, relative to 
body height, than those of Whites. This feature, together with their 
much thicker cranial bones, gives Negro athletes an advantage over 
Whites in boxing. The skeletal and muscular peculiarities of 
Negroes' lower limbs have given them considerable success as sprint- 
ers, but have left them relatively undistinguished as distance runners. 

Criminality: The FBI's Uniform Crime Reports reveal that Negroes 
commit violent crimes 8.5 times as often as Whites, relative to their 
numbers in the overall U.S. population. Negroes are 7.2 times as 
likely to commit rape, 1 1 .2 times as likely to commit murder, and 
14.1 times as likely to commit robbery. Violent Negro crime is 
typically spontaneous rather than planned and reflects a general lack 
of inhibition and foresight. 

Skull and Jaw Shape: The Negro skull, in addition to having a 
smaller brain volume and thicker cranial bones than that of the 
White, is prognathous; i.e., the lower face projects forward, rather 
in the manner of an animal's muzzle. In consequence, the Negro jaw 
is substantially longer, relative to its width, than the White jaw. A 
feature of the Negro lower jaw is its retention of a vestige of the 
"simian shelf," a bony region immediately behind the incisors. The 
simian shelf is a distinguishing characteristic of apes, and it is absent 
in Whites. Negroes also have larger teeth than Whites, 



differences, we can see that cul- 
tural racial differences are not so 
superficial as some would have us 
believe. Far from masking any 
fundamental "equality" or exag- 
gerating racial dissimilarities, they 
simply manifest the genetic differ- 
ences of which they are, in fact, 
expressions. 

The culture of a race, free of 
alien influences, is telling evidence 
of that race's essential nature. The 
African Negro with a cow-dung 
hairdo, a bone through his nose, 
and teeth filed down to sharp 
points, in other words, presents to 
us a far more accurate image of 
the Negro essence than does the 
American Black in a business suit 
who has been trained to drive an 
automobile, operate a typewriter, 
and speak flawless English. 

Negro culture is not merely 
different from White culture; it is 
a less advanced culture and, by 
practically any standard, inferior. 
It is a culture which never 
advanced to the point of a written 
language or a civilized society. It 
never saw even the barest glim- 
merings of mathematics or the 
invention of the wheel. 

The smelting and use of metals 
and the quarrying and dressing of 
stone for architectural purposes 
are crafts that were taught to the 
Negro by members of other races. 
The hokum currently being served 
up in the schools about a 
centuries-old Negro "civiliza- 
tion" based on the ruins of stone 
walls found at Zimbabwe, in 
Rhodesia, is simply the product of 
wishful thinking by proponents of 
racial equality who are willing to 
ignore all facts which conflict with 
their equalitarian mania. 



Negro cultural inferiority is the 
consequence of the physical inad- 
equacy of the Negro brain in 
dealing with abstract concepts. 
On the other hand, the Negro 
shows an ability approaching that 
of the White at mental tasks 
requiring only memory. That is 
why the Negro can be trained 
relatively easily to adapt to many 
aspects of White culture. 

His verbal ability and his ability 
to imitate allow him, when pro- 
perly motivated, to assume much 
of the outward appearance of 
"equality." In a decade of special 
college-admission quotas for 
Blacks, many thousands of Blacks 
have obtained college diplomas — 
but only in those disciplines in 
which a glib tongue and a good 
memory suffice. There have been 
virtually no Black graduates in the 
physical sciences and very few in 
engineering. 

Thus, the Negro's inability to 
handle the abstract concepts 
required in problem-solving and 
technological innovation make a 
mockery of outward appearances. 
And this inability is genetic in 
nature, rooted in the physical 
structure of the Negro brain. 

Until the post-World War II 
campaign to blend the White and 
Negro races began in earnest, the 
Negro's mental limitations were 
common knowledge. The 11th 
edition of the Encyclopaedia 
Britannica, for example, says of 
the Negro, in part: 

". . . Other characteristics 
appear to be hypertrophy of the 
organs of excretion, a more 
developed venous system, and a 
less voluminous brain, as com- 
pared with the white races. 

' 'In certain of the characteris- 
tics mentioned above the negro 
would appear to stand on a lower 
evolutionary plane than the white 
man, and to be more closely 
related to the highest anthro- 
poids. . . . 

''Mentally the negro is inferior 
to the white. . . . While with the 
latter the volume of the brain 
grows with the expansion of the 
brainpan, in the former the 



growth of the brain is on the 
contrary arrested by the prema- 
ture closing of the cranial sutures 
and lateral pressure of the frontal 
bone. " 

And the 1932 edition of the 
Encyclopedia Americana lists, 
among the distinguishing charac- 
teristics of the Negro race, the 
following: 

"J, Weight of brain, 35 ounces 
(in gorilla 20 ounces, average 
Caucasian 45 ounces). . . . 

"<?. Exceedingly (hick cranium, 
enabling him to use the head as a 
weapon of attack. . . . 

"14. The cranial sutures ; which 
close much earlier in the Negro 
than in other races. " 

As the media stepped up their 
flow of "equality" propaganda, 
later editions of these encyclope- 
dias simply deleted the racial data 
on Blacks. One had to turn to 
specialized medical texts to learn 
that the associative areas of the 
brain, where abstract thought 
takes place, are less developed in 
the Negro than in the White. 

It has been well known since the 
large-scale intelligence testing of 
U.S. Army recruits in World War 
I that the average Negro IQ is 
approximately 15 per cent below 
that of the average White. Apolo- 
gists for the Blacks have tried to 
explain away the earlier test scores 
as being due to the effects of 
segregated schools and Black 
poverty; i.e., they claimed the 
tests were "culturally biased." 

Later IQ tests, however, 
showed essentially the same de- 
gree of Black deficiency in IQ: 
whether Black graduates of inte- 
grated high schools were tested 
against White graduates of the 
same schools, or Blacks in a 
certain socioeconomic category 
against similarly categorized 
Whites, the Blacks always scored 
substantially lower, even though 
standard IQ tests measure memo- 
ry skills as well as purely 
associative ability. Tests which 
focus on the latter type of mental 
function show a much larger 
difference between Black and 
White scores. 



158 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



159 



But it is precisely the ability to that has allowed the White race to 

associate concepts, to deal with build and maintain its civilization, 

abstractions, to mentally extra- and it is the Negro's deficiency in 

polate the present into the future this regard which kept him in a 



state of savagery in his African 
environment and is now under- 
mining the civilization of a 
racially mixed America. That is 



why it is vitally important for 
every White person to understand 
that there can be no such thing as 
"equality" between Whites and 



Blacks, regardless of the amount 
of racial mixing forced. on Ameri- 
cans by the government, 

(Issue No. 68, 1979) 



"Holocaust" Claims Exposed as Lies 



New Investigations 
Shredding Jewish 'Six 
Million Dead ' Swindle 

One afternoon last month 
President Carter and many Con- 
gressmen and Senators crowded 
into the Capitol rotunda for an 
unusual ceremony. Elie Wiesel, 
chairman of the "President's 
Commission on the Holocaust," 
told the country's political leaders 
that America, along with the 
entire non-Jewish world, was 
guilty of permitting Jews to die in 
the so-called "holocaust." 

During the Second World War, 
the prominent Jewish writer de- 
clared, the United States gave help 
to many people, "but not to the 
Jews. They were forgotten. The 
world knew — and kept silent." 

When his turn came to speak, 
Carter dutifully agreed. The 
world "permitted the holocaust to 
proceed," he said. 

Thirty-five years have passed 
since the end of the Second World 
War. But instead of diminishing, 
the Jewish propaganda about 
their losses in that war grows 
ever more intense. 

Television announcements tell 
viewers to contribute generously 
to the "Holocaust Memorial 
Fund." The President officially 
proclaims two days of remem- 
brance for the "victims of the 
holocaust." 

Jewish groups demand that 
their television drama Holocaust 
be shown throughout the world, 
and then they gloat over the 
resulting self-abasement and pro- 
fessions of guilt by millions of 
Gentile viewers. 

School children are barraged 
with "holocaust" readers, audio- 
visual presentations, and home- 
work assignments. 

But while the propaganda cam- 
paign becomes ever more exag- 
gerated and strident, a growing 
number of historians, civic lea- 
ders, writers, and other thought- 
ful individuals have been working 
quietly to expose as an enormous 
fraud the claim that during the 
Second World War the German 
government deliberately extermi- 
nated six million Jews in "gas 
chambers." 

Dr Hellmut Diwald, a senior 
professor of history at the Univer- 
sity of Erlangen in West Ger- 
many, unleashed a storm of 
controversy with the publication 
late last year of his Ceschichte der 
Deutschen {History of the Ger- 
mans). 

Unlike the flood of liberal 
history books offered to West 
German readers, Diwald 's master- 
work stresses the fundamental 
historical unity of the German 
people, who today live divided in 
three countries. 

More importantly, he states 
categorically that not a single 
"death camp" — as contrasted 
with ordinary concentration 
camps — existed in Germany 
during the Second World War. 
The campaign of distortions and 
wild charges about "gas cham- 
bers" and "ovens," he writes, has 





TEIXTALE PHOTOGRAPH helps expose "holocaust" hoax. This 
aerial photo, taken by an Allied reconnaissance plane on August 25, 
1944, shows a portion of the German labor camp at Auschwitz, Poland, 
where interned worker/prisoners made synthetic rubber and gasoline 
from coal. After the war Jews labeled Auschwitz a "death camp" and 
claimed 2Vi million Jews were gassed and cremated there. The 
photograph above Is an enlarged section of one printed in the April 
1979 issue otLife. The two buildings labeled "3" are crematoria where, 



according to Life, 12,000 Jews were cremated every 24 hours. Each 
building is approximately 60 feet long, and the assertion that 250 Jews 
an hour, around the clock, for months at a time, could have been 
reduced to ashes in each of them is simply ludicrous. Furthermore, 
neither this photograph nor any of dozens of others taken on different 
days shows any smoke coming from the smokestack of either 
crematorium (smokestack shadow is visible beside crematorium in 
center of photo). 



been carried out since 1945 for the 
sole purpose of morally degrading 
the German people. 

Jewish deaths in the concentra- 
tion camps, Diwald writes, were 
not the result of an extermination 
policy, but were the consequence 
of chaotic and understandable 
wartime conditions. Furthermore, 
the claimed figure of "six mil- 
lion" deaths is a gross exaggera- 
tion. 

Diwald 's book was published 
by Propylaen, a prestigious pub- 
lishing house owned by philo- 
Semitic West German media 
mogul Axel Springer. The book 
became an immediate best seller, 
an unusual feat for a heavy, 
760-page work of history. 

Jewish protests over the book 
moved Springer to promise that 
History of the Germans would be 
"rewritten." Sales of the first 
printing of 100,000 copies were 
immediately stopped, and a new, 
"revised" edition acceptable to 
the Jews was substituted — 
without Dr. Diwald's approval. 

Thus, Jewish and Marxist pres- 
sure has successfully censored 
another important book. But the 
entire affair has moved many 
Germans to ask themselves why a 
respected historian would de- 
nounce the "holocaust" as a 
fraud in the first place, if there 
were no reason for doing so. 

In France an associate profes- 
sor at the University of Lyon has 
spent four years investigating the 



"gas chamber" legend. Dr. Ro- 
bert Faurisson analyzed thou- 
sands of documents, tirelessly 
interviewed dozens of historians 
and other specialists, examined 
the concentration camps at Stutt- 
hof and Majdanek, in Poland, 
and visited the Auschwitz-Bir- 
kenau complex twice. 

In a number of recently pub- 
lished articles, he conclusively 
exposes the entire "gas chamber" 
fraud. Writing in the prestigious 
Paris daily Le Monde, Prof. 
Faurisson notes, for example, that 
despite thousands of detailed 
documents on the crematoria built 
to dispose of the bodies of typhus 
epidemic victims, not a single 
piece of documentary evidence 
has ever been produced to sub- 
stantiate the existence of even one 
gas chamber: not an order for 
construction, a plan, an invoice, 
or a photograph. During the 
hundreds of "war crimes" trials 
nothing could be produced. 

Furthermore, Faurisson notes 
that almost alL the original gas 
chamber claims have been quietly 
abandoned during the last 30 
years. Several years after the war, 
a number of concentration camp 
officials were put on trial and 
"confessed" (under brutal tor- 
ture) to the existence of gas 
chambers at Ravensbrueck (Ger- 
many), Mauthausen (Austria), 
and Natzweiler (Alsace). Today, 
Faurisson points out, the only gas 
chambers which Jewish writers 



still claim existed are those which 
were located in communist-ruled 
Poland. And those claims rest 
essentially upon discredited "affi- 
davits" and "memoirs" extracted 
from Germans since executed, 
and not upon substantive evi- 
dence. 

Prof. Faurisson and a colleague 
recently debated the facts of the 
"holocaust" with two former 
concentration camp inmates and 
two historians for three hours on 
Swiss television. This is the first 
time that the legend of "six 
million gassed Jews" has been 
publicly debated anywhere in 
Europe since the end of the 
Second World War. The modera- 
tor noted that the event was a 
complete victory for Faurisson 
and his colleague. 

Faurisson's main conclusions 
about the "holocaust" legend are 
that: 

• The German gas chambers 
never existed. 

• The genocide (or attempted 
genocide) of the Jews never took 
place. In other words, Hitler 
never gave an order or authoriza- 
tion for the mass liquidation of 
the Jews. 

• The lie of the "holocaust," 
which is largely of Zionist origin, 
has made an enormous political 
and financial fraud possible 
whose principal beneficiary is the 
state of Israel. 

• The principal victims of this 



fraud are the German and Pales- 
tinian peoples. 

* The enormous power of the 
controlled mass media has, thus 
far, had the effect of ensuring the 
success of the lie and of stifling 
those who have denounced it. 

• The participants in this lie 
know that its days are numbered. 
They impugn the motives of those 
engaged in revisionist historical 
research and label as a "resur- 
gence of Nazism" or as a 
"falsification of history" what is 
only a thoughtful and justified 
concern for historical truth. 

In Australia a leading official 
of the liberal Victoria Council for 
Civil Liberties started a major 
controversy when he questioned 
the Jewish "holocaust" claims. 
John Bennett, secretary of the 
Council, an Australian version of 
the American Civil Liberties 
Union, sent a memo in February 
to several Melbourne academics, 
along with copies of The Hoax of 
(he Twentieth Century, the defini- 
tive expose of the "holocaust" 
hoax by Northwestern University 
Professor Arthur Butz. 

In his memo Bennett noted that 
no one has ever been charged with 
murder by gassing. That is, no 
one has ever been charged with 
actually operating the alleged gas 
chambers, although millions of 
gassings are supposed to have 
occurred. 



Bennett pointed out that the 
affidavits which were offered at 
Nuremberg as the main evidence 
for the gassings are as unreliable 
as the "confessions" made at the 
Moscow purge trials of 1936. 

A West German jurist, Dr. 
Wilhelm Staeglich, has written a 
solid and compelling new work 
entitled Der Auschwitz Mythos: 
Legejkde Oder Wirklichkeit? (The 
Auschwitz Myth: Legend or 
Reality?). Taking the example of 
Auschwitz, the largest of the 
alleged "death camps," the for- 
mer Hamburg judge thoroughly 
exposes the "holocaust" claims as 
a massive fraud. 

Several years ago Dr. Staeglich 
wrote a few magazine articles on 
the Auschwitz legend. The West 
German government responded 
by forcing him into early retire- 
ment and ordering a 20-per-cent 
cut in his pension. Instead of 
causing him to meekly shut up, as 
the authorities expected, the bra- 
zen act of intimidation only made 
Dr. Staeglich more determined to 
speak the truth. 

His massive work (489 pages, 
25 photos) is especially relevant at 
this time. Its appearance coincides 
with the recent West German 
broadcast of the Holocaust 
"docudrama," a part of the 
relentless Jewish campaign to 
instil a guilt complex in the 
German people. The effort is 
meant to facilitate the massive 
political and financial blackmail 
of West Germany by world Jewry. 
Israeli politicians are now de- 
manding reparations of up to 90 
billion marks from the German 
people, to be paid until the year 
2000. 

These new developments are 
important contributions to a trend 
which has been growing quietly in 
recent years. They add signifi- 
cantly to the conclusions reached 
earlier in other important works. 

Prof. Paul Rassinier, a French 
Marxist who was interned at the 
Buchenwald and Dora concentra- 
tion camps during the war as a 
result of his resistance activities, 
wrote five serious books between 
1948 and 1965 debunking the "six 
million" myth. His works ap- 
peared in French, German, Spa- 
nish, and Italian. 

A convincing 28-page booklet, 
Did Six Million Really Die?, first 
came out in England in 1974. It 
has been reprinted many times 
and translated into all the major 
European languages. 

In 1976 the aforementioned 
book by Professor Arthur Butz of 
Northwestern University was pub- 
lished. The Hoax of the Twentieth 
Century unleashed a storm of 
controversy and was vehemently 
denounced by Jews, who told 
students to boycott the author's 
classes. Nevertheless, not a single 
conscientious effort has been 
made to refute the definitive 
work. 

Several editions of The Hoax 
have appeared, including one in 
German. Prof. Butz is currently 
working on an important sequel 
to his book. 

In February of this year the 
U.S. Central Intelligence Agency 
released a paper entitled "The 
Holocaust Revisited: A Retro- 
spective Analysis of the Ausch- 
witz-Birkenau Extermination 
Complex." The paper claims that 
recently released aerial photo- 
graphs of Auschwitz taken by 
Allied reconnaissance planes in 
1944 and 1945 "prove" that the 



extensive complex was a "death 
camp." 

Actually, the photographs re- 
veal nothing of the kind. In fact, 
the labels added to the original 
photos by the CIA to identify 
alleged "gas chambers," "prison- 
ers on way to gas chambers," and 
"possible cremation pit" were not 
based upon careful analysis of the 
photos themselves, but entirely on 
speculation. Nothing in any of the 
photos justifies either the labels or 
the conclusion that Auschwitz was 
a "death camp" with "gas 
chambers." 

This writer spent many hours at 
the National Achives carefully 
examining the dozens of original 
aerial photographs taken of the 
Auschwitz-Birkenau complex. I 
also studied the detailed blowups 
given in the CIA report. The 
striking contrast between what the 
photographs actually show and 
what Jewish writers and "eyewit- 
nesses" have claimed about 
Auschwitz further undermines the 
Jewish "six million" legend. 

For example, not a single 
photograph shows the billowing 
clouds of smoke which were 
supposed to have resulted from 
the alleged cremation of 12,000 
corpses daily. 

"Although survivors recalled 
that smoke and flame emanated 
continually from the cremation 
chimneys and was visible for 
miles," the CIA paper dryly 
admits, "the photography we 
examined gave no positive proof 
of this." 

None of the photos shows any 
trace of the piles of ashes which 
were the supposed remains of an 
alleged two million cremated 
bodies. One photo blowup in the 
CIA paper does identify an 
outdoor area about twelve feet 
square as a "possible cremation 
pit." 

"The Holocaust Revisited" is 
not an unbiased academic report. 
This official government paper 
was published to coincide with 
and contribute to the recent 
intensification of the international 
Jewish propaganda campaign. 
The authors admit that they 
prepared the paper for the CIA 
because their "interest in the 
subject of Nazi concentration 
camps was rekindled by the 
television presentation Holo- 
caust." 

The articles which appeared in 
numerous newspapers and maga- 
zines nationwide about the Ausch- 
witz photos suggested that the 
Allies could have curtailed the 
alleged mass killings of Jews if 
they had really wanted to do so. 
A widely reprinted Washington 
Post story, for example, began 
with an untruthful and highly 
misleading sentence: "Allied 
aerial reconnaissance photo- 
graphs revealed the existence of 
the Nazi death camp at Auschwitz 
more than a year before the end of 
World War II, which raises anew 
the question of why the Allies 
never bombed the camp or the rail 
line that took victims to the 
camp." 

David Wyman, a Jewish profes- 
sor at the University of Massachu- 
setts, has seized upon the aerial 
photographs to "prove" U.S. 
government complicity in the 
"holocaust." Writing in the New 
York Times, Wyman implies that 
American Gentiles, like all other 
non-Jews, are "guilty" of geno- 
cide against the Chosen People. 

"How could it be," Wyman 
asks, "that government officials 



knew that a place existed where 
2,000 helpless human beings could 
be killed in less than an hour, 
knew that this occurred over and 
over again and yet did not feel 
driven to search for some way to 
wipe out such a scourge from the 
earth?" 

The answer is that U.S. officials 
could not "know" what did not 
happen. 

The dike of distortions and lies 
about the "holocaust" is begin- 
ning to break. Ever larger num- 
bers of thoughtful and conscien- 
tious individuals are carefully 
examining the Jewish claims, 
and some are showing the courage 
to speak out. Even liberals who 
have been uncritically sympathetic 
to the Jews as a "persecuted 
people" in the past are starting to 
take another, more objective 
look. 

In the face of this questioning, 
the Jews have simply intensified 
their own propaganda compaign. 

This campaign has taken on a 
life and meaning of its own. It no 
longer bears any relationship to 
historical truth. The word 
"Auschwitz," for example, has 
become so emotionally loaded 
that an objective look at what 
actually happened there is all but 
impossible. Sober discussion and 
intelligent debate about the facts 
of the "holocaust" are stifled and 
denounced as "insensitivity and 
disrespect for the memory of the 
dead." 

An elaborate propaganda ap- 
paratus incessantly hammers a 

single theme into the conscious- 
ness of the Western world: Killing 
Jews is the greatest of all possible 
crimes. The suffering of the Jews 
is a monstrous evil for which all 
non-Jews share blame and for 
which they must atone forever. 

It is not enough that hundreds 
of thousands of Americans died in 
the Second World War for Jewish 
interests. It is not enough that the 
American people have sacrificed 
billions of dollars for the Jewish 
state of Israel. 

It is not enough that a Zionist 
U.S. foreign policy has squan- 
dered American goodwill around 
the world and threatens to involve 
our country in a Mideast war to 
"guarantee" the state of Israel. 
It's not enough that the United 
States tolerated the deliberate 
murder of 34 U.S. sailors aboard 
the U.S.S. Liberty by the Israeli 
government in 1967. 

No, the Jews now claim that the 
American people have still not 
atoned for their "guilt" in 
"permitting" millions of Jews to 
die in the "holocaust." 

The Jews want both sympathy 
and support as a persecuted 
minority and continued influence 
and privilege as a powerful elite. 
They cannot have it both ways 
forever. 

Over the long run, the entire 
"holocaust" campaign is creating 
enormous reserves of hatred and 
bitter resentment, which will one 
day erupt against the Jews. Not 
knowing moderation, the Jews 
cannot and will not stop their 
campaign of moral intimidation 
until the inevitable reaction 










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FAKED ATROCITY PHOTOGRAPHS have been widely used in the 
Jewish propaganda campaign to convince the Gentile world that it 
owes the Jews a living in compensation for the "holocaust." The top 
photograph, showing a group of emaciated prisoners, wasn't dramatic 
enough for Jewish purposes, so they painted out the background and 
added the corpses in the foreground. The faked composite was des- 
cribed as a group of Jews waiting to be gassed at Mauthausen concen- 
tration camp, along with the bodies of those already gassed. But the 
Jews failed to destroy all the copies of the original, genuine photograph 
(top), and it later turned up to discredit their claim about the faked 
photograph. 

German Historian Hits 
Hoax with New Book 



comes. 



M.W. 



{Issue No. 69, 1979) 



The following excerpts are from 
the first edition o/Geschichte der 
Deutschen (History of the Ger- 
mans), by Dr. Hellmut Diwald 
(Frankfurt: Propylaen, 1978), pp. 
164-65. 

"Since the [German] capitula- 
tion in 1945, 'Auschwitz' has 
served as the main vehicle in the 
campaign to reduce the German 
people to complete moral degra- 
dation. 

"„ . . Countless works have 
been published and claims made 
since 1945 which cannot be 
proven and which cynically add to 
the infamy. Certain people have 
consciously exploited the grue- 
some events of modern history 



through the use of distortions, 

deceptions, and exaggerations for 
the purpose of totally disqualify- 
ing a people. 

"The victorious Allies claimed 
the existence of 'death camps,' of 
which there was not a single one in 
Germany. For years visitors to the 
Dachau concentration camp were 
shown 'gas chambers' where as 
many as 25,000 Jews were alleged- 
ly killed daily by the SS. Actually 
the rooms displayed were dummy 
chambers which the U.S. military 
had forced imprisoned SS men to 
build after the capitulation. A 
similar case involved the notori- 
ous Bergen-Belsen concentration 
camp, where 50,000 inmates were 



160 

supposedly murdered. Actually, 
about 7,000 inmates died during 
the period when the camp existed, 
from 1943 to 1945. Most of them 
died in the last months of the war 
as a result of disease and 
malnutrition — consequences of 
the bombings which had stopped 
normal deliveries of medical 
supplies and food. The British 
commander who took over con- 
trol of the camp after the 
capitulation testified that crimes 
had not been committed on any 
large scale in Bergen-Belsen. 

"The deportation of the Jews 
took place as a part of the general 
forced-labor program for the war 
industry. With the beginning of 
the campaign in Russia the 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



161 



German war economy grew from 
month to month and reached a 
high point in mid-1942. Every 
person who, to some extent, was 
able to work was inducted, 
including Jews. The enormous 
program for their deportation by 
railway from all occupied areas 
for use in Eastern munitions 
factories and work camps was 
justified by the military impor- 
tance of their tasks and received 
top priority, even ahead of army 
transport. 

"Auschwitz, an old industrial 
town on the upper Silesian 
plateau, developed into a major 
wartime production center. The 
chemical industry quickly became 
far more important than the older 



zinc rolling mills and grinding 
works. The most significant as- 
pect was the production of 
artificial rubber and petroleum 
from coal. On February 16, 1942, 
all concentration camps were 
incorporated into the war econo- 
my and munitions industry and 
accordingly came under the orga- 
nizational authority of the SS 
Main Office for Economic Admi- 
nistration and its chief, General 
Otto Pohl. 

"The various camps were clas- 
sified according to their impor- 
tance to the war economy. 
Birkenau, a part of the Auschwitz 
complex, served as the camp for 
those inmates who were declared 
unsuited for work. Consequently, 



that camp had the highest death 
rate. On July 26, 1942, a 
devastating typhus epidemic 
broke out in Birkenau. As many 
as 20,000 died within three 
months. 

"That is why an especially large 
number of crematoria for burning 
the bodies were built in Birkenau. 
Reports of the high death rate 
there moved Himmler to issue an 
order on December 28, 1942, 'to 
reduce the number of deaths in 
the concentration camps at all 
costs.' 

"During the war Jewish emi- 
gration was no longer possible, 
and the expression 'complete 
solution' or 'final solution' was 
coined to refer to the policy 



whereby all Jews were to be 
segregated from the German 
population, removed from central 
Europe, evacuated to the East, 
and relocated in new ghettos. This 
plan was outlined by Reinhard 
Heydrich, chief of the Reich 
Security Main Office, on June 24, 
1940. What actually occurred in 
the subsequent years still remains 
unclear, despite all the literature 
dealing with these important 
questions." 

(Issue No. 69, 1979) 



Alliance Support Will Grow as Attitudes Change 



An Editorial by Dr. William Pierce 



The Task of the National Alliance 



In three earlier issues (NV Nos. 
64, 65, 66) we examined some of 
the social factors relevant to a 
racially oriented revolution in 
America and stated several gener- 
al criteria for any organizational 
basis of such a revolution. In this 
issue we will look more specifi- 
cally at the factors which govern 
the priorities of the National 
Alliance and determine the nature 
of its task. We will attempt to 
understand, on the basis of 
present conditions in America, 
what can be done now and what 
cannot be done, so that we can see 
better how to concentrate our 
energies on those organizational 
objectives we can realistically 
hope to achieve. 

One fact of overriding impor- 
tance should be kept in mind 
throughout what follows: the 
situation faced today by the 
National Alliance is historically 
unique. Very few of the "classi- 
cal" conditions for revolution 
exist in America today, and, 
therefore, the classical expositions 
of revolutionary theory are largely 
irrelevant to an understanding of 
our task. 

TheTe is, for example, no 
revolutionary class in the White 
population of America, nor a 
revolutionary consensus. And, as 
explained earlier, the system of 
public opinion control which 
functions in America today — the 
central nexus — makes it extraor- 
dinarily difficult for anyone with- 
out his fingers on the controls of 
that nexus to generate revolution- 
ary sentiment. That is a situation 
entirely new under the sun. 

America is hurtling down the 
steep slope of racial mongreliza- 
tion; national, cultural, and racial 
death lie in wait at the bottom of 
the slope. But the prospect is not 
one which rouses revolutionary 
fervor in large numbers of people; 
the level of abstraction required is 
too high for the average person, 
who does not yet feel personalty 
threatened. 

That will change somewhat as 
the press and clamor of the 
growing non-White hordes in 
America become more vexing and 
the economy worsens. The latter 
irritant will probably increase 
more precipitously than would 
have been predicted only a few 
months ago, now that President 
Carter has put the finishing 
touches on the alienation of our 
sources of imported energy with 



his Jew-dictated "peace" in the 
Middle East. 

Nevertheless, the relative com- 
fort and sense of security — 
justified or not — of the average 
White American at this time cut 
the ground from beneath any 
strategy based on winning mass 
support for revolutionary action. 

What applies to the White 
masses also applies to the busi- 
ness, professional, and intellec- 
tual elements of the middle class. 
Most of the latter are better 
informed than the masses about 
the destructive processes at work 
in America, and there is a 
substantial amount of concern for 
the future among them; neverthe- 
less, their state of mind and their 
viewpoint are such that there is 
very little prospect of winning the 
support of a majority of them for 
a radical program at this time. 
The same conservatism and ego- 
centrism which afflict the masses 
afflict them, although the mala- 
dies may be manifested in some- 
what different forms in the two 
cases. 

The masses always have been 
and always will be essentially 
conservative in outlook rather 
than radical, whether they are 
supporting or opposing the gov- 
ernment over them at any particu- 
lar time. 

During the Vietnam war, for 
example, there was a great deal of 
talk, especially on university 
campuses, about opposition to the 
government's policies "radical- 
izing" the students and others 
opposed to continued U.S. parti- 
cipation in the war. That talk was 
sheer nonsense, as was proved 
when the whole so-called "move- 
ment" collapsed in 1973. Its 
existence had depended on the 
immediate irritant provided by the 
war, rather than on any demand 
for fundamental social changes. 

This editor participated in 
several of the largest anti-war 
demonstrations in Washington 
during the 1968-1972 period, 
mingling with the other demon- 
strators and listening to their 
conversations (and getting severe- 
ly tear-gassed once for hjs 
efforts). Not only did the great 
majority of demonstrators have 
no real understanding of the 
issues involved, but they had no 
more radical an outlook than the 
average American. 

Even among the more violent 
demonstrators, who "trashed*' 



government buildings and assault- 
ed policemen, no evidence of real 
radicalism was seen, except on the 
part of their Jewish leaders. There 
may have been more alienation, 
more irresponsibility, but very 
little commitment to fundamental 
ideas of any sort. 

The one thing the anti-Vietnam 
leaders had going for them was an 



The conservatism of the masses 
is mindless resistance to change 
and to new ideas. The conserva- 
tism of the other elements is more 
an inability to encompass ideas 
which lie outside a rather rigidly 
egocentric mental frame, an ina- 
bility to rise above a conceptual 
basis which is constructed on 
outmoded values, an inability to 



"The Alliance is not concerned with Black 
survival or Jewish survival or Mexican survi- 
val, hut only with White survival. ' ' 



effective organizational basis for 
their demonstrations and their 
propaganda. This organizational 
basis was staffed with capable and 
highly motivated cadres, and it 
allowed the Reds to accomplish a 
remarkable feat of subversion, 
even without a revolutionary 
consensus or radicalized masses. 
At the height of their power they 
could put more than a quarter- 
million protesters on the streets of 
Washington, and they could make 
it look convincingly revolution- 
ary. 

There are other valuable lessons 
to be learned from the Jewish 
effort to use the Vietnam war as a 
revolutionary instrument, but for 
the moment we are concerned 
with just two: First, the aforemen- 
tioned non-radical outlook of the 
average White, even when a 
temporary situation exists which 
makes him amenable to recruit- 
ment for a revolutionary purpose; 
and, second, the absolute neces- 
sity of a thoroughly radicalized 
cadre organization being already 
at hand if any useful action at all 
is to be gotten from the masses 
when such a situation does arise. 

During the Vietnam era the Left 
drew its cadres almost exclusively 
from the Jewish population, 
which constitutes a perpetually 
radicalized reservoir of manpower 
and leadership for almost any 
anti-White cause. An analogous 
reservoir of pro-White radicals 
does not exist at this time, either 
among the masses or among the 
more illuminated strata of the 
White population: those White 
elements whose intelligence, sense 
of responsibility, and relative 
independence of the media lift 
them well above the level of the 
masses. 



visualize a wholly new kind of 
world or to grasp the ethical 
concepts which must govern that 
new world and which transcend 
their own. And it is ultimately 
based on a lack of moral courage. 

Let us look at this latter 
conservatism; let us trace its roots 
and see how it relates to the task 
of the National Alliance. Over 
and over again one hears this 
argument: "The National Alli- 
ance has a fundamental lack of 
goodwill toward Blacks, Jews, 
and the members of the present 
political establishment. Without 
such goodwill the Alliance cannot 
hope to achieve any kind of fair 
settlement of America's present 
problems and internal conflicts. 
Therefore, most White Ameri- 
cans, who are fairminded and are 
people of goodwill, will not go 
along with the Alliance." 

This argument comes not only 
from the TV-brained nitwits, but 
also from a great many intelligent, 
thoughtful Whites. And it is, with 
a couple of important qualifica- 
tions to be mentioned shortly, a 
correct argument. 

It is true that the Alliance has 
no goodwill at all toward the 
enemies of our race. The Alliance 
is not concerned with Black 
survival or Jewish survival or 
Mexican survival, but only with 
White survival. The Alliance has 
not an ounce of charity for the 
gallows birds who make up the 
System currently governing 
America and who have so shame- 
lessly betrayed our race. 

It is also true that the average 
American is fairminded — in a 
sense. He thinks in an individual- 
centered frame, while we think in 
a race-centered frame. He care- 
fully distinguishes between 
"good*' Blacks and "bad" 



Blacks, between "loyal" Jews and 
Zionists. We lump them all 
together, and that clearly is not 
"fair," by his standards. 

Implicit in the argument for 
goodwill and fairness are two 
major assumptions; one concerns 
the nature of the race problem 
and the other its solution. 

It is assumed that the race 
problem is one of street crime, 
deteriorating schools, declining 
military morale and efficiency, 
rising welfare burden, etc. There 
would be, from the viewpoint of 
the person making the argument, 
no race problem if all Blacks 
obeyed the law, supported their 
families by honest labor, adopted 
a White life-style, and voted 
Republican — as some actually 
do. 

And the only solution of which 
the person with such a viewpoint 
can conceive is a negotiated one, a 
compromise designed to end the 
present strife and unpleasantness, 
a sitting down with Black and 
Jewish leaders and saying to them 
in effect, "If you will keep your 
people in line, if you will reason 
with them and be reasonable with 
us, then we will bend over yet a 
little further backward for you. 
We'll work something out which 
will protect your interests as well 
as ours." 

Of course, such an approach to 
the race problem is not only based 
on the wrong values, it is an 
approach which must ultimately 
fail, as it is failing now, because 
the problem is a biological one, 
and it requires a biological 
solution — a fact which has been 
treated at length in other issues of 
NATIONAL VANGUARD. 

But the relevant point here is 
that the average American's men- 
tal frame simply cannot expand to 
encompass that fact and its 
implications. And, at this point in 
history, the same is true of most 
un-average Americans as well. 
Therefore, most Americans (in- 
cluding most intelligent, thought- 
ful Americans) will not support 
the National Alliance — at this 
time. 

The divergence of viewpoints 
between the Alliance and the 
average American goes so far that 
many Americans are suspicious" of 
our motives. They think, "The 
Alliance must secretly be a 
communist organization, whose 
purpose is to make the country's 
problems worse instead of curing 



them." They reason (correctly) 
that any non-White who reads a 
NATIONAL VANGUARD will 
become more hostile toward 
Whites as a result, making a 
peaceful settlement all the more 
difficult. Therefore, they con- 
clude (incorrectly), we don't want 
a solution to the race problem- 
It is difficult to convince a 
person who believes the foregoing 
that he is in error, because our 
value system and his are entirely 
different. 

Nevertheless, despite the barrier 
to communication caused by this 
difference in viewpoints, the 
future is not so bleak as it may 
seem. The qualification made a 
couple of paragraphs earlier — 
"at this time" — is an important 
one. That is because the famous 
American "fairmindcdness" is a 
rather more tenuous thing than 
those who presently glory in it are 
willing to admit. The time may 
never come when most Americans 
— even the intelligent ones — will 
be able to expand their mental 
frameworks enough to fully en- 
compass our view of the world, 
but the time will certainly come 
when their view of what is "fair" 
will change drastically. 

The fact is that White Ameri- 
cans like to think of themselves as 
fairminded, as just, as humane, 
but the truth is that the great 
majority of them simply do not 
have the moral courage which is a 
necessary concomitant to those 
traits. 

Consider, for example, Ameri- 
ca's entry into the Second World 
War. The masses, of course, were 
oblivious to what was going on, as 
always. But a great many Ameri- 
cans were not. Tens of thousands 
of journalists, of public officials, 
of teachers and professors, of 
leaders of German-American 
groups, of influential writers 
knew the truth of the matter at 
first hand. 

They knew the true nature of 
the National Socialist awakening 
in Germany, and they approved 
of it. They knew that something 
of the sort was necessary for a 
resurgence of the White race. And 
they knew that the Jews were 
behind all of Roosevelt's deceitful 
moves to get America involved in 
the war to destroy Germany — in 
particular, his maneuvering to 
bring about the Japanese attack 
on Pearl Harbor and enter the war 
via the back door, after his 
infamous orders to the U.S. Navy 
to fire on sight at all German 
vessels on the high seas failed to 
provoke the Germans into a 
declaration of war. 

And in 1939 and 1940 many of 
those who knew what was going 
on spoke out. Even after the war 
started in Europe in September 
1939 National Geographic, for 
example, carried unbiased report- 
ing on Germany, despite the 
torrent of venomous Jewish abuse 
this policy caused to be directed at 
the magazine. While the Jew- 
owned Washington Post and New 
York Times shrieked about the 
German annexation of Danzig in 
terms of a "brutal crushing of 
Danzigers' independence under 
the hobnailed jackboots of Nazi 
stormtroopers," the National 
Geographic quietly pointed out in 
its issue of November 1939 that 93 
per cent of the Danzigers were 
Germans, and that the city-state 



had joyfully welcomed its reunifi- 
cation with Germany after the 
artificial separation imposed 20 
years earlier by the Versailles 
Treaty. 

Well-known speakers, includ- 
ing aviation pioneer Charles Lind- 
bergh, addressed huge public 
meetings denouncing Roosevelt 
and the Jews and the other war 
schemers. History, political sci- 
ence, and law professors at Yale 
and Harvard openly scoffed at the 
official government lies of Ger- 
man aggression and of Hitler's 
supposed plans for invading the 
United States via South America. 

There were even a few politi- 
cians in the Congress who were 
still willing to speak the truth as 
late as 1941. 

But as the Jewish economic and 
political pressure mounted, as 
more and more politicians were 
bought for the Jewish side, as the 
pro-war newspapers became shril- 
ler and more insistent, the fair- 
minded people who knew what 
was going on began to become 
more timid about speaking out. 
After the successful engineering 
of the Pearl Harbor attack, 
virtually all of them fell silent. 
Hardly any of them were brave 
anough to say what they all knew: 
that it was the United States, not 
Germany, which was the aggres- 
sor. 

Only a tiny handful, a few 
dozen out of the former tens of 
thousands, continued to stand up 
for the truth, for justice, for 
humanity, for what was right. The 
rest fell into line with Roosevelt 
and the Jews. 

When the U.S. government 
announced that the Germans were 
boiling down babies to make 
soap, the thousands who knew it 
was a lie kept their mouths shut. 
When the United States began its 
policy of saturation bombing of 
German population centers in 
response to the hate-crazed Jews' 
demands that as many German 
civilians as possible be killed, all 
those White Americans who knew 
it was genocide remained silent. 

They not only remained silent, 
but most of them hastened to 
appease those they should have 
opposed. They joined the armed 
forces; they did volunteer work; 
they became even more "patri- 
otic" than the warmongers, so no 
one could suspect them of being 
pro-Nazi. 

There were liberals, true paci- 
fists opposed to all wars on 
principle, who were more coura- 
geous in their opposition to the 
Jews than these "fairminded" 
conservatives. When fairminded- 
ness became inconvenient, they 
abandoned it. When it became 
dangerous to stand up for justice, 
they accepted injustice. When the 
moral pressure to conform be- 
came sufficiently great, they 
switched sides and supported 
policies they had previously 
opposed. 

It wasn't just that they weren't 
willing to put their lives on the line 
for what they thought was right; 
they weren't even willing to put 
income or social status on the line. 

And it has always been the 
same. In World War I the eminent 
British historian Arnold Toynbee 
wrote a jingoistic pamphlet for 
mass distribution in which he 
claimed that the Germans were 
bayonetting Belgian babies and 



cutting off their hands for sou- 
venirs. He knew it was a He, and 
he knew it would encourage 
British counter-atrocities against 
the Germans, but he didn't have 
the moral courage to refuse to 
"do his bit" for the British war 
effort. 

But one doesn't have to go to 
history to understand the point 
being made here. Every member 
of the National Alliance has had 
the experience of hearing a 
"fairminded" conservative ex- 
plaining that he can't support the 
Alliance because we are not as 
concerned about justice for non- 
Whites as we are about justice for 
Whites, but who has been cons- 
picuously silent about the Jewish 
treatment of the Palestinians — 
and about every other glaring 
injustice in today's world, when 
silence was the only safe response. 

One might point out to one of 
these virtuous citizens that unless 
drastic and sweeping measures to 
bring about total, geographical 
racial separation are taken — 
measures which are certain to 
cause hardship to a great many 
non-Whites who have never deli- 
berately harmed us — then the 
White race will continue to suffer 
the contamination of its gene pool 
which is the inevitable conse- 
quence of racial integration. One 
might point out that if this 

contamination continues, it will 
eventually destroy the White race, 
as it has destroyed segments of 
our race in various parts of the 
world throughout history, from 
India to South America, and one 
might ask what is "fair" about 
that. 

One might ask whether he 
favors giving North America back 
to the Indians, since it was 
certainly "unfair" of our ances- 
tors to take it away from them. 
One might ask whether he believes 
the whole White race should just 
lie down and die, since the entire 
history of the world in reality 
consists of nothing more than a 
series of "injustices" perpetrated 
on the weak by the strong in 
Nature's unending process of 
upward struggle — and it is a fact 
that until this peculiar obsession 
with "fairness" to non-Whites 
took hold of us in recent years, it 
has been the White race which has 
most often been strong — which 
has, in other words, been most 
"unfair." 

One might point out to him that 
the notion of fairness is one which 
arose and which exists in the 
White man's mind only. It is a 
notion concerned only with the 
White man's dealings with his 
own kind, and it loses its whole 
meaning when applied to inter- 
racial relations. 

But, of course, there is no point 
in asking such questions, in 
raising such points, for the 
"fairminded" Americans who 
criticize our lack of charity for the 
enemies of our race are totally 
inconsistent in their logic, and 
logic will not persuade them. 

They are like the Pharisees in 
the old parable who fastidiously 
strain out a gnat from their wine 
but swallow a camel without 
noticing it. Their position has 
nothing to do with fairness or 
justice, but only with hypocrisy 
and cowardice. 

A lion might be fair or just, if 
he were so inclined, but the 



possibility does not even exist for 
a sheep. 

What all this means for the 
Alliance is that the moral attitudes 
of the better-informed elements, 
just like those of the masses, are 
almost wholly dependent on vary- 
ing external circumstances rather 
than on any unyielding inner 
convictions. Most will never ex- 
pand their ethical concepts to the 
extent that they see fairness and 
justice from a racial or a cosmic 
viewpoint instead of an egocentric 
one, just as a sheep will never 
become a lion. But they most 
assuredly will change their atti- 
tudes about what is fair as their 
personal circumstances change, 
and a great many who will not 
support the Alliance now will 
support it in the future. 

The Alliance does not have the 
capability at this time to change 
the objective conditions which 
determine most people's attitudes; 
it must depend on the forces of 
history for that. 

It follows, therefore, that the 
Alliance must pursue a minority 
strategy rather than a majority 
strategy for the time being, unless 
it abandons its fundamental ap- 
proach altogether and caters 
instead to the shortsighted preju- 
dices of the majority. The latter is 
a course wholly alien to the 
Alliance, one which would des- 
troy the very foundation on which 
it rests. 

Thus, the short- and interme- 
diate-term strategy of the Alliance 
is based on participation by an 
elite minority carefully sifted out 
of the overall White population 
rather than on direct participation 
by the White masses or by the 
bulk of the conservative elements 
among the professional/intellec- 
tual class. 

For the foreseeable future our 
program is to appeal to, reach, 
move, and recruit the members of 
this radicalizable elite, wherever 
they may be, and to build with 
them a function-oriented organi- 
zational structure: a structure 
made up of cadres, each of whom 
has specific functional responsi- 
bilities. 

It is one thing to tackle such a 
building program during a time of 
mass revolutionary ferment, when 
these functional responsibilities 
can be oriented directly toward 
immediate revolutionary goals 
involving large numbers of 
people; it is quite another thing 
during times of relative public 
lethargy and indifference, when 
cadres and masses have much 
more strongly divergent interests. 

The latter case prevails, and the 
tasks of the National Alliance 
have been defined accordingly. 

These tasks, in accordance with 
the conclusions reached above, 
are not directed toward attempt- 
ing to persuade or mobilize the 
masses, or to change the objective 
conditions or irritants to which 
the masses are subjected. They are 
directed instead toward building a 
permanent basis and a permanent 
structure which exist independent- 
ly of the masses and which grow 
and develop without mass partici- 
pation, but which nevertheless 
have the capability for persuading 
the masses, for changing the 
conditions which motivate them, 
and for mobilizing at least 
portions of them at some later 
time. 



The difference may seem only 
one of emphasis, but it is a very 
important difference. One cannot 
hope for much success in building 
an organization whose entire 
raison d'etre is its ability to 
mobilize masses, when it is clear 
to any intelligent observer that the 
chance of accomplishing such 
mobilization is vanishingly slim. 
Such an organization is in essence 
an ad hoc organization, and the 
hoc is just not credible at this 
point in history. 

Yet the fact remains that 
without an organizational basis 
for mobilization at hand when we 
reach a different point in history, 
one at which mass mobilization is 
conceivable, it cannot be accom- 
plished. And the conditions which 
will prevail at such time will not 
be conducive to laying careful 
foundations and erecting sound, 
well-designed structures on them. 
The prize will fall to the faction 
which has done its building 
beforehand, not to the one which 
begins then. 

And so the National Alliance 
has backed off a bit from the ad 
hoc approach and has addressed 
itself more instead to providing an 
organizational embodiment of a 
world view, an embodiment 
whose value is as much per se as 
ad hoc, as much intrinsic as 
extrinsic. 

That is, while the tasks and 
functions of the Alliance are never 
wholly divorced from the eventual 
necessity of mass mobilization, 
neither are they wholly dependent 
on that eventuality. They offer to 
the prospective cadre worthwhile 
goals to which he can wholeheart- 
edly devote all his energies, for a 
lifetime if need be, even if he 
never engages in any mass- 
oriented activity. At the same 
time, however, he is never allowed 
to forget that such activity must 
eventually come and that the 
capability for it must have been 
prepared beforehand if it is to be 
meaningful and productive. 

The intrinsic tasks and func- 
tions of the Alliance, those 
necessary for their own sake, are 
several. One is to provide a fixed 
pole of the spirit in the swirling 
chaos of falsehood and illusion 
surrounding our people in this 
era, an outcropping of bedrock of 
immutable principle amid the 
drifting sands of change and 
decay, a citadel of the ageless 
values of our race. 

At a time when not only the 
alien-controlled media, but also 
the schools, the churches, the 
government, the political parties, 
big business, and big labor — 
every institution with a stake in 
the present System — habitually 
lie, changing their tune from 
month to month, holding a 
moistened forefinger to the shift- 
ing breezes of opportunity before 
deciding what stand to take, 
tolerating every evil and en- 
couraging every weakness for the 
sake of expediency, riddled with 
cynicism and a total disregard for 
the truth, it is essential that there 
be one institution which knows 
and speaks the truth. 

Even the supposedly "patri- 
otic" and "conservative" institu- 
tions in the society of today 
weasel on the really vital issues, 
fawning at the feet of alien 
masters, denying the differences 
in the value of the various races. 



162 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



163 



One institution must be incor- 
ruptible and uncompromising, 
speaking the truth not just on the 
"safe" issues, but on all issues; 
not just the fashionable and 
convenient aspects of the truth, 
but the whole truth. 

One institution must, in parti- 
cular, say the things about race, 
about the Jews, about the 
inequality of individuals, about 
the corruption of this society, 
about the false values on which it 
is based, about the inadequacy of 
democracy, about the falisifica- 
tion of our history, and about all 
the other things which are essen- 
tial to the material and spiritual 
Life of our people but which other 
insitutions will not speak about. 

And this one institution must 
not be merely a dusty repository 
of the truth, speaking in a quiet 
voice heard by only a few. Many 
academicians are already doing 
that much, on at least a few 
issues, reporting the truth about 
race in their dry professional 
journals, or quietly setting the 
historical record straight. But very 
few people hear or see those 
truths. There must be one institu- 
tion which is a beacon of truth for 
all those who want to see, a 
loudspeaker for all who are 
willing to hear, so that the truth is 
at least accessible to every intelli- 
gent and open-minded man and 
woman of our race, to every 
potential member of the elite 
mentioned above. The masses 
may not want to see or hear at this 
time, but there are a great many 
individuals who do. 

Even though this institution 
may not be able to compete with 
the controlled media for the 
minds of the masses — even 
though it may not even try to 
compete — it nevertheless needs 



to be more than a static oracle, It 
needs to elaborate and elucidate 
the truth, to simplify and explain 
it as well as proclaim it. It must 
speak to more than scholars, and 
it must be dynamic, exploring new 
ramifications, developing new 



We must always keep one light 
burning and one door open, no 
matter how black the darkness 
before the dawn, so that every 
racially conscious White person 
has a place to turn when he is 
finally ready to take up the fight 



"There must be one institution which is a 
beacon of truth for all those who want to see, 
a loudspeaker for all who are willing to 



hear . 



>> 



vehicles: fiction, poetry, film, 
drama. It must speak to the heart 
as well as to the mind. 

In addition to the propagation 
of truth, a vital task of the 
Alliance is keeping hope alive. A 
key element of the strategy of the 
enemies of our people is convicing 
all of us that the destruction of the 
White race through racemixing is 
inevitable, that there is no point in 
resistance, that mongrelization 
and White decline are the wave of 
the future, that the Jews are 
unbeatable, that all the smart 
money is on their side and that 
anyone who opposes them is a 
sucker, a loser, a fool. 

One of our responsibilities is to 
remind people — not necessarily 
the masses, but those individuals 
concerned with more than their 
sex lives and their bank accounts, 
our elite — that the Jews are 
beatable; that not everyone has 
given up; that there are intelligent, 
responsible, articulate people who 
are unconditionally committed to 
putting a final end to Jewish 
scheming and to this system based 
on Jewish values, no matter how 
long it takes or how much 
sacrifice is required. 



himself. 

Propagating truth, upholding 
hope, even for the few — those 
are two very concrete and vital 
functions. And there is another, 
which is the closely related 
function of maintaining a living 
community embodying the spirit- 
ual vaJues of our race. 

In a certain sense every spirit- 
ually healthy White person does 
this, whether he is a member of 
the Alliance or not, because these 
values are inherent in the race- 
soul of our people; they exist at a 
genetic level. But aside from the 
fact that there are all too few 
spiritually healthy people in to- 
day's sick world, that living in the 
midst of soul-sick people tends to 
be spiritually unhealthy in itself, it 
is important that our spiritual 
values do more than lie dormant 
in our genes; it is important that 
they be manifested in the life of a 
community, that they be ex- 
pressed in the program, the 
activities, the propaganda of a 
living group. 

And all these functions, in- 
volving truth, hope, and spirit, 
are clearly tied quite closely 
together. As already stated, the 
organization which wants to 



effectively propagate truth must 
do more than simply print dry 
news, accessible only to special- 
ists. In order to have any effect on 
even an intelligent and open- 
minded minority of our people, it 
must, as stated above, speak to 
the heart as well as to the mind. It 
must employ media other than 
newspapers. 

And it follows, then, that when 
the Alliance is fulfilling its task of 
propagating truth effectively it is 
also upholding hope for White 
survival and manifesting the 
spiritual values of our race at the 
same time. 

Now, because our task involves 
these several interrelated func- 
tions — because we are concerned 
not just with printing a newspaper 
but with doing all the other things 
necessary to reach, to inform, and 
to move an elite minority of our 
people — it must also involve 
certain organizational functions. 

Even if our only function were 
to be the publication of a 
newspaper, requiring a full-time 
writing, editorial, and busines 
staff of only a dozen or so cadres, 
we would still be obliged to 
concern ourselves with organiza- 
tion, because of the necessity of 
carrying out our own distribution. 
The elite minority capable of 
responding to our message now 
consists of several hundred thou- 
sand persons — perhaps as many 
as one per cent of the adult White 
population of the United States — 
and reaching them effectively 
requires an active membership of 
several thousand persons willing 
to participate in a vigorous 
distribution program. 

And doing the other things 
which we must do besides publish- 
ing and distributing a newspaper 



requires much more in the way of 
organizational capability. It re- 
quires more cadres; it requires a 
larger rank-and-file membership 
from which to draw those cadres 
and to carry out supporting 
functions (newspaper distribution 
being only one); and it requires a 
well-designed, smoothly operating 
organizational framework within 
which both cadres and rank-and- 
file members can function effec- 
tively in the performance of their 
coordinated tasks. 

All of these things fall into the 
category labeled above as * 'intrin- 
sic." They are necessary and 
worthwhile even in an era in 
which mass organization for a 
radical purpose cannot be realisti- 
cally attempted. But it is clear that 
our intrinsic and extrinsic func- 
tions are closely tied together. The 
intrinsic capabilities described 
above are very similar to the 
capabilities needed for reaching 
and moving a much larger number 
of people, when conditions are 
proper. The organizational struc- 
ture necessary for coordinating 
our intrinsic activities provides a 
nucleus around which a much 
larger organization can eventually 
be built. 

Today — and next year — we 
concern ourselves almost solely 
with our intrinsic task. But at a 
later time, no matter when, we 
shall find that all our intrinsic 
labors, if we perform them well, 
will have laid the necessary and 
sufficient foundation for accom- 
plishing our extrinsic task, 

(Issue No. 69, 1979) 



The Education of a Liberal 



A recent issue of the Reader, an 
"alternative" weekly newspaper 
published in Chicago, carried an 
interesting account of a visit to a 
"soul rock" concert by the 
paper's White music critic, Don 
McLeese. 

The all-Black rock group per- 
forming in Chicago's Madison 
Street Stadium was P-Funk, very 
popular among Blacks, and the 
Stadium was jammed when Mc 
Leese and his wife Susan arrived. 
The unruliness of the Black 
concertgoers made McLeese ap- 
prehensive, but he fought back his 
fears like the well-trained liberal 
he is: "While I was conscious of 
being one of the few white faces in 
the overwhelmingly black crowd 
... I wasn't terribly concerned. 
... I wasn't thinking in terms of 
us and them." 

Susan had a little more sense: 
"Before the show started she 
decided to hit the John and 
transfer her money to her shoe. I 
understood her fear, but such 
worries seemed to me a mark of 
very subtle, very subconscious 
racism. 1 wouldn't have taken 
similar precautions at a white 
show, so I didn't on this 
evening." 

After a remark like that, it's 
hard to feel sorry for the poor, 
dumb jerk, but, anyway, here's 
what happened next: "Four 
guys — black, mid-20s — came 
crashing through our row, osten- 
sibly in search of a good seat. 



One, a stocky, 5-foot-10, 200- 
pounder in a gray fedora, got on 
the chair next to me, making a 
point of shoving me aside. Since 
people are often obnoxiously 
pushy within the anonymity of the 
Stadium jungle, I was hoping he 
was just letting off steam. In any 
event, I wasn't about to challenge 
him. Even after he had a chair 
and a half to himself, he kept 
pushing closer and closer, assert- 
ing his presence and silently 
daring me to make a move. As I 
leaned closer to my wife, 1 noticed 
that one of the other guys was in 
her purse, and the other two were 
making a point of closing around 
us. 

"Realizing that we were being 
set up, I tried to figure the 
quickest way out. When the gray 
fedora shoved again, I feigned 
stumbling over the back of the 
chair, grabbed Susan, and started 
moving down the row. . . . 
Unfortunately, these guys were 
far more organized than I had 
anticipated. At row's end another 
accomplice had been stationed to 
seal our path. When we looked 
back the three who had been 
around Susan were in steady 
pursuit, one taunting us with, 
'What's your hurry?* Frantically I 
spun around again and was 
leveled by the first punch from the 
gray fedora. . . . 

"Although we were only 15 or 
20 feet from an exit, movement 
was impossible. Going down I 




P-FUNK; Whites who are attracted to Black music are very sick people. 



dragged Susan with me, and a 
dozen or so attackers began 
punching and kicking, ripping at 
our clothes, our watches, our 
wallets, our hair — anything they 
could get a hand on. They worked 
deliberately and thoroughly . . . 
apparently confident that no one 
in the crowd would raise a finger 
to save our white asses. . . . 

"After our initial assailants had 
picked us almost dry, they were 
joined by a crush of onlookers, 
descending upon us like vultures 



after a fresh carcass. I wasn't 
exactly expecting help from the 
crowd, but I wasn't prepared for a 
boy of 12 or so gleefully kicking 
me in the head, contempt for my 
very being all over his face. Never 
before had my skin provoked 
such absolute, uncontainable ha- 
tred, a hatred that seemed to be 
shared by all surrounding us. 

"It was worse for Susan. After 
her coat had been ripped from 
her, her purse rifled > and her 
necklace snapped, her assailants 



decided to underscore our debase- 
ment further. Hands everywhere 
began rubbing her, grabbing at 
her. . . . 

" After five minutes or so of 
this sport, we were finally given 
some room. Having lost my 
eyeglasses ... 1 was stumbling 
aimlessly, trying to hold up my 
jeans, which had been ripped 
from waist to mid-thigh. ... I 
finally found Susan, and she led 
me from the floor. It still wasn't 
over. ... We were repeatedly 



shoved and grabbed by still others 
who had noticed the fun and 
wanted to share in. Somehow, 
Susan had kept her bracelet 
through the melee, only to be 
relieved of it by a quick-handed 
young thief in the mezzanine. 
Finally we found a policeman out 
by the gate and clung to him for 
dear life." 

Well, sir, one might think that 
little experience would have 
taught Mr. McLeese something. 
One might think he would have 



learned some of the facts of life — 
and of race. 

No, indeed: "I was no racist 
before, and it would take far more 
than an isolated attack to turn me 
into one now. . . . Thuggery, of 
course, is not a racial characteris- 
tic. Many black people have 
suffered far worse fates at the 
hands of whites . . . than anything 
inflicted on Susan and me. 
Intellectually, politically, sociolo- 
gically, and every other which 
way, I know that Susan and I were 



attacked by criminals who happen 
to be black. I know that most of 
the audience would have deplored 
what happened if they had 
known. I know that race isn't a 
factor where human decency is 
concerned." 

After this little recitation of the 
liberal litany, McLeese spends the 
rest of the article blaming every- 
one but the Blacks — and his own 
mindless liberalism — for what 
happened: the police for not 
rescuing him and Susan sooner, 



the concert promoters for not 
making better security arrange- 
ments, White society for Black 
hostility in general. 

Did he learn anything at all? 
Yes: "I know it may be irrational, 
but I can't imagine going to a 
predominantly black show at the 
Stadium again. This really eats 
away at me; the thought of 
perhaps never again seeing P- 
Funk . . . is a deeply felt loss, both 
as a critic and as a fan. ... I know 
that if I went I'd be eyeing 



everyone who passed down the 
row as a potential assailant. I'd be 
tensed for a forthcoming attack 
behind every jostle. While every- 
one else was enjoying the music, 
I'd be plotting escape routes." 

The education of the White 
liberals in America has begun, but 
it clearly will be a very long 
process — long and bloody. 

{Issue No. 69, 1979) 



An Editorial by Dr. William Pierce 



What the Alliance Demands of Us 



This editorial has been condensed from a talk given to Washington-area 
members, supporters, and friends of the National Alliance on June 3, 1979, 



The Marines have a recruiting 
slogan which the Alliance could 
easily adopt as its own, with only 
a slight alteration: The Alliance is 
looking for a few good men — 
and women. The emphasis is on 
both "few" and "good," because 
there are, unfortunately, relative- 
ly few men and women today who 
have the qualities which the 
Alliance demands. 

Anyone not intimately familiar 
with the task of the Alliance, with 
the types of problems we face, 
and with the human failings 
evoked by those problems may be 
excused for assuming that all the 
Alliance requires of a recruit, 
besides being White, is that he or 
she be moderately intelligent, 
industrious, honest, brave, and so 
on — the rest of the boy scout 
virtues. 

And, as a matter of fact, that's 
about all we can hope for in the 
great majority of our members 
across the country. As a strictly 
practical matter, if a person in 
Seattle or Atlanta certifies that he 
is White, agrees with the Alliance, 
is willing to pay his dues, and says 
he wants to help, we can hardly 
fail to accept his membership 
application. We're pleased to 
have him. We depend upon him 
for getting the Alliance message 
out to other potential recruits in 
Seattle or Atlanta and for pro- 
viding the financial support the 
Alliance must have in order to 
exist. 

But for our cadres, for those 
few good men and women who 
form the organizational backbone 
of the Alliance, who make up our 
operational staff, and who do the 
day-to-day work of the Alliance 
more is demanded; additional 
qualities are required. 

Topping the list is this: The 
most essential quality demanded 
of every cadre is the ability and 
the willingness to put the good of 
the Alliance before his personal 
interests. 

That is not just a mushy 
platitude, of the sort one expects 
to hear when joining the Rotary 
Club or the Masons; for us it is a 
hard rule. Every Alliance cadre is 
expected to develop the habit of 
thought which causes him to base 
his every decision, not on what is 
convenient or agreeable to him, 
not on his personal likes and 
dislikes, but only on what's good 
for the Alliance. And then he 



must invariably act in accord with 
this ordering of priorities. 

The Alliance cadre must learn 
to subordinate personal friend- 
ships and loyalties, as well as 
personal animosities, to the in- 
terests of the Alliance. But 
subordination does not mean 



gave them everything they wanted 
and never disciplined them, or 
perhaps it's due to some other 
cause, but it is a fact that there are 
people who can no more compre- 
hend the notion of subordinating 
their desires to the needs of the 
Alliance than a normal person can 



"The Alliance needs . . . men and women 
who . . . understand that ... if the Alliance 
fails in its task, the race will perish." 



annihilation. The Alliance does 
not require of anyone that he give 
up his own personality or his own 
individuality. 

It is not required that he 
Immerse himself in the Alliance in 
some Oriental sense. The Alliance 
is not an Oriental organization. It 
is an organization of healthy, 
dedicated, individual White men 
and women, who have different 
personalities, different likes and 
dislikes, and different types of 
friends. 

The Alliance is not interested in 
changing that. All the Alliance 
demands in this regard is that 
whenever a conflict arises between 
personal interests and Alliance 
interests, the Alliance cadre must 
put the Alliance's interests first, 
ahead of his own. This require- 
ment means, for example, that if a 
personal friend does something or 
says something harmful to the 
Alliance, and one must make a 
choice between the desire to keep 
the friend and the obligation to 
protect the Alliance, then one has 
no hesitation about what that 
choice will be, 

It means that, when one is 
engaged in an Alliance activity 
which is supposed to be carried 
out in a certain way, one doesn't 
try to change that way or to 
persuade others to change it to a 
way more agreeable to oneself — 
but, perhaps, less agreeable to the 
prospects of accomplishing the 
Alliance's task successfully. 

In view of what the Alliance is 
trying to do, this demand should 
seem reasonable to most of the 
people we attract. But we are 
living in the "me" generation, 
and we run across a great many 
people who are constitutionally 
incapable of complying with or 
even understanding this demand. 

Perhaps it's because when they 
were very young their parents 



imagine what a spider feels when 
having sex or what a snake feels 
when shedding its skin; the idea of 
putting anything ahead of their 
personal interests is wholly alien 
to them. 

No matter how clever or 
talented such a person is, he 
cannot become a good cadre. 
That is the case now, when the 
Alliance is subject to the strain of 
never having enough money to 
support its cadres properly, of 
having to put pressure on people 
to get the necessary work done; 
and it will be even more the case in 
the future, when a larger and 
stronger Alliance is subject to real 
persecution . 

The fact is that we cannot 
afford to have cadres who cannot 
or will not put the Alliance first. 
Nor, for that matter, can any 
organization in our position. 

The second quality that the 
Alliance demands of us is an 
undivided sense of responsibility 
for the work of the Alliance. The 
Alliance needs doers, not talkers; 
participants, not observers; dili- 
gent workers, not dilettantes. 

The Alliance cadre cannot be a 
clock-watcher, a person con- 
cerned only with going through 
the motions of his task. He must 
be concerned with the outcome of 
everything he does, with the 
quality and effectiveness of his 
work. He must be willing to 
accept responsibility for his fail- 
ures as well as for his successes. 

The Alliance needs worriers, 
men and women who do not 
assume that everything will some- 
how work out for the best, but 
who understand that the whole 
future rests on their shoulders and 
that if the Alliance fails in its task, 
the race will perish. 

Finally, the Alliance demands 
that all its cadres have a long- 
range view of our task. 



A great many people come to us 
with a short-range view. "Let's 
get rid of the Blacks," they say. 
"Let's take the country back from 
the Jews. Let's have a revolution. 
Let's awaken the masses." And 
they actually expect to see a 
revolution take place in a year's 
time. When it doesn't they usually 
become discouraged, lose interest, 
and quit. 

There are others without quite 
such naive expectations, but who 
still have a far too limited vision 
of the task we are facing. They 
believe that one can build a mass 
movement of racially motivated 
White people in this country 
today simply by waving one's 
arms and exhorting the masses to 
rise up. They envision tens of 
thousands of militant Whites, on 
the march after a few months of 
intensive propagandizing and or- 
ganizing. 

Every organization encounters 
people with these short-range 
views — and some adapt their way 
of operation to these people. The 
leaders of such organizations keep 
waving their arms and dreaming 
up new gimmicks, in order to 
maintain the interest of members 
and supporters with short atten- 
tion spans. 

And this technique tends to 
work, because a person gullible 
enough to believe that America's 
problems can be solved in a year is 
also gullible enough to believe 
that every new gimmick presented 
to him, every special project, is 
the one that's going to do the 
trick, no matter how many 
gimmicks he's been disappointed 
by in the past. 

But the Alliance doesn't oper- 
ate that way. 

If a new member with high 
hopes for a quick success signs up 
in Seattle and then loses interest 
after a year, there are no hard 
feelings. We're happy to have had 
his help for a year. 

But what the Alliance is trying 
to do now, above all else, is 

We should not view ourselves as 
martyrs but as people who see 
their own self-interest from a 
higher vantage point than the 
average person and who act 
consistently in accord with that 
higher self-interest. 

— William Pierce, First Gener- 
al Convention of the National 
Alliance, Sept. 2, 1978 



recruit a few good men and 
women, cadres who will be 
integrated into the organizational 
structure of the Alliance and on 
whom we can depend for a long 
time to come. When one of these 
people gives up, it sometimes 
disrupts an important program. 
Often, it would have been better if 
the Alliance had not come to 
depend on such a person in the 
first place. 

So that's why we don't wave 
our arms and shout very much, 
why we don't engage in a lot of 
hyperbolic rhetoric, why we don't 
perform stunts for the controlled 
media in order to be mentioned in 
the newspapers. It's because we 
aren't trying to attract a lot of 
people with short attention spans. 

There'll be a time for them 
later. Right now they just tend to 
get in the way. 

In summary, three qualities 
have been mentioned which the 
Alliance demands of its cadres: 

It demands that we have the 
ability and will always to put 
Alliance interests ahead of our 
own. 

It demands that we have a 
profound sense of personal res- 
ponsibility for our work. 

And it demands that we ap- 
proach our work for the Alliance 
with a long-range view, under- 
standing that our task is not 
something to be gotten over in a 
hurry, so that we can go back to 
what we were doing before, but 
that it is something to be worked 
on for as long as it takes for its 
final accomplishment — even it 
that means for the rest of our 
lives . 

Just because the Alliance is now 
beginning to experience the first 
tiny trickle of success in its long 
and difficult program, we must 
not relax our vigilance or our 
discipline. Instead, success must 
make us be harder on ourselves 
and demand more of ourselves 
than ever before. 

That is the road to total success, 
to complete success in accom- 
plishing the Alliance's task, and it 
is the only road. 

{Issue No. 70, 1979) 



164 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



165 



Neurometries: New Science 
Supports Race Differences 




by Lewis Callahan 

Last October NATIONAL 
VANGUARD summarized an im- 
portant paper presented to the 
American Psychological Associ- 
ation at its August meeting in 
Toronto by University of Califor- 
nia psychologist Arthur Jensen, 
In his paper Dr. Jensen reported 
new findings which demonstrate 
that the intelligence measured by 
standard IQ tests is closely related 
to the frequency of the brain's 
electrical rhythms, which can be 
measured by extremely simple 
reaction-time tests. 

Since reaction speeds and the 
neural rhythms on which they are 
based originate in the bio-electri- 
cal structure of the brain and are 
genetically determined, the new 
results show "that mental ability 
measured by standard intelligence 
tests is getting at something 
much more basic than skills 
acquired at school or home, or 
than specific knowledge," in Dr. 
Jensen's words. No sexual dif- 
ferences in reaction-time have 
been found, but Blacks, on the 
average, are considerably slower 
than Whites. Dr. Jensen pointed 
out that the quickness of Blacks in 
athletics involves a different set of 
reflexes than those used in mental 
work. 

For some time now students of 
human intelligence have been 
stressing the need to get away 
from too strong a reliance on 
traditional paper-and-pencil intel- 
ligence tests and to concentrate 
instead on the anatomy and 
physiology of the brain itself — 
that is, on its structure and on the 
physicochemical processes by 
which it functions. Traditional 
methods of intelligence testing 
have been developed about as far 
as possible, and the importance of 
[Q for everyday human life has 
been established beyond a doubt. 

In the crucial area of Black- 
White intelligence differences 
alone, there is now enough 
evidence supporting the heredi- 
tarian position to fill several 
mammoth volumes. As for the 
few pitiful shreds of environmen- 
talist evidence which once existed, 
they are now being consigned to 
history's dustbin, discredited one 
by one as the misleading flukes 
which one must expect when 
examining a complex phenome- 
non. Every honest researcher in 
the field now recognizes this. 

This state of affairs does not 
prevent the controlled media from 
completely twisting the evidence 
in order to make Dr. Jensen's 
position Jook isolated and peri- 
pheral, when, in fact, it has come 
to represent the new mainstream, 
the only one retaining any repu- 
table scientific backing. The psy- 



chometricians (paper-and-pencil 
IQ testers) and the journalists are 
at loggerheads, and neither is 
budging. 

The former have reached a 
point of diminishing returns, 
since, regardless of the new 
evidence they offer for their 
impregnable position, they know 
in advance that the latter need 
only make vague, totally unsub- 
stantiated charges of "cultural 
bias" to confuse and mislead the 
gullible public. In growing num- 
bers, this veritable army of 
Galileos is recognizing that a new, 
more tangible kind of evidence for 
intelligence's genetic basis is re- 
quired, if they are ever to breach 
the wall of words which separates 
them from the people. 

While the sorry history of 
Lysenkoism shows that no 
amount of scientific evidence can 
prevail against a sufficiently 
determined and powerful ideolo- 
gical establishment, American sci- 
entists are hoping that their 
country is still free enough to hear 
the new hereditarian message 
which they bring: neurometries. 

The new discipline, in contrast 
to psychometrics, relies on tech- 
niques that do not require a 
motivated or cooperative or even 
a conscious subject. In yet 
another way, alleged "cultural 
contamination" is being skillfully 
bypassed. Dr. Jensen's work with 
reaction times and neural rhythms 
is one example of the trend. The 
remainder of this article sum- 
marizes another. 

The technique called "evoked 
potentials" has grown out of 
recent advances in computer 
technology and in electroencepha- 
lography (EEG), the measurement 
of the brain's electrical activity. 
An EEG machine is used to trace 
the brain's response to experi- 
mentally administered stimuli of 
all kinds (some of which do not 
require consciousness). The res- 
ponses elicited or "evoked" by 
different patterns of stimuli vary 
immensely among people, yet 
remain quite repeatable for a 
given individual. 

The similarities in the evoked 
responses of identical twins point 
to a strong genetic component. 
Dr. Edward Beck of the Univer- 
sity of Utah likens them to 
"fingerprints of the brain" in 
their reliability. 

Scientists are only beginning to 
explore applications for the tech- 
nique. The more promising pos- 
sibilities include: accurate assess- 
ment of the scholastic potential of 
children entering school for the 
first time; prognostication of 
incipient mental illness, even be- 
fore the first signs have appeared 
in overt behavior; detection of the 
thoughts of uncooperative sub- 
jects in intelligence and criminal 
work (making present lie detectors 
obsolete); reliable diagnosis of 
approaching senility^ and the 
determination of leadership quali- 
ties. 

The last application, for exam- 
ple, involves comparing the ti- 
ming of a subject's motor res- 
ponse to a stimulus with the 
timing of a brain wave called the 
"P300." In most White people 
the "reflective" P300 precedes 
any motor response, but among 
constitutionally impulsive people 
just the opposite often occurs. 




trior 




Bruno: 



VARYING ELECTRICAL POTENTIALS in the human brain can b€ monitored, while a subject receives 
stimuli, and the brain's electrical response patterns can be correlated with intelligence and personality traits. 



Only when they have committed 
an error on the basis of pure reflex 
will their brains provide a tardy 
P300 wave. 

When one considers the repu- 
tations of some races and nation- 
alities for flighty, reckless beha- 
vior, and of others for careful, 
deliberate forethought, it becomes 
apparent that the application of 
P300 wave studies alone to 
ethnopsychology (the study of 
racial differences in psychology) 
offers some very interesting pros- 
pects. Evidence like this will 
establish neurometries on a foun- 
dation far too solid for the 
egalitarian establishment to meet 
head on. Only the "silent treat- 
ment," already familiar to honest 
historians, will remain. 

New York University's Brain 
Research Group has developed an 
entire Neurometric Test Battery, 
based solely on electrophysiologi- 
cal responses and independent of 
all verbal or overt behavior. It 
first samples the subject's resting 
EEG and then presents "chal- 
lenges" that correspond to test 
items on a conventional psycho- 
metric test battery. Ninety-seven 
per cent accuracy in discrimi- 
nating between normal and 
"learning-disabled" children has 
already been achieved, and the 
latter group can be easily sorted 
out into a variety of subcate- 
gories. 

The Brain Research Group's 
director, Dr. E. Roy John, ob- 
serves that, "The most striking 
feature of these results is the high 
percentage of learning-disabled 
children who displayed multiple 
types of dysfunction in multiple 
[anatomical] regions," This find- 
ing corresponds with those of 
researchers in many related fields 
who have found that the presence 
of a single physical anomaly tends 
to point to others. That is, 
biological strength and weakness 
in a given individual or group 
(ends to be generalized and 
pervasive. Correlation rather than 
compensation is the dominant law 
of life. 

Although Dr. John lamely 
speculates about sources of mal- 
nutrition or "stimulus depriva- 
tion" which may account for 
faulty neural patterns (he may 
have had to do so to keep his 
research money coming in), a vast 
amount of evidence debunks such 



notions. As an example, one 
could cite the finding that children 
born to severely malnourished 
European women at the end of 
World War II (many of whose 
diets were far inferior to anything 
recently experienced by Missis- 
sippi Blacks) failed to show 
depressed IQs relative to older 
and younger siblings. This is not 
to insist dogmatically that neural 
activity is never related to the 
environment — far from it — but 
only to observe that all the 
evidence we have to date points to 
heredity as the dominant causa- 
tive agent. 

Washington neurologist Ri- 
chard M. Resta'k, whose new 
book, The Brain: The Last 
Frontier, describes the work in 



this exciting field, poses such 
questions as whether or not our 
new measures of brain function- 
ing will soon justify our stopping 
potential criminals before they 
have even committed their acts. 
He concludes that the time is right 
to begin actively debating such 
issues. All of the conciliatory lines 
he offers the liberals as a sop 
cannot defuse the explosive social 
potential of his conclusions. 

Can it be doubted that we stand 
on the threshold of a new Eugenic 
Age? The System will use every 
weapon it has to keep us from 
entering the promised land, and 
we must see to it that our side is 
fighting with more than science in 
its armory. Truth must be welded 
to political power. 

(Issue No. 70, 1979) 



r 



The Race Bomb 



The U.S. government issues 
hundreds of statistics every 
day. The statistics concerning 
the economy and the fuel crisis 
have been making headlines, 
but a far more important one 
issued recently went almost 
unnoticed: on May 15 the U.S. 
Census Bureau revealed that 
Blacks in the United States are 
breeding more than twice as 
fast as Whites. 

During the past eight years, 
the Census Bureau said, the 
U.S. Black population has 
increased 12.6 per cent, while 
the "White" population 
(which actually includes Jews 
and many other non-Whites) 
has increased only 5.5 per cent. 
The official total for the Black 
population of the United 
States is now 25.6 million, but 
the Census Bureau believes the 
true figure is even worse; it is 
estimated that more than 1.5 
million Blacks managed to 
avoid being counted in the last 
national census. 

And the situation looks 
bleaker for the future: there is 
a higher percentage of Blacks 
concentrated in the age range 
of peak reproductive activity 
than is the case for Whites. 

Even if the present ratio of 
Black/White population 
growth becomes no worse than 



it is now, the figures provided 
by the Census Bureau lead to a 
stark arithmetical conclusion: 
the Black population will 
overtake the White population 
and outnumber it in a little 
over two centuries. 

Long before then, however 
— certainly, within the coming 
century — the combination of 
Blacks, Mexicans, Jews, Puer- 
to Ricans, Asians, and other 
non-Whites in the United 
States will achieve an absolute 
numerical majority. 

The situation with which the 
White minority will then be 
faced is so grim that it staggers 
the imagination. Conservatives 
and other foolish people who 
now spend their time worrying 
about such trivia as inflation 
and street crime, hoping that 
the government will somehow 
be able to save the economy 
and maintain domestic tran- 
quility, should instead be 
praying that the entire System 
will fall apart as soon as 
possible. 

We are rapidly approaching 
the point beyond which no 
peaceful solution to the race 
problem will be feasible, the 
point beyond which we will no 
longer be able to defuse the 
race bomb before it explodes. 

(Issue No. 70, 1979) 



Visionary and Martyr 



On a sunny June day nearly 400 
years ago there took place one of 
the most memorable and pro- 
phetic intellectual confrontations 
in the long history of Oxford 
University. On that day the 
renowned seat of learning on the 
Thames, already more than 300 
years old, was crowded with the 
cream of Elizabethan society, 
nobles and professors, courtiers 
and dons. They had gathered to 
honor a visiting Polish nobleman, 
Albert Laski, the voivod of 
Sieradz, whose military prowess 
in his far-off land and whose 
extravagance in England had won 
him wide repute. 

For the assembled scholars, the 
high point of the festivities in the 
old university town was to be a 
debate on the correct interpreta- 
tion of 15 tenets of the philosophy 
of Aristotle. In the late 16th 
century, as in the preceding three 
centuries, the authority of Aris- 
totle in philosophical method and 
in diverse branches of learning, 
particularly the sciences, was 
virtually unchallenged at Oxford 
or any other European university, 
Catholic or Protestant. 

Indeed, Oxford scholars were 
fined five shillings for each 
disagreement with the premises of 
Aristotle's "Organon"; substan- 
tial divergence from the Aristo- 
telian system was punishable by 
expulsion. The professors who 
rose to the pulpit of Oxford's 
Church of the Holy Virgin to 
expound the Aristotelian corpus 
on June 11, 1583, were secure in 
their adherence to all its major 
tenets, not the least of which was 
a physics which postulated the 
earth as the stationary center of 
the universe. 

Scarcely had the chief of the 
Oxford scholars, Dr. John Under- 
bill, the rector of Lincoln College 
and chaplain to Queen Elizabeth, 
begun his arguments when he was 
challenged by a small, dark-haired 
man, exquisitely robed, Giordano 
Bruno, a fiery, independent spirit 
who had fled the confines of a 
Dominican monastery in southern 
Italy, had taken up residence at 
Oxford only two months before. 
His attacks on Aristotle had 
already evoked murmurs of dis- 
content; now he placed himself 
beyond the pale. 

Bruno lashed out at the Aristo- 
telian notion of the universe. He 
supported his arguments with the 
revolutionary discovery of Nicho- 
las Copernicus that the earth 
revolved around the sun. And he 
went beyond Copernicus: man 
lived under no fixed vault of 
heaven, but in a universe of 
infinite extent, occupied by an 
infinite number of worlds. 

To the assembled learned heads 
of the university, Bruno's ideas 
were more than heresy: they were 
madness. The scholars ridiculed 
his arguments. In turn, the little 
Italian showered his opponents 
with scorn. 

In a later writing, Bruno 
described the scene with typical 
acerbity: "... go to Oxford, and 
have them tell you about those 



things that befell the Nolan [from 
Bruno's birthplace, Nola], when 
he publicly disputed with those 
Doctors of Theology in the 
presence of Prince Albert Laski, 
the Polish nobleman, and other 
gentlemen of the English nobility. 
Have them tell you how we were 
able to answer their arguments, 
how that poor doctor on 15 
occasions, during the argumenta- 
tion of 15 syllogisms, remained 
confused like a chick caught in 
hemp fiber, that doctor whom 
they placed before us on that 
grave occasion as the coryphaeus 
of the Academy." 

Despite Bruno's boasts, there 
was no winner in the debate. The 
two sides were speaking two 
different languages, each of them 
speculative. Yet the Aristotelians 
of Oxford were looking back- 
ward, to the old, man-centered 
world view of antiquity and the 
Middle Ages. Bruno, with a 
mighty leap of intuition, was 
anticipating the cosmology of a 
new age, one which would see his 
race burst the shackles of an 
anthropocentrism which flattered 
his ego but bound his soul. 

Shortly after the debate Bruno 
was forced to leave Oxford. 
Characteristically, he remained 
unshaken in the bold espousal of 
his vision, for which he would 
eventually die heroically. 

Bruno was born in 1548 at 
Nola, in the Italian Campagna, 
not far from the teeming port of 
Naples and the looming majesty 
of Mount Vesuvius. His father, 
Goiano Bruno, was a professional 
soldier; his mother, Fraulissa, 
may have been of German 
descent. 

Nola, which dated its founda- 
tion to pre-Roman times, had 
been declining in population and 
importance for several centuries. 
It retained a colorful, festive way 
of life, however, and its pleasant 
situation on the lower slopes of 
Mount Cicala, in the foothills of 
the Apennines, afforded young 
Filippo (as his parents christened 
him) endless opportunities for 
exploration. 

In a philosophical poem which 
he wrote nearly 30 years later, 
Bruno recorded how his observa- 
tion of the two mountains, 
Vesuvius and Cicala, brought him 
his first insight into the relativity 
of an observer's perceptions. 

Glimpsed from the fertile base 
of Mt. Cicala, Vesuvius, ten miles 
distant, was a bare cone of 
volcanic rock, stern and forbid- 
ding. The youth was struck by 
intuition that the view from 
Vesuvius might reverse the effect. 
He set out on foot for the great 
volcano, As he approached, the 
barren silhouette resolved itself, 
on its lower face, into a fertile 
expanse of pleasing greenery. Mt. 
Cicala, ten miles away, now took 
on the austere aspect which its 
neighbor had presented from 
afar, Bruno wrote, "Thus did 
Vesuvius and Cicala first teach the 
lad to doubt, and revealed to him 
how distance changed the face of 
things," 



Bruno's parents recognized the 
boy's promise as a scholar. 
Despite their lack of means, they 
arranged for his education in 
Naples. 

In the great southern Italian 
metropolis, which had lately come 
under Spanish rule, Bruno applied 
himself avidly to his studies. At 
the local Augustinian monastery 
he was privately tutored in logic, 
dialectics, and the humanities. He 
also attended lectures at the 
Studium Generate, where the 
philosopher Vincenzo Colle held 
forth on Aristotle. 

In 1565, despite religious 
doubts which were surfacing even 
then, Bruno decided to join the 
Dominican order. Possibly his 
family lacked the means to send 
him to a university: for many a 
bright but poor youth, a clerical 
career gave the only promise of 
furthering his education. Cer- 
tainly the Dominicans, with a 
centuries-long tradition of scho- 
larship crowned by Albertus 
Magnus and his great pupil, 
Thomas Aquinas, offered the 
17-y ear-old ample opportunity for 
study. 

Young Bruno began his novi- 
tiate at the Dominican convent of 
San Domenico Maggiore in Na- 
ples, taking the name Giordano, 
which he retained after leaving the 
order. He quickly mastered the 
obligatory Dominican philoso- 
phy, Scholasticism, which was 
grounded in the teachings of 
Aristotle. 

Despite his admiration for 
Aquinas, the greatest of the 
Scholastics, Bruno came to scorn 
the pedantry of Aristotle's Scho- 
lastic interpreters. An instinctive 
aversion to fixed, dogmatic sys- 
tems of thought led him eventual- 
ly to condemn Aristotle himself as 
"the stupidest of all philoso- 
phers." (In fairness to both 
Aristotle and Bruno, it must be 
noted that Bruno's understanding 
of the great Hellenic thinker's 
works was conditioned to a large 
extent by a faulty textual tradi- 
tion.) 

It was through his study of 
Aristotle that the young monk 
found his way to the pre- 
SocraticSj those daring nature 
philosophers whose bold specula- 
tions on the makeup of the 
universe have unfortunately been 
preserved only in suggestive frag- 
ments. Bruno acquainted himself 
with two of them, Leucippus and 
Democritus, at second hand in the 
Roman poet-philosopher Lucre- 
tius' long and elegant De rerum 
natura (On the Nature of the 
Universe), which synthesized their 
atomic theories with the ethics of 
the Epicureans in a lucid natural- 
ism. 

It was the dialogues of Plato, 
particularly the Timaeus, and the 
writings of his successors, the 
Neo-Platonists, however, which 
fired Bruno's imagination. The 
Neo-Platonists, the greatest of 
whom, Plotinus, had spent his last 
years in Bruno's native Cam- 
pagna, envisioned an ideal, spirit- 
ual supreme being which ani- 




GIORDANO BRUNO (1548-1600) 



mated the world of creation by 
intellectual and spiritual emana- 
tions, to Which man could reunite 
himself in a mystical experience 
climaxing a process of pure 
thought. 

His study of Neo-Platonism led 
Bruno to Hermetism, a more 
specifically religious precursor of 
Neo-Platonism, the doctrines of 
which had supposedly been re- 
vealed to Hermes Trismegistus, 
regarded by Hermetists as the 
most ancient of Egyptian priests 
and wise men. Hermetism was 
much in vogue in the Renaissance, 
and its most outstanding expo- 
nents, men like Bruno and 
Nicholas Copernicus, interpreted 
it in an entirely Faustian spirit, as 
a system which would allow its 
practitioner to seize the meaning 
of the universe in a series of great 
intuitive leaps, fueled by that 
purest form of knowledge, mathe- 
matics. 

As Bruno moved from convent 
to convent in southern Italy after 
his ordination, his vast and 
systematic philosophical learning 
disposed him to be increasingly 
sceptical of Christianity. And his 
scepticism brought him under 
increasing suspicion from eccle- 
siastical and civil authorities (the 
Spanish had instituted the Inquisi- 
tion in Naples the year before 
Bruno was born). Matters came to 

a head, one might say, when his 
superiors discovered that he had 
hidden some proscribed books by 
Erasmus, the great Dutch human- 
ist and scathing satirist of monas- 
tic life, in the monastery out- 
house. 

When Bruno learned of his 
prior's wrath, he hastily jour- 
neyed north to Rome, seeking an 
impartial hearing at the headquar- 
ters of the Dominican order. 
Arriving there, he discovered that 
the Inquisition in Naples had 
drawn up charges against him. 
Fearing that he would be surren- 
dered to the less-than-tender 
mercies of the Inquisitors, he 



discarded his clerical garb and 
fled north. The year was 1576. 

At that time the religious 
struggles which had been ignited 
by the Protestant Reformation 
were still raging. To meet the 
Protestant challege, the popes, 
bolstered by the recently founded 
Jesuit order, had organized the 
so-called "Counter-Reforma- 
tion," which was rolling back the 
Protestant advance in central and 
eastern Europe. 

Meanwhile, the Protestant cen- 
ter of gravity had shifted from 
Luther's Wittenberg to Calvin's 
Geneva, from which the em- 
battled Huguenots of France and 
the Netherlander in revolt against 
the Spanish crown derived their 
inspiration. 

Bruno spent nearly two years in 
northern Italy, moving from city 
to city, supporting himself by 
private tutoring and editing, 
always wary of the Inquisitors and 
their spies. 

In 1578 Bruno journeyed across 
the Alps to Geneva. As he later 
expressed it, "I decided to stay 
there only that I might live in 
liberty and security." 

As Bruno was to learn, how- 
ever, Geneva had no room for 
free spirits. Although John Calvin 
had died 14 years earlier, the city 
he had remade into something 
approaching a Protestant the- 
ocracy still bore his stamp, and its 
Calvinist governors ceded nothing 
to the Inquisition in their zeal to 
extinguish heresy. 

In May 1579 Bruno began to 
lecture on philosophy at the 
university. His career was brief. 
In August of that year he 
published a pamphlet attacking 
Antoine de La Faye, a professor 
of philosophy at the university 
and a pillar of Calvinist ortho- 
doxy. Bruno charged that La 
Faye, a follower of Aristotle, had 
made no fewer than 20 errors in a 
recent lecture. 

The pamphlets, their printer, 
and the contentious Nolan philo- 



166 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



16th- Century Mystic Had Modern World View 



sopher were immediately seized by 
the Genevan authorities. After a 
trial before the theological consis- 
tory, Bruno grudgingly apolo- 
gized to the indignant La Faye. 
Thereupon he departed Geneva, 
unscathed, but smoldering with 
hatred for the dual tyranny of 
Aristotle and Calvin. 

The wandering philosopher 
made his way next to France, 
which was in the throes of 30 
years of confessional and dynastic 
warfare between Calvinist and 
Catholic. In the southern city of 
Toulouse, which was a Protestant 
stronghold, Bruno earned his 
doctorate in theology at the 
university, after which he was 
elected by the students to lecture 
on philosophy and astronomy. 
Once again, his unorthodox views 
aroused opposition. When the 
tide of religious warfare lapped at 
the gates of Toulouse once more, 
in 1581, Bruno looked for asylum 
in Paris. 

At Paris Bruno published his 
first treatises which have come 
down to us, on the art of memory. 
For Bruno, memory was the key 
to mastering the knowledge of the 
cosmos, the internalized images of 
which, according to him, confer 
great power on the beholder, if 
they properly represent cosmic 
phenomena. During his sojourn In 
Paris he also wrote // Candelaio 
(The Torchbearer), a bawdy satire 
of monastic life entirely in the 
spirit of the century of Rabelais. 

Bruno's De umbris idearum 
(The Shadows of Ideas), on the 
art of memory, aroused the 
interest of King Henry III, to 
whom it was dedicated. The 
monarch, whom Bruno admired 
for attempting to steer a middle 
course between the extreme Ca- 
tholic and Protestant factions 
ravaging France, invited the 
philosopher to his court, 

Henry interrogated Bruno with 
an eye to acquiring the occult 
prowess by which he was sure the 
Nolan performed his mnemonic 
feats. When Bruno assured the 
king that he came by his skill 
entirely through the exercise of 
natural mental powers, Henry was 
doubly impressed, and he author- 
ized the philosopher to lecture at 
the College de France. 

After two years in Paris, Bruno 
procured a letter of introduction 
from King Henry to (he French 
ambassador in London, Michael 
Castelnau, the Marquis de Mau- 
vissiere. In early 1583 he crossed 
the Channel and entered the 
glittering world of Elizabethan 
England. 

Bruno spent two years in 
England as the protege of Castel- 
nau, who procured his entry into 
the highest circles of the realm. 
The philosopher met Queen Eliza- 
beth, who, like many of her 
courtiers, spoke Italian and had a 
great admiration for Italian cul- 
ture. Sir Philip Sidney, the poet 
and statesman, became Bruno's 
patron for a brief time. Despite 
his failure to gain acceptance at 
Oxford, this period was the most 
serene and productive in Bruno's 
life. 

During his London years Bruno 
wrote six works, all in Italian, 
which were the fruition of his long 
years of study and the fullest 
expression of his mature philoso- 
phy. They dealt primarily with 



cosmology and ethics, presenting 
a view of the universe which 
anticipated subsequent advances 
in astronomy and cosmology and 
gave voice to an essentially 
religious view of the cosmos in 
consonance with all the deepest 
inklings and longings of his race. 
The view of the cosmos which, 
bolstered by the authority of 
Aristotle and the second-century 
Alexandrian astronomer Ptolemy, 



■ 




Vfk^'i^ 



NICHOLAS COPERNICUS, (he 

unassuming monk who wrought a 
revolution in our understanding of 
the workings of the solar system. 

still prevailed in 16th-century 
Europe, was of an earth-centered 
universe ringed by concentric 
spheres, in which the planets 
(including the sun and the moon) 
revolved. The universe was en- 
closed by the sphere of the 
heavens, in which the stars were 
embedded, and the whole appara- 
tus was set in motion around the 
stationary earth by what Aristotle 
called the First Cause, or Prime 
Mover, identified by Christian 
theologians with the Christian 
divinity. 

Earlier in the 16th century 
Nicholas Copernicus, a gifted 
monk of German descent and 
Polish citizenship, had established 
through a series of prolonged and 
brilliant mathematical calcula- 
tions that the earth revolved 
around the sun. (Fearful of the 
wrath of his superiors, he deferred 
publication of his findings until 
after his death.) Despite this 
advance Copernicus still retained 
the Aristotelian notion of a finite 
universe of planets revolving, now 
around the sun, in perfect crystal- 
line spheres, bounded by the 
star-studded outer sphere. 

In his Cena de le ceneri (The 
Ash Wednesday Feast), Bruno 
enthusiastically accepted Coperni- 
cus' sun-centered solar system. 
But he went beyond Copernicus. 

In De 1'infinito universo e 
mondi (On the Infinite Universe 
and Worlds), Bruno wrote: "It is 
then unnecessary i to investigate 
whether there be beyond the 
heavens Space, Void, or Time. 
For there is a single general space, 
a single vast immensity which we 
may freely call Void; in it are 
innumerable globes like this on 
which we live and grow. This 
space we declare to be infinite; 
since neither reason, convenience, 
possibility, sense perception, nor 
nature consign to it a limit. In it 



are an infinity of worlds of the 
same kinds as our own." 

Pervading this infinite universe, 
according to Bruno, was the 
Creator: "The one infinite is 
perfect, in simplicity, of itself, 
absolutely, nor can aught be 
greater or better. This is the one 
Whole, God, universal nature, 
occupying all space, of whom 
naught but infinity can give the 
perfect image or semblance." 

Within this universe Bruno 
envisioned the phenomena of 
nature as synthesized by freely 
developing innate forces which 
fostered eternal change and 
growth. Everything in Bruno's 
universe was endowed with an 
immanent urge, in conformity 
with its own inward nature. 

From this majestic cosmology 
Bruno derived an ethics and a 
politics based on men acting 
freely in accord with their own 
inner imperatives and their drive 
toward union with a higher 
nature. In the Europe of Bruno's 
day the prerequisite for this 
development was an end to the 
religious warfare crippling the 
West and the installation of an 
enlightened regime headed by an 
enlightened monarch. 

Although Bruno more than 
once had sharp words for particu- 
lar nations, he respected the Euro- 
pean peoples in their diversity. 
With characteristic foresight, he 
warned against the consequences 
of the racial intermixing already 
under way in the wake of the 
European explorations and con- 
quests. 

There was one race for which 
Bruno reserved unmitigated dis- 
dain. He despised the Jews, 
referring to them as the "excre- 
ment of Egypt," "a pestilent, 
leprous, and generally pernicious 
generation who deserve to be 
extinguished before they are 
born." 

In 1591 Bruno decided to return 
to Italy. He had been invited to 
Venice by a young nobleman, 
Zuane Mocenigo, who had heard 
of his vast erudition and pheno- 
menal powers of memory and 
wanted to be tutored by him. 

Doubtless Bruno was homesick 
for his native land, from which he 
had been absent for 13 years. 
Venice was well known to be 
hostile to the papacy, and he must 
have thought himself relatively 
secure from extradition there. 

Mocenigo was quickly disap- 
pointed in his famous teacher. 
Like Henry III, he had supposed 
that Bruno's powers of mind were 
achieved by occult practices. 
Unlike the French monarch, 
however, the Venetian aristocrat 
could not be convinced otherwise. 
Certain that Bruno was selfishly 
husbanding his magic powers, he 
sought revenge by betraying his 
learned guest to the Inquisition. 

Bruno got wind of his host's 
plans and prepared to flee Venice, 
But he moved too slowly. On the 
night before his intended depar- 
ture Mocenigo led a band of his 
retainers to the Nolan's quarters, 
seized him, and cast him into a 
convenient basement dungeon. 
Two days later, on May 23, 1592, 
Mocenigo handed Bruno over to 
the local branch of the Holy 
Office. 

There now ensued a long a 
bitter passion for the Nolan 



visionary. With more naivete than 
cunning, he sought to defend his 
ideas as philosophical conceptions 
which lay outside the realm of 
theology. Indeed, he was eager for 
an audience with the pope, so sure 
was he that he could convince His 
Holiness how advantageous a 
reform of the Church in the 
direction of his philosophy would 
be for Christendom, 

Bruno remained firm, however, 
in his revolutionary cosmology. 




THE BRUNO MONUMENT on 
the Campo del Fiori In Rome, 
where the philosopher died hero- 
ically at the stake in 1600. Bruno's 
courage in defying his execu- 
tioners should serve as a beacon 
of inspiration to Whites (o battle 
for their race's truth today. 

The Venetian Inquisitors, well 
aware of the potential conse- 
quences of a world view which 
displaced the Prime Mover from 
his perch above the spheres, 
continued to imprison him. 

Meanwhile, the Vatican was 
exerting every diplomatic pressure 
at its disposal to bring about 
Bruno's extradition to Rome. The 
papal authorities were supported 
by the Spanish Inquisition, since 
the Spanish regine in southern 
Italy had been rocked by a 
short-lived revolt organized by 
another Dominican, the political 
philosopher Tommaso Campa- 
nula. 

At length the Venetians com- 
plied, and Bruno was delivered to 
the dungeons of the Holy Office 
in February 1593, There he 
remained for nearly seven years, 
underfed, stifling in squalor, 
denied clothing, allowed only the 
works of Aquinas as reading 
matter. Periodically he was 
dragged up from his subterranean 
cell to be interrogated and urged 
to recant his beliefs. Bruno still 
insisted that his philosophy was 
not incompatible with an enlight- 
ened Catholicism, but he was firm 



as granite in hewing to his ideas. 
At last the patience of the 
Inquisitors was exhausted. Bruno 
was given a speedy trial and 
condemned to death by nine 
Cardinals General. When the 
sentence was pronounced, Bruno 
raised his head defiantly and told 
his judges, "Perchance you who 
pronounce my sentence are in 
greater fear than I who receive 
it." 

On February 16, 1600, Bruno 
was led from his cell, chained at 
the neck, his tongue firmly 
gagged, and escorted barefoot 
over the sharp cobblestones of the 
Roman streets to the Campo dei 
Fiori, the Field of Flowers, before 
the ruins of the Theater of 
Pompey. Vatican guards and 
ostentatiously bedecked Roman 
officials hemmed him in tightly; 
priests from the Order of St, John 
the Beheaded, whose office it was 
to attend to condemned criminals, 
walked behind, chanting litanies 
and urging a final repentance. 

At the appointed spot Bruno 
was lashed to a stake, and the 
executioner's men heaped a great 
pile of kindling wood all around 
him. As hundreds of excitement 
seekers gawked, the brave philo- 
sopher from Nola was proferred a 
crucifix. He looked away. Then 
the executioner lit the pyre, and 
Giordano Bruno's body was 
consumed by searing flames. 

Eight years before his death, 
Bruno penned a startlingly pro- 
phetic epitaph for himself. His De 
Monade, a philosophical poem 
written in 1592, contains the fol- 
lowing lines: 

Much have I struggled. I 
thought I would be able to con- 
quer , . . /And both fate and 
nature repressed my zeal and my 
strength. / Even to have come 
forth is something, since I see that 
being able to conquer / Is placed 
in the hands of fate. However, 
there was in me / Whatever I was 
able to do, which no future cen- 
tury / Will deny to be mine, that 
which a victor could have for his 
own: /Not to have feared to die, 
not to have yielded to any equal 
In firmness of nature, and to have 
preferred a courageous death to a 
Noncombatant life, 

T.O'K. 

(Issue No. 70, 1979) 



"Liberalism, "in the case of the 
Jew, means internationalism. If 
you listen to Jews discuss Jews, 
you will find they are money- 
minded, very sharp in practice, 
The Jews lack the fine integrity 
which at least is endorsed, and to 
a degree, followed by lawyers of 
other nationalities. The Jew has 
been in Germany for all of a 
thousand years, and he is still a 
Jew. He has been in America all 
of 200 years, and he has not faded 
into a pure American by any 
means — and he will not. 

— Theodore Dreiser, The 
Nation, April 17, 1935 



K 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

America's Danger 



167 



'-' ■• " . "■ - . ■ . 



- 



■ 







HOW CAN YOU TELL these aren't U.S. troops? Answer: They're White. These men are 
Russian paratroops. The Dyushin 76 transport shown here will carry an entire paratroop 
company and its artillery support more than 5,000 km. Whik U.S. politicians and media 
masters debate the SALT treaty, which would limit certain strategic armaments, the Soviet 
edge over the United States in tactical strength continues to grow. Not only Is the Soviet 
army overwhelmingly larger, but its troops are tougher, better disciplined, more 



intelligent, and more highly motivated. Soviet commanders understand one vital fact 
which U.S. politicians will not admit: soldiers perform better in racially and culturally 
homogeneous units. While the Soviet armed forces are accordingly segregated into various 
ethnic units, U.S. military effectiveness is subordinated to the impossible demand for 
racial "equality/* Racial integration has been the single most important factor in the 
decline of U.S. military morale. 



Lower GI Quality, Morale May Be Greater Danger than Soviet Superiority in Numbers 



"I get the impression that over 
the last two years, because of the 
all-volunteer army, the quality of 
the soldier has gone down. Some 
of them come across as totally 
illiterate and without any internal 
leadership." The speaker was 
Fritz Kindervater, a police official 
in Erlangen, Germany. The army 
is ours. The occasion, a few weeks 
ago, was the third brutal rape, in 
as many weeks, of German girls 
by Black GI's of the 2nd Brigade 
of the U.S. 1st Armored Division, 
stationed at Erlangen. 

Herr Kindervater is not the only 
one who gets the impression that 
the U.S. Army isn't what it used 
to be. The most vivid impression 
is that gotten by the young White 
men in the Army, some of them 
college graduates fulfilling their 



ROTC obligations as second 
lieutenants and some of them 
enlistees who joined either to 
learn a trade at government 
expense or with the notion of 
making a military career. 

The reports of these young 
Whites to NATIONAL VAN- 
GUARD staffers have been 
unanimous: they want to get out 
of the Army as soon as possible; 
today's Army is no place for a 
decent White person, they say. 

The same attitude holds at all 
ranks and in all the services: the 
best officers and noncoms are 
leaving; only the dregs, the born 
losers, are staying, All the former 
motives that attracted and held 
good men are gone. 

Patriotism is worth hardly a 
snicker in a military establishment 



which, as much as any civilian 
corporation, advertises for new 
employees with Madison Avenue 
come-ons about pay scales and 
fringe benefits and is beginning to 
accept the prospect of eventual 
unionization. 

The old military mystique — 
the honor, the pride, the mascu- 
line camaraderie — just isn't the 
same in an Army and a Navy 
which are no longer all male, in 
which acknowledged homosexuals 
can no longer be summarily 
discharged, and in which drug 
abuse is rampant. 

Above all else, say White 
servicemen, the growing numbers 
of Blacks in all the armed forces 
have made military life intoler- 
able. Young enlistees in the 
barracks receive a bigger dose of 



interracial togetherness than they 
can stomach, while every White 
officer lives under the constant 
strain of knowing that his chances 
for promotion can be perma- 
nently ruined by the slightest 
indication of "prejudice" or a 
less-than-enthusiastic attitude 
toward Blacks. 

The first question on the 
periodic fitness report which each 
officer's superior must fill out and 
submit to the civilian overseers 
back in the Pentagon is: "Does 
this officer fully support the 
Army's (Navy's, Air Force's, 
Marine Corps's) race relations 
program?" 

The U.S. Army is now 30 per 
cent Black. Black life-styles are all 
too evident on every U.S. military 
post. Although the open mutiny 



by Black GI's which characterized 
the Vietnam era and the imme- 
diate postwar years has died 
down, this has been at the expense 
of allowing the Blacks to have 
their way in most cases. Instead of 
the Blacks being shaped up by the 
armed forces, the armed forces 
have slacked off to accommodate 
the Blacks. 

One problem involving Blacks 
which is as bad as ever is crime by 
military personnel. Proportion- 
ately, Blacks in the armed forces 
still commit five times as many 
violent offenses as White GI's, 
and many bases, both in this 
country and in Germany, are 
high-crime areas. 

The backers of a racially and 
sexually integrated, all-volunteer 
military establishment seem to 






168 

believe that providing more and 
more amenities — more juke 
boxes and beer coolers in the 
barracks — reducing the old 
spit-and-polish military discipline 
to the vanishing point, and 
providing interracial encounter 
sessions and compulsory "anti- 
racism" training courses all 
around can solve the problem of 
the catastrophically low morale 
which now prevails. 

It's not working out that way, 
however. Last year there were 50 
deaths from drug overdoses 
among the 190,000 GPs stationed 
in West Germany. Nearly 5,000 of 
these GI's are currently under- 
going drug detoxification pro- 
grams — and a great many more 
Army drug users are not. 

Official Army figures, based on 
compulsory urine tests for traces 
of heroin, indicate that 7.8 per 
cent of the GI's in Germany — 
one man out of every 13 — are 
regular users of hard drugs. An 
investigation by a team from the 
House Narcotics Select Commit- 
tee, led by Rep. Glenn English 
(D-OK), which toured U.S. bases 
in Germany last November, 
however, turned up evidence 
suggesting an actual rate of 
regular usage of hard drugs more 
than twice as high: one man out of 
six. The use of marijuana, of 
course, is higher still. 

Despite these appalling figures, 
the Pentagon attempts to mini- 
mize the seriousness of- the drug 
abuse problem by pointing out 
that the rate of alcoholism among 
members of the U.S. armed forces 
is even higher. Altogether the 
U.S. Army is obliged to operate 
80 treatment centers in West 
Germany for drug and alcohol 
abuse. Sixty per cent of the troops 
who pass through these centers 
are "rehabilitated" and returned 
to duty, while the remaining 40 
per cent are discharged from the 
Army. 

In addition to having a certain 
portion of its troops zonked out 
on drugs or alcohol at any given 
moment, the Army now has a new 
set of problems to contend with as 
a result of the sexual integration 
of the U.S. armed forces. One of 
these problems is pregnancy. 
Army personnel officers estimate 
that about 20 per cent of the 
13,000 Army women stationed in 
Germany are pregnant at any one 
time. For example, in a survey 
made last month, rune of the 20 
women in a military police 
company at Baumhoider, Ger- 
many, turned up pregnant. Only 
two are married. 

Some junior officers and non- 
coms are willing to express their 
disgust with this situation. "It's 
no way to run an army," said a 
warrant officer in Kaiserslautern, 
the headquarters of the 21st 
Support Command, the Army's 
major supply center. "When our 
gals get pregnant, we don't know 
from day to day if they're going to 
show up." 

As bad as this problem is today, 
it can only become worse in the 
future: the Pentagon is pushing 
hard to double the percentage of 
women GI's in the next three 
years. 

The high pregnancy rate among 
female troops, just like the high 
rate of drug and alcohol abuse 
among troops of both sexes, is 
due not only to the high percent- 
age of Blacks in the Army, but to 
the generally low quality of the 
White enlistees as well. 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



'it?*.' ;'>;" v "- >■ ■ '"■ 




TANZANIAN ARMY TROOPS? No, these GI's are members of the Russian troops on page 167? (The White whose head is visible 

U.S. Army's 2nd Infantry Division, who are greeting President Carter immediately behind Mr. Carter's Is a Secret Service bodyguard, not an 

during a recent visit to Camp Casey, a U.S. base in South Korea. How Infantryman. The same Is true of the White man with the Ue In the left 

do you think they would fare In combat, man to man, against the background.) 



An infantry captain with 17 
years of service says: "We are not 
getting a cross section of Ameri- 
can society. They can't get a job 
and want that paycheck. That's 
why they're joining. They don't 
want to be soldiers. They're 
harder to train and don't retain it, 
and a lot of company com- 
manders say that." 

CoL John Kirk, an armored 
brigade commander with the U.S. 



Seventh Army in Germany, gener- 
ally agrees with the captain, but 
he is more cautious: "Is the 
quality of the soldier dowma little 
bit from three to four years ago? 
Yes. Is the level of education 
down a bit? Yes." 

In considering whether or not 
the intelligence of the Army's 
troops is too low for them to 
effectively handle the sophisti- 
cated new weapons they are being 



issued, the colonel says, "We are 
right on the margin of that, yes." 
He feels that the Pentagon is on 
the right track with its plan to 
replace the Army's present train- 
ing manuals, which many soldiers 
are unable to comprehend, with 
new manuals in the style of comic 
books, using many pictures and 
few words. 

Most career officers, however, 
are not willing to be so candid. 



They feel obliged to parrot the 
mindless optimism about the state 
of the U.S. armed forces which is 
pumped out by the Pentagon. 
Even so, their faint praise is often 
more damning than direct criti- 
cism, 

Maj. Gen. George S. Patton, 
deputy commander of the 7th 
Corps (and son of the famed 
World War II commander), now 
stationed in Stuttgart, says things 




could be worse than they are 
today. He recalls the time, a few 
years ago, when Black mutiny and 
the "fragging" of White officers 
were a constant concern: "We 
were hanging on by our eyelids in 
1971." 

At that time Patton was with 
the 4th Armored Division: "It 
was the most unpleasant assign- 
ment I've ever had. There were 
three threats on my life and 49 
bomb threats in Nuremberg in 16 
months," he said. 

"The quality we've got coming 
in now on balance is better than 
what we had in 1971 over here, 
from the viewpoint of dissent and 
mutiny. We can make it if the 
education level goes down. ... I 
deeply feel, if given the chance, 
the Army can take a low-intelli- 
gence guy and make him operate 
complicated equipment." 

Somehow, that's not very 
reassuring. Gen. Patton's faith in 
the Army is not unlike the pride 
an animal trainer might show in 
being able to teach a one-legged 
chimpanzee to ride a bicycle: a 
marvelous feat, but so what? 
Where will that one-legged chimp 
end up when he's put in a bicycle 
race against sound chimps? 

And where will America end up 
when her all-volunteer, barely 
literate, one-third Black, eight per 
cent zonked out, and five per cent 
pregnant Army is obliged to fight 
a conventional ground war 
against a real army? 

In the old days, if 10 per cent of 
the troops were sick with the flu, 
that just meant 10 per cent fewer 
riflemen in the skirmish line: 
serious, perhaps, but not neces- 
sarily catastrophic. But the troops 
in today's fighting ' forces are 



much more interdependent. The 
complexity of modern weapons 
systems has forced a much higher 
dependence than before on team- 
work. 

One soldier not at his post or 
unable to perform his duties 
properly can put a weapons team 
out of action. And if 10 per cent 
of the troops are drunk, sky high 
on drugs, or morning sick when a 
surprise attack comes, the Army 
may not be able to put up much of 
a fight at all. 

The problem of morale and 
personnel quality in the U.S. 
armed forces is made infinitely 
more serious by the overwhelming 
advantage in numbers enjoyed by 
America's strongest potential 
adversary, the Soviet Union. Not 
counting her Warsaw Pact allies, 
the U.S.S.R. alone outnumbers 
the United States by a factor of 
2.2 in troop strength: 4.4 million 
men under arms to our 2.0 
million. The Russians have 50,000 
tanks to America's 12,000; 20,000 
pieces of heavy artillery to our 
5,500; and more than 8,000 
tactical aircraft to our 5,300. 

Our smaller armed forces might 
still be formidable enough to deter 
an enemy force two ro three times 
as large from starting a fight — if 
our forces were so manifestly 
tough, efficient, well disciplined, 
and well trained that the enemy 
would have to count on an 
extraordinarily expensive and 
bloody fight. 

As it is, the moment the Soviet 
Union develops an effective de- 
fense against the United States' 
strategic missiles, our goose is 
cooked, even if we also have such 
a defense. They know that their 



ground forces can pulverize ours 
in a matter of weeks, if not days. 
Western Europe will be lost, and 
America will be cut off from her 
overseas energy supply. The do- 
mestic consequences — and the 
sequel in Latin America — can be 
left to the imagination. 

In the face of. this danger, 
however, the Pentagon continues 
moving along the same fatal path 
which has brought America's 
armed forces to their present state 
of disrepair. The push for more 
Black recruits is intensified, with 
multimillion-dollar advertising 
campaigns featuring non-White 
GI's in glamorous roles, when the 
single gravest problem in the 
armed forces is the large numbers 
of Blacks already there. 

Even more intense is the drive 
to promote Blacks into command 
positions. Although 30 per cent of 
the Army is Black, only 6.4 per 
cent of the officer corps is. 
Pentagon officials seem quite 
embarrassed about this discre- 
pancy, apparently accepting the 
position that it is due to "discri- 
mination." (Such a stance might 
be expected, since Jimmy Carter's 
appointee as secretary of the 
Army is a Black.) 

The consequence is the same 
sort of officially approved reverse 
discrimination in the armed forces 
with which Whites in civilian life 
are all too familiar. Complains a 
White colonel with the 21st 
Support Command at Kaiserslau- 
tern: "If you get a bad [Black 
officer] you can't give him a bad 
fitness report without a very long 
explanation and a lot of hassle 
from higher up. It's also tough for 
Whites to get regular Army 



commissions these days, and there 
is pressure to give them to 
Blacks.* 1 

Incredible as it may seem, the 
present leaders of America's 
military establishment are actually 
striving for an Army in which 30 
per cent of the generals will be 
Blacks, in order to match the 
complexion of the lower ranks, 
instead of trying to reduce the 
overall number of Blacks. If only 
such a plan could have been 
implemented in 1941! Then, al- 
though the people of Hawaii 
would now be speaking Japanese, 
at least the war in Europe would 
have been won by White nation- 
alists, and the Soviet Union would 
be out of the picture. Commu- 
nism would be a dead issue, and 
there would be no Middle East 
problem . 

The motives of the military 
planners involving women seem to 
be the same as those involving 
Blacks: the drive is not only for a 
much larger percentage of females 
in the armed forces, but also for 
more women in command posi- 
tions and in other roles which 
have heretofore been exclusively 
male. 

Despite the present prohibition 
of wartime combat roles for 
women, they are nevertheless 
already in armed, quasi-combat 
roles as security guards and 
military policewomen, and it is 
quite clear that the intentions of 
the planners are to eventually 
have them in tanks and foxholes 
as well. 

Of course, one cannot place the 
entire blame on the Pentagon for 
the seemingly lunatic policies 
governing our armed forces. 



169 

When the Army announces, as it 
did last month, that volunteers no 
longer need have a high, school 
education, it is not necessarily 
because they want even more GI's 
who cannot read the simplest 
training manuals; Army standards 
for recruits are governed in large 
measure by the quality and 
attitudes of the civilian popula- 
tion. 

This soon after being forced to 
deliberately lose a war, it is no 
wonder that enthusiasm for mili- 
tary service is not all it might be 
and that the armed forces are 
obliged to scrape the bottom of 
the barrel in .order to meet their 
quotas for recruits. 

But beyound the matter of 
sheer numbers is the matter of 
fundamental values, motives, and 
goals. We cannot hope for a 
strong and healthy military es- 
tablishment until we have a strong 
and healthy civilian society. And 
we cannot have the latter until the 
entire spiritual and ideological 
basis on which it rests has been 
utterly transformed. 

As Brig. Gen. John Johns, the 
Pentagon's top man for dealing 
with the military drug problem, 
pointed out last month: "What 
you see [among U.S. occupation 
troops in Germany] is a reflection 
of what's happening in the United 
States. There's no quick fix for 
the drug problem until we get a 
complete change in the value 
system." 

Let's just hope that the neces- 
sary revolution can be carried out 
in this country before the Soviet 
Union decides to make its move. 

(Issue No, 71, 1979) 



Th 



6 



Sh 



ame of Reconstruction 



IN THE NAME OF "EQUALITY," women are taught to act like men, themselves hy pointing out that some women are able to fill most male 

and men ar? taught to take orders from women. This female military roles as well as many men. That may be true, in a strictly 

midshipman first class at the U.S. NavaJ Academy barks orders and mechanical sense, but the effect on male morale of such an unnatural 

upbraids male plebes as roughly as any old salt. The sick minds reversal of roles Is catastrophic. Men comfortable with such a role rever- 

responsible for the sexual integration of the U.S. armed forces justify sal are hardly the ones oar armed forces need for combat commanders. 



Shortly after nightfall on Sep- 
tember 8, 1865, a train steamed 
south from Orangeburg, South 
Carolina, through countryside 
which had been devastated by 
General William Sherman's troops 
only a few months before. Among 
the passengers was a gaunt and 
battle-weary Confederate veteran 
named Calvin Crozier. After four 
years of war, Crozier was making 
the long journey home to face the 
grim task of rebuilding that 
awaited him in his native Galves- 
ton, Texas. 

The former soldier had traveled 
alone until he reached Orange- 
burg, where a local doctor had 
asked him to escort two women 
journeying south to Georgia. 
Crozier readily agreed, for the 
collapse of the Confederate state 
governments had fostered anar- 
chy throughout, much of the 
South. 

Outside Newberry the train 
came to a shuddering halt. It was 
no accident: the train had been 
deliberately derailed. 

A large band of men milled 
around the train. Now two 
Blacks, obviously drunk, pushed 
their way into Crozier's coach. 
They wore the blue uniform of the 
33rd Regiment, U.S. Army. In the 
foulest language they could mus- 
ter, they demanded that the White 
passengers present their purses 
and baggage for inspection for 
"rebel contraband." 

Calvin Crozier sprang to his 
feet and ordered the Blacks to 
leave the train. Their response was 



to elbow their way past the 
veteran and to begin pawing at the 
two women in his charge. 

In a flash Crozier drew his knife 
and grappled with the Blacks in 
the darkened car. He slashed one 
of them across the face, and the 
two Blacks fled the train, scream- 
ing for help. 

The Negro troops, enraged by 
this White resistance, forgot their 
search for booty. They forced the 
Whites from the train and seized a 
hostage, whom they proposed to 
shoot on the spot. 

Calvin Crozier, who had been 
unrecognizable in the darkened 
coach, stepped forward. In level 
tones he told the Black soldiers 
that their business was with hirn, 
not the other man. 

Without further ado the Blacks 
seized Crozier and led him away 
to the regimental bivouac, punc- 
tuating their whoops and threats 
with bayonet jabs and blows from 
their rifle butts. Crozier received 
no hearing. He was shot at the 
dawn of the next day. His killers 
mutilated his body. Then the 
Black soldiers cavorted drunkenly 
on his freshly filled grave, laugh- 
ing and shouting. 



The United States has defeated 
and laid waste no foreign nation 
as totally as it did the 11 states of 
the Confederacy. The pride of the 
Southern armies, Robert E. Lee's 
Army of Northern Virginia, had 
been reduced to a few thousand 
ill-clothed, starving wraiths by the 



time of Lee's surrender. A quarter 
of a million Confederate soldiers, 
five per cent of the South's White 
population, had fallen in the 
conflict, and many of the sur- 
viving veterans had been perma- 
nently scarred by wounds or 
disease. 

When the Southern veterans 
returned home, their farms and 
towns presented a depressing 
prospect. Vast areas of farmland 
had been devastated by the 
fighting. Cities and towns had 
suffered severely from artillery 
shelling, arson, and looting. The 
Southern transportation system, 
particularly the railroads, lay in 
ruins. The South's rudimentary 
industry had been destroyed, and 
Confederate bonds and currency 
were worthless. 

Even - these vast difficulties 
paled in comparison to the fallen 
South's greatest problem: the 
presence of four million Blacks, 
the overwhelming majority of 
whom had just been freed from 
slavery. On receiving their free- 
dom, most Blacks had abandoned 
the plantations and farms of their 
former masters and roamed aim- 
lessly for several weeks in search 
of the millennium which the 
Northern abolitionists had pro- 
mised them. Many of the Blacks 
took advantage of the breakdown 
in law and order that accom- 
panied the end of Southern 
resistance to rob, rape, and kill 
White women and children in 
isolated areas. 



It seemed clear to Southern 
Whites that the prerequisite for 
rebuilding their society and eco- 
nomy was to bring the Blacks 
under control and to set them to 
productive work in the fields once 
more. A more effective solution 
— in fact, the only long-term 
solution to the problem — that of 
removing the Blacks from their 
midst once and for all, was only a 
gleam in the eyes of a few 
visionary men and would have 
been in any case unworkable in 
the face of Northern occupation. 

It was above all Northern 
attitudes and intentions which 
were to supply the framework for 
the re-establishment of govern- 
ment in the Southern states. Yet 
at the end of the Civil War the 
North was deeply divided as to 
whether magnanimity, selfish- 
ness, or an especially virulent 
form of anti-White racism dis- 
guised as egalitarianism would 
prevail in determining its policy 
for reconstructing the ruined 
South. 

Abraham Lincoln had envi- 
sioned the return of the seceded 
states to the Union in pragmatic 
terms. During the war he es- 
tablished provisional state govern- 
ments in Louisiana, Arkansas, 
Tennessee, and Virginia, which 
exercised an authority limited by 
the amount of territory they 
actually controlled and by the 
mistrust of the Republican Con- 
gress. Lincoln's leniency toward 
ex-Confederates and his attempts 
to circumvent what Congress saw 



as its prerogatives aroused strenu- 
ous opposition to his plan in the 
Radical wing of his own Republi- 
can Party. 

A powerful motive for other 
Northerners' interest in the pros- 
trate South was personal greed. 
The most notorious instance of 
this in the immediate aftermath of 
the war was the conduct of 
Treasury agents who had been 
empowered to confiscate aban- 
doned Confederate property in 
order to pay off the South's 
lapsed taxes. The Treasury men 
reaped vast, illegal gains by selling 
the confiscated goods to colla- 
borators at absurdly low rates, 
forwarding the proceeds to the 
government, and then reselling 
their spoils at the going rate. As 
Treasury Secretary Hugh McCul- 
lough was forced to admit, t( I am 
sure I sent some honest agents to 
the South; but it sometimes seems 
very doubtful whether any of 
them remained honest very long." 

Then there were the crazed 
egalitarians. At the Civil War's 
end their primary vehicle was the 
Freedmen's Bureau, a large edu- 
cational and welfare department 
under military jurisdiction which 
catered to former Black slaves. 
Under its aegis Northern Whites, 
many of them women, flocked 
South to fill the Blacks' heads 
with visions of equality. One of 
the most widely-used primers in 
the bureau's schools contained 
glowing accounts of the Blacks' 
insurrection and slaughter of the 



170 

entire White population of Haiti 
70 years before. 

Among the egalitarian lunatic 
fringe the strongest influence was 
that exercised by Northern Protes- 
tant churchrhen. The Methodists 
were particularly virulent in their 
advocacy of equality. One of their 
bishops, Gilbert Kaven, rhapso- 
dized fondly that "the hour is not 
far off when the white-hued 
husband shall boast of the dusky 
beauty of his wife, and the 
Caucasian wife shall admire the 
sun-kissed countenance of her 
husband as deeply and as uncon- 
scious of the present ruling 
abhorrence as is his admiration 
for her lighter tint." 

In the months following 
Lincoln's assassination, jt seemed 
as if his successor, Andrew 
Johnson, might succeed in carry- 
ing out what was essentially 
Lincoln's plan of reconstructing 
the Southern governments. John- 
son, who had been a Unionist 
Democrat from Tennessee, was 
suspicious of the aristocratic 
planter class, but he had no rancor 
for the majority of his fellow 
Southerners, He was liberal in 
dispensing pardons to former 
Confederate officials and sol- 
diers, and he imposed no ob- 
stacles to the conventions at which 
the former Confederate states 
redrafted their constitutions and 
re-formed their governments in 
the fail of J 865. 

The new Southern state govern- 
ments offered every promise of 
restoring the stability necessary to 
begin the work of reconstruction 
in earnest. The various constitu- 
tional conventions adopted the 
Thirteenth Amendment to the 
U.S. Constitution, thus abolish- 
ing slavery, and repudiated their 
states' secession. The bulk, of the 
states' new governors had been 
either lukewarm or hostile to 
secession, and the overwhelming 
majority of the South' s White 
population wished only to regain 
their section's rightful place with- 
in the Union. 

The new governments had no 
intention, however, of granting 
their Black populations an equali- 
ty in politics and society which 
they did not possess in nature. As 
South Carolina's Governor Ben- 
jamin Perry reminded the North- 
ern Republicans, "This is a White 
man's government, intended for 
White men only." 

Each Southern state passed its 
own set of laws to deal with the 
Black problem. Collectively 
known as the "black codes," 
these laws attempted to combat 
the widespread Negro idleness and 
vagrancy that had sprung up after 
emancipation by requiring Blacks 
to contract for steady work. In no 
states were Blacks allowed to 
vote, and they were generally 
excluded from jury duty. 

This attempt to assign r the 
Blacks a niche in the social order 
consistent with their natural limi- 
tations outraged the Radical 
Republicans in the North. When 
Congress resumed session in 
December 1865, the Radical lea- 
dership counterattacked. 

The men who led the Radical 
wing of the Republican party were 
the heirs to the strident anti-aboli- 
tionist sentiment dating from 
before the Civil War. During the 
war they had fought the Lincoln 
plan for reconstruction with 
might and main. Now they moved 
to crush the measures sanctioned 
by Lincoln's weaker successor. 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 




"THE MOST IGNORANT DEMOCRACY that mankind ever saw" and "a wonder and a shame to modern 
civilisation" was what Northern abolitionist James S. Pike called South Carolina's Reconstruction legisla- 
ture, after his first-hand experience of Reconstruction at work. Only 22 of tbe 94 Black members could read 
or write. This photograph was made in 1868. 



The leader of the Radicals in 
the House of Representatives was 
the Speaker, Thaddeus Stevens, 
an embittered and ruthless man 
whose hatchet face and clubfoot 
only increased his personal 
odiousness. Stevens, whose Black 
housekeeper was widely rumored 
to be his mistress, was determined 
to ensure continued Republican 
power through political control of 
the South, by whatever means 
came to hand. A politician to his 
fingertips, Stevens was adept at all 
the devious maneuverings of the 
legislative process. He was also a 
fiery demagogue capable of pan- 
dering to the meanest and most 
primitive emotions of the elec- 
torate. 

Stevens' counterpart in the 
Senate was Charles Sumner of 
Massachusetts. Sumner had been 
a rabid abolitionist almost all his 
life, and his idealization of the 
Blacks was untinctured by the 
cynicism which infected Stevens. 
Sumner had personal reasons for 
hating the South; he still bore the 
psychological wounds from a 
vigorous caning administered to 
him on the floor of the Senate by 
a South Carolina congressman 
whose uncle he had maligned. 

These two men and their 
numerous followers in Congress 
were moved by a genuine (and 
pathological) loathing for the 
White South, and by an equally 
pathological admiration for the 
Blacks. Much more than their 
personal ideals, however, moti- 
vated their antf-Southcrn policy. 



The demands of the war 
economy had promoted an indus- 
trial and financial boom unprece- 
dented in American history in the 
years 1861-1865. The government 
had been generous in its land and 
tariff policies, and banking and 
currency laws were tailored to the 
demands of the Northern capi- 
talists. The leaders of finance and 
industry were determined that this 
situation should continue in the 
postwar years, 

The rising plutocrats of the 
North greatly feared the effects of 
the return of the Southern Demo- 
crats to Congress. The Southern 
states had traditionally opposed 
the high tariffs favored by New 
England manufacturers, and most 
Southerners were against the 
deflationary policies currently ad- 
vocated by Northern bankers. It 
was not inconceivable to the 
Northern capitalists that a politi- 
cally resurgent South could thwart 
the continued flow of their 
profits. 

There was one solution that 
would gratify the politically ambi- 
tious Republicans, the Negro- 
worshipping egalitarians, and the 
greedy masters of finance and 
industry. If the majority of 
Southern White men could be 
disenfranchised (at this time 
women were not eligible to vote), 
and the Southern Blacks could be 
politically organized and given the 
vote, the easily manipulate- 
Blacks would guarantee the Re- 
publicans the control of every 
Southern state. 



The reconvened, Republican- 
dominated Congress began imme- 
diately to put this program into 
effect, at first feeling its way 
cautiously, then moving at in- 
creasing speed as the Radical 
reconstruction gathered momen- 
tum. 

The Southern Democrats were 
denied seats in Congress pending 
investigation of the situation in 
the reconstructed states. Nor- 
therners with pronounced pro- 
Black sympathies were dispatched 
to report on conditions in the 
former Confederate states. Their 
lurid tales of hard-core rebel 
sentiment and flagrant mistreat- 
ment of the Southern Blacks were 
expertly exploited by Stevens, 
Sumner, and their cronies in 
Congress. 

The Radical Republicans' 
attempts to embody their plans 
for reconstruction in legislation 
were frustrated by President 
Johnson in 1866. He vetoed both 
a congressional extension of the 
Freedmen's Bureau and a civil 
rights bill, forcing the Radicals to 
lay their hopes on the pivotal 
congressional elections that fall. 

Johnson's intemperate remarks 
and the Radical leaders' skill at 
evoking the memories of the Civil 
War resulted in a resounding 
victory for the Republican extre- 
mists and gave them a majority 
capable of overriding any presi- 
dential veto. 

By early March 1867 Congress 
had revived the Freedmen's Bur- 
eau and augmented its powers. 



Furthermore, the Radicals 
rammed through a five-part Re- 
construction Act which divided 
the South into military districts, 
each governed by a major general. 
Whites who had supported the 
Confederacy were disenfran- 
chised, and Blacks were em- 
powered to vote. As Thaddeus 
Stevens gloated, "I am for Negro 
suffrage in every rebel state. If it 
be just, it should not be denied; if 
it should be necessary, it should 
be adopted; if it be a punishment 
to traitors, they deserve it." 

In preparation for new, Radi- 
cal-supervised state constitutional 
conventions the Blacks were or- 
ganized politically by the Union 
(or Loyal) Leagues, which were 
secret societies run by Republi- 
cans imported from the North. In 
addition to acquainting the Blacks 
with the procedures of voting, the 
Leagues imparted to them a 
simplified version of the egali- 
tarian ideology, clothed in mysti- 
cal mumbo-jumbo contrived to 
impress the Black mentality. 

The voting for the conventions 
produced bodies dominated by 
Northern interlopers, their Sou- 
thern helpers, and former Black 
slaves. The Northerners, known 
as carpetbaggers because many of 
them had arrived in the South 
with all their worldly goods 
packed in bags sewn from dis- 
carded carpets, were from the 
outset chiefly interested in how 
much they could profit from the 
discomfiture of the South's White 
populace. They found willing 
accomplices in the scalawags, as 
turncoat Southerners were 
known, and credulous supporters 
in the ignorant, incompetent, and 
greedy Blacks who formed the 
basis of their electoral support. 

The effects of the state conven- 
tions were to some extent miti- 
gated by the very ignorance of the 
delegates, White and Black, who 
took part, since the new state 
constitutions were often copies, 
word for word, from existing 
Northern state constitutions. 
Nevertheless, Blacks were ac- 
corded full civil equality (adop- 
tion of the Fourteenth Amend- 
ment, passed by Congress in 1866, 
was made a condition of the 
former Confederate states' read- 
mission to the Union). 

The Southern state govern- 
ments during Reconstruction es- 
tablished standards for corruption 
and incompetence which even the 
"equal opportunity" regime of 
the present has so far not 
approached. While Federal troops 
held the mass of Southern Whites 
at bayonet point, governors, 
judges, and legislators joined in a 
merry chase after graft and 
bribes. State governments ran up 
staggering debts to finance un- 
heard-of luxuries while imposing 
a crushing tax burden on White 
property owners. 

The most sordid feature of 
Reconstruction government, of 
course, was the large-scale partici- 
pation of Blacks in it. White men 
and women ruined economically 
by the ravages of the war and by 
the confiscatory taxation which 
followed it could, on visiting their 
state capital, witness their former 
slaves, outfitted in tall silk hats 
and three-piece suits, swaggering 
to their seats in the legislature. 
These distinguished lawmakers 
enjoyed every possible amenity (at 
the White taxpayers' expense, of 
course). 

A representative example of 
Black misrule during Reconstruc- 



tion is provided by an account of 
the South Carolina government. 
South Carolina's legislature was 
the Blackest in the South, with 
more than three-fourths of its 
members Negroes. There were a 
Black state supreme court justice 
(whose decisions went to the 
highest bidder) and a Black 
lieutenant governor. Local offices 
throughout the state were held 
overwhelmingly by Blacks. 

James S. Pike, a Northern 
journalist who had once been a 
fervent abolitionist, wrote an 
unforgettable account of South 
Carolina under Black rule. Pike 
was sickened by the sight of the 
Black delegates who crammed the 
floor of the South Carolina 
House. "At some of the desks," 
he commented, "sit colored men 
whose types it would be hard to 
find outside of the Congo." The 
distinguished legislators lounged 
or slept in their chairs, often 
surrounded by a litter of peanut 
shells and an empty whisky bottle 
or two. The more conscientious 
members ensconced themselves 
behind open newspapers, often 
held upside down (few of the 
Black solons could read or write). 

Important business was often 
transacted at Fine's Saloon, 
across from the capitol. The 
saloon, which also housed a 
brothel, became known as "Re- 
publican Headquarters." 

And what business they trans- 
acted therel Exorbitant budgets 
were drawn up for "legislative 
supplies," which included hams, 
oysters, whisky, fine rugs, corsets, 
imported cigars, perfumes, dia- 
mond earrings, washtubs, cham- 
pagne, and anything else that 
struck the legislators' and their 
lady friends' fancies. During one 
session the legislators ran up a bill 
for $125,000 at the statehouse 



restaurant. The statehouse itself 
was refurbished with an expendi- 
ture of $200,000 for furniture 
worth $18,000, with the balance 
disappearing into the pockets of 
favorites and the proferrers of fat 
bribes. 

When the legislators turned 
their minds to the serious business 
of statecraft, the results were no 
less edifying. The state debt 
quickly soared from $7 million to 
$29 million. Big railway bonds 
were floated, with scarcely any- 
thing to show in terms of repair or 
new construction. During one 
memorable session, Franklin J. 
Moses, Jr., a scalawag who was 
speaker of the house, was voted a 
$1,000 "gratuity" to make up 
losses he had suffered at the race 
track. 

Moses, who later became 
governor, was typical of the 
White turncoats who swarmed 
into ttys ranks of the Southern 
Republicans. Despite his service in 
the Confederate Army, he became 
completely corrupt, joining the 
egalitarian Loyal League and 
building a large Black following. 
Moses amassed a large fortune 
through various sorts of cor- 
ruption and dissipated himself 
through prodigious eating and 
drinking. During one spree he was 
induced by a striptease artist to 
sign an issue of state bonds. 

These excesses were financed by 
exorbitant taxes on the hard- 
pressed White citizens, who were 
forced to forfeit vast amounts of 
land to the state government. As 
Joseph H. Rainey, a Black 
congressman, cackled, "Land in 
South Carolina is cheap. We likes 
to put on the taxes, so as to make 
it cheap!" 

The situation in the other 
reconstructed states was scarcely 
less appalling. North Carolina's 




TRAITORS TO THEIR RACE: Thaddeus Stevens (left) and Charles 
Sumner were the most important Congressional architects of Recon- 
struction. Stevens, the Speaker of the House, was a cynical and embit- 
tered man, who combined a hatred for the helpless Whites in the pros- 
trate South with a perverse affection for his mulatto housekeeper. 
Sumner, a longtime abolitionist fanatic in the Senate, hated the White 
Southerners almost as much as he despised the Irish immigrants to his 
native Massachusetts, but he idolized Negroes. 



legislature had its own brothel, 
right in the statehouse. The 
members looted an educational 
fund set up to benefit needy 
children. 

In Mississippi a program of aid 
for river navigation provided the 
chief opportunity for graft, Ar- 
kansas could boast a Black who 
received $9,000 for repairing a 
bridge which had cost $500 to 
build. 

Louisiana rivaled South Caro- 
lina in the extent and magnitude 
of its corruption, and its state- 
house, where Black lawmakers 
held forth on a floor littered with 



chicken bones and liquor bottles, 
was required sightseeing for 
curious tourists. 

As the 1860's gave way to the 
1870's, some of the Northern 
Radicals' ardor for Reconstruc- 
tion began to fade in the face of 
the endemic chaos and corruption 
which beset the Southern states. 
Carl Schurz, a German immigrant 
and a fervent abolitionist, whose 
reports from the South in 1865 
had done much to inspire Recon- 
struction, now reconsidered, 
calling the Reconstruction govern- 
ments "an usurpation such as this 
country has never seen, and 



171 

probably no citizen of the United 
States ever dreamed of," 

Nevertheless, despite the 
awakening of men like Schurz and 
Pike, the status quo was not about 
to be tampered with by the 
Republican administration of 
President Ulysses S. Grant, who 
had been swept in by a landslide in 
1868: a South solid for the 
Republicans guaranteed national 
power for decades to come. 

If there was any discontent 
among the members of the 
Reconstruction governments, it 
was among the Blacks. They were 
generally satisfied with their new- 
found civil rights, to be sure, and 
public service certainly paid well. 
But the carpetbaggers and scala- 
wags who maintained such 
government functions as were still 
intact were unaccountably drag- 
ging their heels on certain vital 
social issues, such as the right to 
racial intermarriage. Even clever 
attempts to make White women 
more approachable, such as nulli- 
fying the marriages of former 
Confederates, had been thwarted. 
Ah, well, the easy life of the 
statesman could suffice for the 
time being. As a contemporary 
Black ditty had it, 

"De bottom rail's on de top, 

An' we's gwine to keep it dar." 

But the days of the Black rulers 

and their treacherous White allies 

were numbered. The Whites of 

the South were down, but not out. 

Next month: The White man 
fights hack. 

T.O'K. 

(Issue No. 71, 1979) 



A Book Review by Professor Revilo P. Oliver 



Which Way, Western Man? 




To answer the question posed in 
the title of his book, William 
Gayley Simpson has condensed 
into 762 closely-printed pages the 
experience, the research, and the 
philosophical thought of a life- 
time. He is now 87, and he began 
to write the present book 35 years 
ago. It is a veritable encyclopedia 
of everything that is directly 
pertinent to our race's position in 
the world today and our proble- 
matic future. 

The book is unique. What 
makes it so cogent is that it is both 
an intellectual autobiography and 
a synoptic treatise. The reader, 
even if he begins with conditioned 
reflexes that make him hostile to 
his own race, can follow, step by 
step, the process by which reason 
and intellectual honesty forced 
Mr. Simpson to his conclusions. 



His work may also be taken 
symbolically as an epitome or 
recapitulation of the course of 
Western civilization, which like- 
wise began with the Christian 
faith of the Dark Ages and has 
now brought us to the point where 
we can no longer refuse to face the 
grim realities of the world in 
which we must either live or 
perish. 

Born in 1892 in an educated but 
sternly Christian family, Mr. 
Simpson was graduated, magna 
cum laude, from a highly reputed 
theological seminary. He became 
a minister, and, unlike most 
clergymen, had a religious faith so 
ardent that, instead of regarding 
some of the most striking parts of 
Christian doctrine as convenient 
subjects for professional oratory, 
he, like St. Francis, tried to live in 
logical conformity with them. 

Our race, like some others, has 
a strain of sentiment that can be 
excited by the idea of tapas, the 
mirific virtue and spiritual power 
produced by austerity, self- 
sacrifice, and self-mortification. 
The notion of tapas was a 
fundamental part of Aryan reli- 
gions from India to Scandinavia, 
and it was not remarkable that 
our ancestors, accustomed to 
venerate Odin, a god who, by an 
act of supreme self-sacrifice, 
hanged himself on the great 




WILLIAM GAYLEY SIMPSON 

world-tree so that he might arise 
from the dead, should* have 
accepted the cult of a god who 
had himself crucified and likewise 
rose from the dead; nor that, so 
long as they believed in their new 
religion, they held to the faith that 
spiritual excellence could be at- 
tained by inflicting degradation 
and pain on oneself. St. Francis 
was merely one of the many who 
had the fortitude to live up to that 
faith. 

Mr. Simpson, too, tried to 
carry the religion to its practical 
consequences, but, unlike St. 



Francis, he did not lapse into a 
kind of amiable insanity. He 
learned from his dolorous experi- 
ence that reality is not to be 
denied and that magic is either 
clever trickery or a hallucination. 
He realized that there was no way 
in which he "could be an honest 
man and remain a minister." 

Innumerable clerics, even in the 
darkest ages of Faith, found their 
creed unbelievable, but either 
took refuge in the Medieval 
aphorism, "populus vult decipi, 
ergo decipiatur" ["the people 
want to be deceived, therefore let 
them be deceived" — Ed.], or, if 
not without honesty, accepted 
Cardinal Dubois's celebrated dic- 
tum that God is a bogey that must 
be brandished in order to scare the 
masses into some semblance of 
civilized behavior. But since the 
forced unity of Christendom was 
effectively broken in the sixteenth 
century, not a few clergymen have 
publicly denounced the religion to 
which they gave assent in their 
youth. 

One of them, the first great 
apostate of the nineteenth cen- 
tury, the Reverend Mr. Robert 
Taylor, disregarded the pleas of 
his ecclesiastical superiors and 
friends, who urged him not to 
ruin a promising career in the 
Church, in which his talents 
destined him for high office, by 



publishing facts that could only 
disturb the placid credulity or 
proletarian fanaticism of the 
lower classes. His Diegesis (1829), 
a historical investigation of Chris- 
tianity and its relation to earlier 
religions, is a work of great 
learning and incisive scholarship, 
the more impressive today since 
many of the Christian gospels 
were still unknown when he wrote 
and he had at his disposal only a 
small fraction of the copious 
information about other early 
religions that subsequent dis- 
covery and research have now 
made available. 

Taylor perceived that the early 
Jews, with the duplicity that is 
their outstanding racial charac- 
teristic, "plagiarized the religious 
legends of the nations among 
whom their characteristic idleness 
and inferiority of understanding 
caused them to be vagabonds; and 
pretended that the furtive patch- 
work was a system of theology 
intended by heaven for their 
exclusive benefit." Under the 
cover of that brazen pretense, the 
Jews insinuated themselves into 
every nation whose prosperity 
they wished to exploit. Their 
migratory bands of "commercial, 
speculating thieves" were ever 
"ready to play into and keep up 
any religious farce that might 
serve to invest them with an 



172 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

Western Man Must Assert Himself or Perish 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



173 



imaginary sanctity of character 
and increase their influence over 
the minds of the majority, whose 
good nature and ignorance in all 
ages and countries is but ever too 
ready to subscribe the claims thus 
made upon it." 

Taylor was not really a precur- 
sor of Nietzsche, but he did 
identify the greatest of the 
innumerable hoaxes by which the 
Self-Chosen People have through- 
out history imposed on the 
gullible goyim and thus raised 
themselves from a miserable tribe 
of despicable barbarians, practi- 
cing primitive taboos and gro- 
tesque sexual mutilations, to the 
most formidable power in the 
world today. 

Taylor differs from other pro- 
minent apostates and most of 
their contemporary deists and 
atheists, who inclined to esteem 
the Jews as enemies of Christiani- 
ty. The others were taken in by 
another great hoax, the endless 
whining by the Jews that they 
were "persecuted" during the 
Middle Ages, when the Church 
gave them a virtual monopoly of 
usury, sorcery, and international 
trade; when they spun financial 
webs about kings and noblemen 
and most rulers were attended by 
skilled Jewish physicians, always 
spies and potentially executioners; 
when the Jews exercised such 
political, intellectual, and econo- 
mic power that, as Bernard S. 
Bachrach has shown in his Early 
Medieval Jewish Policy in West- 
ern Europe (University of Minne- 
sota, 1977), out of the 98 rulers 
whose policies he examines in 
detail, 88 (including Charle- 
magne) had to pursue pro-Jewish 
policies, while the ten who 
attempted to oppose the aliens in 
their domains went down to 
failure in one way or another; 
when the Jews could usually count 
on royal or ecclesiastical protec- 
tion whenever their depredations 
excited local resentment so strong 
that it became violent; when even 
the famous and belated expulsion 
of Jews from England and Spain 
overlooked those who thought it 
worth while to have themselves 
sprinkled with holy water; and 
when the Church itself was a great 
ladder by which marranos 
climbed to power and wealth, 
laughing among themselves at the 
stupidity of the goyim who 
imagined that a Jew could be 
transmuted by a few drops of 
magic fluid. 

I therefore exempt Taylor from 
the generalizations about apos- 
tates I shall make below. His was 
a vigorous and incisive mind, and 
I am unwilling to guess how much 
of Christian doctrine he unwit- 
tingly retained. 

Almost all of the apostates and 
anti-Christians of recent centuries 
exemplify the operation of what 
may be called the law of cultural 
residues. In all civilized societies, 
when a long-established and 
generally accepted belief is found 
to be incredible, good minds 
abandon it, but they commonly 
retain derivative beliefs that were 
originally deduced from the creed 
they have rejected and logically 
must depend on it. Thus it 
happened that modern enemies of 
Christianity rejected the mytho- 
logy, but uncritically retained 
faith in the social superstitions 
derived from it — a faith which 



they oddly call rational but hold 
With a religious fervor. 

They laugh at the silly story 
about Adam and his spare rib, but 
they continue to believe in a 
"human race" descended from a 
single pair of ancestors and hence 
in a "brotherhood of man." They 
speak of "all mankind," giving to 
the term an unctuous and mystic 
meaning with which they do not 
invest corresponding terms, such 
as "all marsupials" or "all 
ungulates." They prate about the 
"rights of man," although a 
moment's thought should suffice 
to show that, in the absence of a 
decree from a supernatural mo- 
narch, there can be no rights other 
than those which the citizens of a 
stable and homogeneous society 
have, by covenant or established 
custom, bestowed on themselves; 
and that while the citizens may 
show kindness to aliens, slaves, 
and dogs, such beings obviously 
can have no rights. 

They do not believe that 
one-third of a god became 
incarnate in the most squalid 
region on earth to associate with 
illiterate peasants, harangue the 
rabble of a barbarian race, and 
magically exalt the ignorant and 
uncouth to "make folly of the 
wisdom of this world," so that 
"the last shall be first" — that 
they do not believe, but they cling 
to the morbid hatred of superiori- 
ty that makes Christians dote on 
whatever is lowly, inferior, irra- 
tional, debased, deformed, and 
degenerate. 

They gabble about the "sanc- 
tity of human life" — especially 
the vilest forms of it — without 
reflecting that it takes a god to 
make something sacred. And they 
frantically agitate for a universal 
"equality" that can be attained 
only by reducing all human beings 
to the level of the lowest, 
evidently unaware that they are 
merely echoing the Christians' 
oft-expressed yearning to become 
sheep (the most stupid of all 
mammals) herded by a good 
shepherd, which is implicit in all 
the tales of the New Testament. 

Although the "Liberal" and 
Marxist cults have doctrinal dif- 
ferences as great as those that 
separate Lutherans from Baptists, 
they are basically the same 
superstition, and whether or not 
we should call them religions 
depends on whether we restrict the 
word to belief in supernatural 
persons or extend it to include all 
forms of blind faith based on 
emotional excitement instead of 
observed facts and reason. 

When those "atheistic" cults 
scream out their hatred of "Fa- 
scists" and "Nazis," they obvi- 
ously must believe that those 
wicked persons are possessed of 
the Devil and should therefore be 
exterminated to promote holiness 
and love. And when< they see 
"racists," who impiously substi- 
tute fact and reason for unthink- 
ing faith in approved fairy stories, 
their lust to extirpate evil is as 
great as that of the Christian mob 
that dragged the fair and too- 
intelligent Hypatia from her car- 
riage and lovingly used oyster 
shells to scrape the flesh from her 
bones while she was still alive. 
[Hypatia was a Neoplatonic philo- 
sopher, renowned for her beauty, 
who taught at Alexandria and was 



murdered by a Christian mob in 
the year 415 at the incitement of 
Cyril, archbishop of Alexan- 
dria. — Ed,] 

With very few exceptions, the 
anti-Christians, no doubt unwit- 
tingly, retained in their minds a 
large part of Christian doctrine, 
and they even revived the most 
poisonous elements of the primi- 
tive Bolshevism, which had been 
attenuated or held in abeyance by 
the established churches in the 
great days of Christendom. And 
today professed atheists do not 
think it odd that, on all social 
questions, they are in substantial 
agreement with the howling der- 
vishes and evangelical shamans 
who, subsidized with lavish publi- 
city by the Jews who control the 
boob-tubes and other means of 
communication, greedily partici- 
pate in the current drive to reduce 
Americans to total imbecility with 
every kind of irrational hoax, 
from astrology to "pyramid 
power." 

It is to the great honor of Mr. 
Simpson that, as he says some- 
where in his book, he is not a man 
"to do things by halves." When 
he ascertained that the Biblical 
fictions were unbelievable, he 
logically perceived that the residue 
of derivative superstitions was 
equally mythical. He had the 
intellectual vigor and integrity to 
begin a search for truth, i.e., 
ascertained facts about the real 
world — a search that is an 
intellectual drama narrated in his 
candid pages. His studies of all 
subjects relating to the social 
realities of our time were thor- 
ough and almost exhaustive, and 
his citations from writers of 
recognized scientific and scholarly 
competence form a bibliography 
of almost encyclopedic scope. 

Mr. Simpson resolutely exa- 
mines the psychological and social 
consequences of our great indus- 
trial technology, which made us 
masters of the whole earth until 
Jewish superstitions paralyzed our 
vital instincts as well as our 
rationality, so that now our own 
technology is being used by our 
enemies "with deadly effective- 
ness to produce a herd of 
fellaheen, bemused, stupefied, 
tamed cattle, whom it will be easy 
for them to milk in the world-state 
corral they now have nearly ready 
to receive them." That is a fact 
that no candid observer of the 
present will doubt, but Mr. 
Simpson goes on to consider the 
effects of industrial organization, 
which is necessarily inhuman, on 
the biological entity that is man. 

Needless to say, there can be no 
question of abandoning the tech- 
nological power on which alone 
depends our only chance to 
survive in the world we lost, but it 
is well that we understand the 
price that we must pay for power. 

One chapter in this book 
ruthlessly demolishes a prejudice 
that has been inculcated into all of 
us by the dominant mythology. 
Sixty-five years ago, when the 
great American student of histori- 
cal causality, Correa Moylan 
Walsh (who would be ranked with 
Spengler, had he been born in 
Europe), identified the causes of 
the catastrophic decline that was 
then already imminent, he noted 
the perverse "ef feminization of 
men, for which the mascuiiniza- 
tion of women will be no 



compensation," and he devoted 
the third volume of his Climax of 
Civilization to the systematic 

illusion called Feminism. 

Limiting himself to essentials, 
Mr. Simpson has more concisely 
shown that, as should be obvious 
to anyone who looks about him, 
"men and women are funda- 
mentally differenLcreatures," 
both physiologically and, what is 
even more important, psychologi- 
cally. It is, of course, irrelevant 
that a dream of sexual equality 
may, like a dream of immortality, 
fascinate tender minds that need 
hallucinations to shield them from 
reality; and a calm consideration 
of the facts is particularly timely 
now, when screeching Jewesses 
are whipping the disinherited and 
bewildered females of our race 
into epidemic hysteria, thus ap- 
plying the immemorial technique 
of their race, which, as some of its 
leading agitators have frankly 
stated, consists in creating dissen- 
sion, antagonisms, and social 
disruption by finding groups of 
individuals who can be isolated on 
the basis of some supposed 
common interest and persuaded 
by artful sophistries that they are 
the victims of "social injustice" 
and "oppression." 

It is a grim fact that our people 
today is as hag-ridden with 
superstitions as were our ances- 
tors in the Middle Ages. We have 
voluntarily shut our eyes to reality 
as though life were a child's game 
to be played by capering blind- 
folded, until now we stand, as 
A.K. Chesterton says in his 
posthumous book of that title, 
facing the abyss. Our recent 
history reminds one of the old 
Mexican myth of Toveyo, the 
cunning sorcerer who extermi- 
nated theToltecs by beating faster 
and faster on a magic drum that 
made the hypnotized people dance 
ever more furiously until they, 
exhausted, made a final leap into 
the abyss of eternal night. 

If we are not to follow the 
Toltecs, we must at last use the 
cognitive and objectively rational 
powers that are peculiar to our 
racial mentality. Whether our 
decaying race still has the will or 
even the capacity to make that 
effort is the only question, and it 
must be answered soon. 

Mr. Simpson is too honest to 
palliate our peril with illusory 
hopes or tranquilizing verbiage. 
His book, I warn you, is only for 
those who dare look upon the 
stark realities of a terrible uni- 
verse. The sun is but a lonely 
spark amid billions of suns that 
are themselves lost in endless 
night, and in all of infinity our 
planet may be the only lump of 
rock infected with sentient life, of 
which men are merely a peculiar 
and ephemeral variety. 

Among the mammalian bipeds, 
our race is a small and hated 
minority. For us there is no help 
from the infinite void that encom- 
passes us, and no help beneath the 
clouds, except in ourselves. Like 
all living organisms, we must fight 
to survive in the unceasing 
struggle for life. But, as Mr. 
Simpson reminds us, seeking mere 
survival is not enough: a race can 
survive only by aggression. 

At their origin through some 
biological mutation or phenome- 
nal hybridism, the Jews can have 



been no more than a band of 
squalid savages, less numerous 
and less important than the 
Mohicans or the Algonquins on 
this continent. Had their ambition 
been only to survive as a tribe, 
they would soon have disappeared, 
absorbed into the teeming popula- 
tions of the Near East. But that 
minuscule race, inspired by impla- 
cable hatred, perfected through 
ruthlessly selective breeding a very 
high degree of predatory intelli- 
gence and a genius for dissimula- 
tion and deceit. Endowed with a 
loyalty to their own race that 
maintained their unity in disper- 
sion, they infiltrated more civil- 
ized nations to exploit the super- 
stitions and appetites, the gulli- 
bility and venality, of the masses. 
Thus, in only 25 centuries, they 
became the arbiters and virtually 
the masters of the world today. 

If our race has been so 
debilitated by menticidal illusions 
that it no longer has the will to 
subjugate and dominate other 
races, then, by the irrevocable law 
of all life, it has become unfit to 
survive. If that is so, the 
superiority that we won by our 
courage and technological power 
and have now lost by our fatuity is 
lost forever, and despite what you 
and I may wish or hope, we are, in 
the grim balance of nature, what 
the Jews believe us to be, an 
irredeemably inferior species, fit 
only for brutish servitude or, at 
best, extinction. 



Dr. Revilo P. Oliver is Profes- 
sor of the Classics at the Univer- 
sity of Illinois, in Urbana. He 
received his Ph.D. there In 1940 
and has been a member of the 
faculty since then, except for a 
three-year period of service as a 
research director for the War 
Department during the Second 
World War. He is active in a 
number of scholarly societies in 
the fields of philology, modern 
and ancient languages, history, 
archaeology, and philosophy. 
Among his many publications are 
a translation of a drama from the 
Sanskrit (The Little Clay Cart, 
J93S) and a critical edition of 
Niccolo Perot ti's version of the 
Enchiridion of Epictetus (1954). 

Dr. Oliver has also long been an 
active partisan of our Aryan race, 
with numerous books, pamphlets, 
and articles to his credit, including 
Conspiracy or Degeneracy? (1967) 
and Christianity and the Survival 
of the West (2nd edition, Howard 
Allen, 1978). When William 
Simpson's book appeared last 
year, Dr. Oliver immediately 
recognized its unique value and 
began recommending it highly, 
and, although not a member of 
'the National Alliance, has contri- 
buted this review of it to 
NATIONAL VANGUARD 



Reconstruction II: The Whites Fight Back 



(Issue No. 72, 1979) 




As the evening shadows leng- 
thened on the deserted streets of 
Franklin, Tennessee, Saul Bier- 
field sat amidst the piled wares of 
his prosperous dry-goods store, 
greedily devouring a watermelon. 
Two of his Black stock boys 
lounged beside him, gorging 
themselves on the pulpy red fruit. 

Normally Bierfield would have 
had every justification for a rich 
and mellow satisfaction. Trade 
was booming, and it was the local 
Black freedmen who were his 
most devoted customers. The 
merchant considered himself to be 
a man without prejudice. He 
himself, a Russian Jew, could tell 
many tales of his misfortunes at 
the hands of the Russian tsar — 
tales which gained from plaintive- 
ness what they lacked in particu- 
lars. Weren't the Blacks like the 
children of Israel, who had slaved 
for Pharaoh and then been 
delivered through the terrible 
mercy of Yahweh, the Almighty? 

If there was cause to worry, it 
was entirely due to his support 
and leadership of the local Blacks. 
What had begun with his selling 
of firearms to the freedmen — 
entirely legal, indeed humane, 
according to his way of looking at 
it — had three weeks before 
escalated into violence. There had 
been some story of a young White 
girl raped by a Negro. Bierfield 
could sympathize with the poor 
Black fellow: he knew how cold 
and unyielding these shiksas could 
be. 

What was unforgiveable was 
that the girl's brother, a young 
tough named Ezell, had taken it 
into his own hands to murder the 
defenseless Negro. Bierfield knew 
his obligations. The Black folk 
needed direction: their afflictions 
were dire. Besides, he had consi- 
dered, if he failed to help them 
they might take their business 
elsewhere. 

So Bierfield had disguised 
himself in a long, flowing robe, 
saddled up his horse, and led a 
party of Blacks to seek out Ezell. 
On a deserted stretch of road 
outside Franklin, from behind the 
concealment of a wall, they had 
shot down the young White man 
like the dog he was. 

The Jew's only worry was that 
somehow the other Whites might 
find out. Not likely, though, he 
thought. They were smart, all 
right, far smarter than the Blacks. 
But not as smart as a Jew. 

Sitting in the darkness with his 
two Black boys, Bierfield allowed 
himself a smile. What would they 
think back in the shtetft Saul 
Bierfield, out-Cossacking the 
Cossacks, and turning a hand- 
some profit to bootl 

Bierfield was snapped from his 
reveries with a shock as the back 
door to his establishment burst 
open with a splintering crash. The 
two Blacks tried to stave off the 
masked, robed assailants, as 
Bierfield raced out the front door. 
One Negro, struck at close range 
by a large-caliber bullet, pitched 
over, mortally wounded. The 
other darted to safety out the 
back. 

Ezell's avengers caught up with 
Bierfield a hundred yards from 
the store. The merchant begged 
for his life. His old mother would 
die from the shock, Bierfield 
pleaded. 




THE BATTLE OF LIBERTY PLACE: On September 14, 1874, several 
hundred members of the White League routed a strong force of mostly 
Black metropolitan police at Liberty Place on Canal Street in New 
Orleans. Sixteen Whites were killed and perhaps three times as many 
Blacks in a brief but violent struggle during which both sides employed 
artillery as well as small arms. The Incident was provoked by the 



Intransigence of Louisiana's Radical governor, William Kellogg, who 
had attempted to prevent the unloading of a cargo of arms purchased 
legally by New Orleans Whites. Allhough the troops of Ihe White 
League captured the statehouse the next day, the Intervention of 
Federal troops at the order of President Grant deferred for two more 
years Louisiana's return to White rule. 



Four heavy horse pistols, of the 
type carried by Confederate caval- 
rymen during the Civil War, 
cracked simultaneously. The 
range was so close that Bierfield's 
clothes were singed by the muzzle 
flashes. The Jew collapsed, rolled 
over once, and came to rest, face 
down, in the gutter. Churchgoers 
found his body there the next 
morning, Sunday, August 16, 
1868. 



Radical Reconstruction had an 
early start in Tennessee. The 
Union armies had conquered large 
parts of the state by the end of the 
war, and by that time there was 
already a functioning, if provi- 
sional, Union government, which 
enjoyed substantial support 
among the pro-Northern Whites 
in mountainous eastern Tennes- 
see. 

In 1865 William G. "Parson" 
Brownlow, a fire-eating Unionist 
during the war, was elected 
governor of the state. During the 
two postwar years in which the 
White Southerners in the other 
states which had seceded were 
slowly establishing a new political 
and social order on the ruins of 
the ante-bellum system, Brown- 
low was setting up a full-blown 
Radical regime. 

Brownlow, who controlled the 
electoral machinery, denied ex- 
Confederates the vote, while 
enfranchising the Black freedmen. 



Whites who had taken part in the 
secession were forbidden to carry 
weapons, while Brownlow or- 
ganized his Black supporters into 
companies of riflemen. The situ- 
ation General J.H. Clanton des- 
cribed in Alabama in his testi- 
mony before a congressional 
committee in 1871 held true in 
Tennessee: "The White people 
did not go to the polls .... But 
the Negroes marched to the polls 
by battalions, armed with muskets 
and stepping to the beat of 
drums." 

The Blacks, whipped to a 
frenzy by the carpetbag leaders of 
the Loyal Leagues, engaged in an 
orgy of murder, rape, arson, and 
theft. Brownlow's administration 
greeted these outrages with indul- 
gence, often securing the release 
of Black offenders within hours 
of their capture. WheTe the Blacks 
did not resort to outright crimi- 
nality, they assumed a swaggering 
arrogance toward the less pros- 
perous Whites, aping some of 
their former plantation masters in 
contempt for the "po' White 
trash." 

It was a foregone conclusion 
that the Whites of Tennessee, 
most of whom had supported 
withdrawal from the Union in the 
face of far less onerous grie- 
vances, would attempt to defend 
themselves by whatever means 
came to hand. The rise of White 
resistance to Brownlow's tyranny, 
nevertheless, came from an unex- 
pected quarter. 



As six young Confederate veter- 
ans whiled away a late December 
evening in a Pulaski, Tennessee, 
law office in 1 865, one of them hit 
upon the idea of founding a social 
club to relieve the drabness and 
misery of postwar existence, The 
club was to be purely for 
amusement, drawing on college 
fraternities and secret societies for 
its rituals and by-laws. 

As the embers in the fireplace 
died down, the six outbid each 
other in enthusiasm for the 
projected society. Its members 
would be initiated with weird 
rites. Each of the men assumed a 
grandiloquent title of office. 

The founders devised a gro- 
tesque costume, consisting of 
flowing robes, a peaked hat, and 
an eerie mask. One member 
proposed the name Kuklux, in- 
spired by kyklos, the Greek word 
for circle, and another completed 
it with the alliterative Klan, 
doubtless called to mind by the 
founding members' Scotch-Irish 
ancestry. 

The first six Klansmen, Mc- 
Cord, Lester, Kennedy, Crowe, 
Jones, and Reed, began the 
circumspect recruitment of 
friends for the embryonic frater- 
nal group. Soon the Kuklux Klan 
was large enough to stage a 
bizarre procession through the 
streets of Pulaski. The Klansmen, 
mounted on horses, wrapped in 
sheets decorated with mysterious 
emblems, greatly heartened their 



fellow Whites by their skylarking 
pratfaJlsand evident good humor. 
But the Klansmen observed a 
curious reaction among one seg- 
ment of Pulaski's residents. The 
town's Blacks, frightened by the 
masked apparitions, fled to their 
homes in terror. The fledgling 
club's members were not long in 
taking to heart the lesson of this 
incident; they quickly recognized 
the Kuklux KJan's potential for 
restoring order among the Blacks 
of surrounding Giles County. At 
first, force was not needed to 
intimidate the freedmen; the 
spectral effect of the ghostly, 
hooded riders sufficed. 

The Klansmen perfected a 
number of pranks which played 
on the Blacks' superstitious fears. 
One tactic was to visit an unruly 
Negro after dark and to have one 
of their number ask for a drink of 
water. When offered the usual 
drinking gourd, he would toss it 
away and ask for the whole 
bucket. Then the Klansman would 
drain the pail without stopping 
for breath, thanks to the aid of a 
funnel behind his mask, which 
was connected by a rubber hose to 
an oilcloth bag beneath his robe. 

This feat accomplished, the 
horseman would remark in sepul- 
chral tones, "That was good. 
That's the first drink I've had 
since 1 was killed at the battle of 
Shilohj and you get mighty thirsty 
down in Hell." If the bug-eyed 
Negro didn't run off then and 
there, gibbering in panic, he 



174 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



found ample reason to reform his 
conduct. 

The Kuklux Klan grew rapidly 
during the fall of 1866 and the 
following winter, as its reputation 
for effectiveness spread among 
Whites of the neighboring coun- 
ties. When at last a Black had the 
presence of mind to fire shots at 
the white-robed riders, wounding 
a Klansrnan, the myth of the 
Klan's ghostly incorporeality was 
broken. The White raiders began 
to dye their robes in less visible 
reds and blacks and to rely in- 
creasingly on their revolvers and 
rifles. 

As additional Klan chapters, or 
dens, as they were called, blos- 
somed throughout central and 
western Tennessee, there de- 
veloped a need for a more 
efficient, centralized command. 
The rapidly proliferating units 
were often undisciplined and had 
only an informal allegiance to the 
Pulaski den, which in any case 
had not been organized with the 
intention of serving as the com- 
mand center of a White resistance 
movement. 

In April 1867 a number of 
Tennesseans met at Maxwell 
House, a leading hotel in Nash- 
ville. There they reorganized the 
Ku Klux Klan, as it was known 




GEN, NATHAN B. FORREST 

from that time, on a more formal, 
hierarchical basis. General Na- 
than Bedford Forrest, CSA, one 
of the leading tacticians of the 
Civil War, accepted the leadership 
of the movement, taking the 
fanciful title of "Grand Wizard." 
(The colorful and, to a large 
extent, nonsensical names for 
leaders and units were stan- 
dardized at this time.) General 
George Gordon, CSA, drafted a 
constitution, known as the "pre- 
script," which laid out the Klan's 
purpose and procedures. 

It would be an exaggeration to 
characterize the "Invisible Em- 
pire," even after the Nashville 



Ryland Randolph, Klansrnan 



Ryland Randolph, "Grand 
Cyclops" of the Ku Klux Klan 
den in Tuscaloosa, Alabama, 
was typical of the men who led 
the original Ku Klux Klan. A 
journalist, he published and 
edited the Tuscaloosa Indepen- 
dent Monitor, quickly turning 
it into a devastatingly effective 
organ for pro-White propa- 
ganda. 

Like almost all the details of 
the Klan's organizational his- 
tory, Randolph's role in foun- 
ding the Tuscaloosa unit is 
obscure. What is certain is that 
the rise of the Klan in 
Tuscaloosa occurred shortly 
after "Imperial Wizard" Na- 
than Bedford Forrest made 
what was advertised as a 
"speaking tour" through nor- 
thern Alabama in early 1868. 

That spring Randolph began 
to print Klan notices and 
warnings in his newspaper, 
feigning ignorance as to their 
source. He reported the alleged 
receipt of a bloodcurdling 
message from the "Grand 
Cyclops," who was left uni- 
dentified: 

"Cyclops warns it — print it 
well, 

Or glide instanter down to 
hell." 

As the rise of Klan activity in 
Alabama elicited the same 
panicky response from Federal 
officials and from the carpet- 
baggers and scalawags who 
were their creatures as it had in 
Tennessee, Randolph ham- 
mered at the race traitors with 
biting ridicule. When General 
Shepherd, commander of the 
military district which included 
Alabama, issued a general 
order aimed at suppressing the 
movement, Randolph com- 
pared him in an editorial to 
"Xerxes, madly lashing the 
waves of the Hellespont in his 
impotent wrath at their des- 
truction of his bridge of boats, 
and Canute coolly command- 



ing the tide to retire from his 
approach." 

Randolph also led the fight 
against the appointment of the 
Reverend A. S. Lakin, a carpet- 
bagging Methodist minister, to 
the presidency of the Univer- 
sity of Alabama. Lakin was 
swept out of his post after one 
day on a wave of vituperative 
rhetoric, all the more potent 
through the preacher's know- 
ledge that it was by no means 
idle, which culminated in Ran- 
dolph's ominous prediction of 
a lynching bee which would 
leave Lakin, in the journalist's 
colorful phrase, "a feast for 
anthropophagous vermin." 

Let it not be imagined that 
the pen was Randolph's only 
weapon. Although his night- 
time forays remain veiled in 
darkness and cloaked in the 
robes of the Klan, one public 
incident revealed his courage 
by the light of day. When a 
hulking and arrogant Black, 
Balus by name,. made so bold 
as to insult a White woman on 
a crowded street, Randolph 
leapt to her defense. Despite 
the presence of a crowd of the 
Black's friends, the chivalrous 
journalist drew his knife, 
slashed Balus across the face, 
and then thrashed him with his 
bare hands. 

The incident inspired Ran- 
dolph to write an editorial 
entitled "Niggers, Radicals, 
and Ghosts," in which he 
remarked, with pardonable 
satisfaction, "The cutting and 
beating of the insolent fellow 
Balus on the 28th ult. in the 
presence of crowds of his 
fellow niggers has had a 
salutary influence on the whole 
of niggerdom hereabouts. 
They now feel their inferiority, 
in every particular, to the 
White man." 

They don't make American 
newspapermen the way they 
used to! 



meeting, as a centralized^ con- 
sciously revolutionary movement. 
Local initiatives in response to 
local circumstances were still the 
rule, although there was often a 
high degree of cooperation and 
interaction between neighboring 
dens. 

Nonetheless, the re-organized, 
streamlined Klan units had little 
difficulty in sending Governor 
Brownlow's Black-and-Tans mili- 
tias reeling in disarray. Brownlow 
had little better luck in his efforts 
to gain the support of the Federal 
garrison in Tennessee. General 
Thomas, the "Rock of Chicka- 
mauga," despite his service on the 
Northern side during the Civil 
War, did not hasten to assist in 
the suppression of his fellow 
Whites. During the remainder of 
1867 and throughout 1868 the lot 
of the carpetbaggers, scalawags, 
and Negro freedmen of Tennessee 
deteriorated mightily. 

"Parson" Brownlow rushed 
through laws and more laws, with 
scant effect. The enactment of the 
most draconian penalties failed to 
stay the onslaught of the Klan, 
which was by then rampant in 
northern Alabama and the pied- 
mont area of North and South 
Carolina as well as in Tennessee. 

The race traitors among the 
Whites now trembled in terror at 
the implacability of the night 
riders. One A.H. Eastman, an 
agent of the Freedmen's Bureau at 
Murfreesboro, testified before a 
congressional committee set up to 
investigate the Ku Klux Klan that 
he had found it expedient to sleep 
with a revolver under his pillow, 
"a double-barreled shotgun, hea- 
vily charged with buckshot, at one 
hand, and a hatchet at the other, 
with an inclination to sell the little 
piece of mortality with which I am 
entrusted as dearly as possible." 

The clergymen who had flocked 
south to instill in the Blacks 
delusions of a God-given equality 
now experienced many a dark 
night of the soul. As one man of 
the cloth wrote, "To be for weeks 
in constant expectation of being 
murdered or burrted out, and 
without losing faith in God, is 
something of a strain on the 
nerves." 

In a typical incident, a White 
mob disrupted a Methodist service 
at Berryville, Tennessee, which 
was being conducted by a carpet- 
bagging preacher from Baltimore. 
The parson took to his heels with 
bullets singing past his ears and 
was not seen in that district again. 

Governor Brownlow decided to 
destroy the Klan through infiltra- 
tion. To this end he hired 
Seymour Barmore, a Cincinnati 
private eye who billed himself as 
"the greatest detective in the 
world." Barmore, whose plum- 
colored pantaloons, velvet jack- 
ets, and glittering diamond stick- 
pins seemed hardly to jibe with 
the common notion of the plain- 
clot hesman, actually succeeded in 
infiltrating the Pulaski den, which 
the authorities evidently thought 
still exercised command. This 
piece of cloak-and-dagger handi^ 
work was not crowned with 
success, however; several weeks 
later the corpse of the world's 
greatest detective was fished from 
the Duck River at Booker's Ferry 
Bridge. 

The Klan's activities .sparked a 
surge of enthusiasm among the 
Whites,, while totally demoralizing 
Tennessee's Black population. In 
1869 the Negroes stayed away 
from the polls in droves, and 




RACE TRAITOR'S END: This drawing, from an anti-Klan source, is 
as good an illustration as any of the Ku Klux Klan's short way with tire 
carpetbaggers and scalawags who set the South 's Blacks over the Whites 
to further their own ambitions. Despite their dread repute, Klan units 
usually gave their race's oppressors an opportunity to mend their ways, 
or to depart, before flogging them or, in extreme cases, executing them. 
D.H. Chamberlain, a Radical, pro-Black state senator from South 
Carolina, in his testimony before the congressional committee formed 
to investigate the Klan in 1871, was constrained to admit: "1 think the 
class who suffered the most from the Ku Klux outrages have all been 
bad officeholders. I think that a man is safer In their hands if he 
conducts himself decently." 



Brownlow 's Radical Republican 
regime gave way to a pro- White 
Democratic administration. 

The Ku Klux Klan did not long 
outlive Brownlow's government 
of carpetbaggers and scalawags, 
however. Its success inspired the 
passage and enforcement of radi- 
cal measures designed to root out 
White militant activity through 
the massive employment of Feder- 
al troops and through high- 
handed (and unconstitutional, as 
the Supreme Court later deter- 
mined) legal practices, including 
the denial of habeas corpus. 

Three so-called "force bills" 
passed by Congress in 1870 and 
1871 provided stringent penalties 
for resisting the Black-and-Tans 
Reconstruction regimes. Nine 
counties in South Carolina were 
placed under direct military con- 
trol, and hundreds of White 
activists were arrested and thrown 
into jail by military tribunals. 

Just as instrumental in the 
Klan's decline was the move- 
ment's nature as a localized, 
rural, pre-industrial secret society. 
The fetish for secrecy and mystery 
made it difficult for the public to 
understand the Klan's aims (Klan 
notices were typically phrased in 
studiedly illiterate doggerel). 

Individual dens acted on the 
whims of their leaders and 
members, with sometimes strange 
results: a number of Klan, units 
even allowed "decent, upstand- 
ing" Blacks to take part in their 
activities. Finally, certain Klan 
chapters had gotten out of hand, 
and spurious dens had sprung up, 
in which thieves and brigands 
traded on the anonymity and 
prestige conferred by Klan robes 
to carry out various crimes. 

Thus, by 1871 at the latest, 
General Forrest had officially 
disbanded the Klan. It had 
accomplished excellent work in 
fanning the sparks of White 
resistance into flames, but the 
Klan's fire had run its course. 

Contemporaneously with the 
rise of the Ku Klux Klan in the 
piedmont, other White resistance 
groups had sprung up in the Black 
Belt of Mississippi and Alabama, 
as well as in Louisiana and the 
tidewater region of North and 
South Carolina. Some of them 



were more moderate on the race 
question than the Klan; some, like 
the Knights of the White Camelia, 
which flourished in Louisiana, 
exceeded the Klan in the single- 
mindedness with which they 
strove for White racial integrity. 

All these movements for the 
restoration of White rule were 
hard hit by the tyrannical Mea- 
sures imposed by the Republican 
regime in Washington. The recon- 
structed state governments relied 
increasingly on force, supplied by 
Federal troops and marshals, to 
shore up their crumbling authori- 
ty. 

The pace of Radical counter- 
attacks against the resurgent 
Whites of the South could not 
long be maintained, however, 
Despite Grant's sweeping victory 
against Horace Greeley in the 
1872 election, his support quickly 
began to unravel in the face of 
popular disgust at the venality and 
corruption which extended to the 
highest levels of the Grant admini- 
stration. 

The great depression which 
began in 1873 drained further 
support from Grant and the 
Radicals, as the Northern public 
became less disposed to lavish 
money and manpower on the 
costly business of keeping the 
former states of the Confederacy 
under military occupation and 
supervision. 

Meanwhile, in the South the 
changing circumstances were gi- 
ving rise to a new sort of 
movement, which combined thd 
emphasis on armed resistance of 
the earlier White groups with a 
comprehensive strategy for politi- 
cal action. Organizations like the 
Red Shirts in South Carolina and 
the White League in Louisiana, 
which cdmprised a broad social 
spectrum and were generally led 
by planters and merchants, em- 
ployed both bullets and ballots in 
their attempts to unseat the 
increasingly beleagured Recon- 
struction governments. 

One such development was the 
White militias and political unions 
organized in Mississippi. Col- 
lectively styled the "Mississippi 
plan" for challenging carpetbag- 
ger, scalawag, and Black rule, 
these groups differed from the Ku 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



175 



South's Leaders Sparked White Resistance, Lacked Long-Range Ideas 



Klux Klan in that only their 
procedures and rituals were kept 
secret: the Whites who belonged 
to them made no attempt to 
conceal their membership. On the 
contrary, they drilled openly with 
rifles and even artillery. The 
Mississippians took particular 
care to disrupt Republican rallies, 
a standard tactic being to mass on 
horseback, armed to the teeth, 
and then to circle menacingly 
around the assembled and by then 
cowed Blacks, with loud hints as 
to the possibility, as the White 
riders put it, that they "might kill 
some bucks today." 

By 1872 the Whites of Missis- 
sippi and the other Southern 
states had begun to make real 
headway at the polls. The year be- 
fore, the ironclad oath required pf 
White voters, by which White 
Southerners swore that they had 
done nothing to aid in the seces- 
sion, had been abolished. All but 
750 former Confederates were eli- 
gible to vote and hold office. Ri- 
sing Democratic (i.e., White) 
strength at the polls led to ever 
more numerous electoral victories 
and forced the remaining Sou- 
thern Radical regimes to ever 
more dubious expedients to retain 
power. 

Outright electoral fraud on the 
part of the Republicans was now 
accompanied by the use of force 



to reverse the outcomes of 
unfavorable ballotings. In Louisi- 
ana, in 1872, the Democrats won 
a sweeping victory, which Gover- 
nor Kellogg's Radical regime 
refused to recognize. For several 
months rival state legislatures, 
Republican and Democrat, sat, 
and two self-proclaimed gover- 
nors confronted each other, be- 
fore Federal troops suppressed the 
pro-White Democrats. In Arkan- 
sas rival Republican factions 
fought a miniature civil war over 
control of the statehouse, which 
left more than 200 dead. 

As the ranks of eligible White 
voters swelled, the Whites struck 
at the Radicals' Achilles heel, the 
Black voters on whom their 
political strength rested. The 
pervasive ignorance and illiteracy 
of the Blacks made them easy prey 
for Democratic maneuvers. As 
one earnest Black voter expressed 
it, "I can't read, and I can't write 
.... We go by instructions. We 
don't know nothing much." 

One successful ruse involved 
distributing false ballots to 
Blacks. Since so few Blacks could 
read, their ballots were often 
adorned by a pictorial symbol of 
the Republican Party, such as the 
Liberty Bell or some appropriate 
animal. In one small town in 
Georgia, White activists distri- 
buted hundreds of pieces of paper 



bearing pictures of rats, represent- 
ing them to the befuddled Negroes 
as ballots. The election produced 
a landslide for Costar's Rat and 
Cockroach Exterminators, but a 
white Democrat represented that 
district in the state legislature 
when it convened the next year. 

By 1875 only Florida, Mississip- 
pi, South Carolina, and Louisiana 
remained unpurged of the anti- 
White regimes of the carpetbag- 
gers and scalawags. The following 
two years witnessed White cam- 
paigns of unprecedented fervor 
and organizational skill in each of 
these four states. In Louisiana, 
Mississippi, and South Carolina, 
well-trained, disciplined White 
militias fought pitched battles 
with Black troops, invariably 
defeating them with heavy losses. 
As carpetbagger Governor Adal- 
bert Ames of Mississippi lament- 
ed, the Blacks had "not the 
courage or nerve — whatever it 
may be called — to act the part of 
soldiers." 

General Wade Hampton's cam- 
paign for governor of South 
Carolina in 1876 marked the 
climax of the drive for White 
supremacy. Torchlight parades, 
giant rallies which featured stir- 
ring speeches and music, conspi- 
cuous public drilling by red- 
shirted White riflemen: all contri- 
buted to galvanize enthusiasm for 



the restoration of White rule. 
Hampton won a handy victory at 
the polls, and despite the efforts 
of Governor Chamberlain, a 
Radical Republican, to steal the 
election, the Democrat was inau- 
gurated early the next year. 

There was a discordant note in 
the Hampton campaign, however. 
The Democrats eagerly sought 
Black votes, and law-abiding, 
pro-Democratic Blacks took part 
in Hampton rallies. White lea- 
ders, many of them planters 
anxious to cultivate this source of 
cheap labor, carried on similar 
solicitations for Black support in 
the other Southern states. 

When in 1877 the disputed 
presidential election of the pre- 
vious year was decided in favor of 
Republican candidate Rutherford 
B. Hayes, [he Southern Whites 
were able to extract substantial 
concessions in exchange for their 
acquiescence in certifying Hayes 
the winner. The last of the 
carpetbag state governments were 
dismantled, and the military 
occupation of the former Confe- 
derate state* came to an end. 

Over the following two decades 
the Whites of the American South 
created an elaborate system of 
segregation to safeguard the inte- 
grity of their race. The Jim Crow 
laws were far from a solution, 
however, to the desperate prob- 



lem posed by the presence of 
millions of Negroes in the midst 
of a White civilization. The 
Blacks received a new dispensa- 
tion, and for Whites, both in the 
North and in the South, the 
segregation system came to 
assume a status similar to that of 
the plantation-based slave econo- 
my: once again, the South was 
burdened by a "peculiar institu- 
tion." 

There is no doubt that the 
struggle to overthrow the tyranni- 
cal and treasonous regime of the 
Radical Reconstructionists in the 
South was the most inspirational 
political movement in American 
history. It must not be forgotten, 
however, that it achieved only a 
limited and conditional success, 
which gave way, within a century, 
to the second and final defeat of 
the South's racial-national aspira- 
tions. We White Americans of the 
present day who organize to 
secure the survival and progress of 
our race must build better than 
our forefathers did. 

T.O'K. 

(Issue No. 72, 1979) 



Dr. Pierce's Banquet Address 



The Future Belongs to Us 



As this Second General Con- 
vention of the National Alliance 
comes to a close, we have before 
us a prospect which is a great 
deal brighter than the one we 
had at last year's convention. 
That is because the Alliance has 
finally begun to move forward. 
After years of trying to do things 
quickly and getting almost no- 
where, we decided to do things 
right, no matter how long it 
takes, and then we began 
making progress. 

If I were superstitious, I might 
say that someone up there has 
been trying to tell us something 
by that. But I'm not supersti- 
tious. I know the reasons for our 
progress. The most important of 
those reasons is our National 
Office manager, Rosemary 
Rickey. In the nine and one-half 
months that she has been here, 
she has wrought a transforma- 
tion which made our progress 
possible. 

Another important reason is 
all our faithful members who 
have been with us for several 
years, and who didn't give up, 
who didn't desert us when, for 
years at a time, there was very 
little progress. They have the 
sort of faith which wiU also be 
needed in the years ahead — 
though, hopefully, not because 
progress will be as slow as it has 
been in the past. I expect us to 
keep picking up speed, now that 
we have our wheels off the 
runway, so to speak, but there 
will be other problems, I guaran- 
tee you. 

And the whole future progress 
of the Alliance, just like our 
progress in the last year, de- 



pends on the maintenance of 
faith and on finding new people 
like Rosemary. 

A lot of people, including 
some of our own members, seem 
to think that progress is some- 
thing that just happens. They 
receive their copies of NATION- 
AX VANGUARD each month, 
and they tell us how pleased they 
are with the way things are 
coming along. 1 don't believe it 
occurs to them that each time 
we're able to take a significant 
step forward, it's because some- 
body comes to us and volunteers 
to do the work necessary to take 
that step. Ajid when we go a 
long time without taking a step, 
it's because we're already work- 
ing at full capacity and no one 
new has com© to us and given us 
the additional capacity that we 
need in order to do more. 

What we get all the time is 
people coming; to us and asking, 
why don't you do this, or why 
don't you do that, as if we'd 
never thought of doing such a 
thing ourselves and were perfect- 
ly satisfied to just keep on doing 
nothing more than we always 
had been. 

The people who make those 
suggestions will often wring 
their hands at the thought of 
how much more we could be 
accomplishing now if only we 
were carrying out the important 
programs they tell us about. 
They can visualize all the details: 
just how we would win thou- 
sands of new members, how we 
would multiply the circulation 
of NATIONAL VANGUARD 
many times over, how we would 




WILLIAM PIERCE 



gain vast influence. But what 
most of them do not see is 
themselves doing the work re- 
quired to implement their pro- 
grams. 

But by no means is it always 
that way. Last night I had the 
pleasant experience of having a 
member tell me of an extremely 
good idea for a new Alliance 
project. And the person who 
suggested it offered to do most 
of the work needed to carry it 
out. The National Office staff 
will somehow make time for 
doing its share of that work. 
And I believe you'll all be seeing 
the results of that offer within 
the next few months. 

I can divide all the people who 
come to see me about new 
Alliance projects, in fact, into 



two groups: those willing to do 
the work or put up the money or 
whatever else is required — and 
those who want to watch from 
the sidelines and offer advice 
while someone else does what's 
required. 

And one of the things which 
gives me the greatest hope for 
the future is the increasing proof 
I have been able to see all 
around me, not only at this 
convention but throughout the 
past year, that a growing portion 
of our members are in that first 
group: the doers, the volunteers, 
the ones who always think in 
terms of our Alliance, our 
newspaper, our progress; the 
ones who will accept personal 
responsibility for the task we are 
all faced with. 

When Don Trainor came to 
me from Chicago about six 
months ago and told me that he 
thought there were excellent 
prospects for Alliance organi- 
zing in that city, he didn't stop 
there; he volunteered to try to 
get that organizing started, with 
his own resources. 

When Alan Balogh saw simi- 
lar opportunities in Philadel- 
phia, he didn't just tell me about 
it and then wait to see what I'd 
do. He told me about it and then 
began doing something himself 
— on his own time with his own 
effort and his own money. 

Perhaps I shouldn't have 
started mentioning names, be- 
cause there are so many other 
people here who also deserve 
credit that this little speech could 
run on quite a bit longer than I 
intend it to. But the point is that 
none of these people are doing 



what they are because they want 
credit, because they want their 
names mentioned. They're do- 
ing it because they've accepted, 
on an individual basis, the 
responsibility for our task. 

And there is nothing more 
important for our success than 
that, nothing which holds great- 
er promise. 

In any organization, one runs 
into the danger of a sense of 
divided responsibility: a sort of 
lazy, comfortable feeling that 
there are plenty of people 
around, so somebody will do 
what needs doing — somebody 
else that is. But leaders don't 
think that way. Leaders step 
forward and pick up the load, 
whether the others around them 
are willing to do the same or not. 

It cannot be stressed too often 
that our whole emphasis, at this 
stage of our development, is 
on building an organization of 
leaders, of people who will 
accept individual responsibility 
for whatever the Alliance has to 
accomplish, whether recruiting 
in Philadelphia, or buying a 
computer for handling National 
Office mailings, or doing office 
work. 

And if we continue to be as 
successful as we have during the 
past year in recruiting people 
with a strong sense of individual 
responsibility, then nothing can 
stop us — because the future 
belongs to those who are willing 
to accept the responsibility for 



it. 



{Issue No. 72, 1979) 



176 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



177 



Dostoievsky 
On the Jews 



Feodor M. Dostoievsky (1821- 

1881) was one of Russia's greatest 
writers. The son of a physician of 
modest means, he had the oppor- 
tunity for an education and was 
trained as an engineer. He re- 
mained close to the common 
people of Russia, however, in the 
experiences of his life and in his 
writing. 

Dostoievsky was a fervent 
patriot, but his association with a 
circle of radical writers led to his 
arrest at the age of 27. He was 
subsequently sentenced lo death, 
reprieved at the last minute, and 
transported to Siberia, where he 
spent four years in a prison labor 
camp. This was followed by 
several years as a private in a 
Siberian unit of the Russian army. 
After his return from Siberia 
Dostoievsky wrote a number of 
novels, including Crime and 
Punishment (1866), The Idiot 
(1868), The Possessed (1 87 1), and 
The Brothers Karamazov (1880), 
all of which enjoyed immense 
popularity. It was his Diary of a 
Writer, however, published in a 
number of instalments in the 
period 1873-1881 which most 
explicitly stated his feeling for his 
people and for Russia. 

Dostoievsky's Diary dealt with 
a great many issues of burning 
interest to his fellow countrymen, 
showing clearly the insight and 
sensitivity which made him one of 
the most beloved of all the great 
writers Russia ha.s produced. 
Boris Brasol, who translated 
Diary of a Writer into English, 
has described the reaction of the 
Russian people to Dostoievsky's 
death on February 9, 1881: 

"The news of Dostoievsky's 
passing spread instantly, like an 
electric current, to the remotest 
parts of Russia, and a wave of 
mourning swept through the 
hearts of her saddened people. . . . 
Enormous crowds attended his 
funeral: men and women from all 
walks of life — statesmen of high 
rank and downtrodden prosti- 
tutes; illiterate peasants and dis- 
tinguished men of letters; array 
officers and learned scientists; 
credulous priests and incredulous 
students — they were all there, 

"Whom did Russia bury with 
so great a reverence? Was it only 
one of her famous men of letters? 
Indeed not: in that coffin lay a 
noble and lofty man, a prudent 
teacher, an inspired prophet 
whose thoughts, like mountain 
peaks, were always pointed 
toward heaven, and who had 
measured the depths of man's 
quivering heart with all its 
struggles, sins, and tempests; its 
riddles, pains, and sorrows; its 
unseen tears and burning pas- 
sions. ..." 

As much as his people loved 
him, Dostoievsky in turn loved 
them — and despised their 
enemies and exploiters. Foremost 
among the latter were the Jews of 
Russia. In Dostoievsky's time 
there were some three million of 
them, some descended from the 
Khazars, an Asiatic tribe of 
southern Russia which had con- 



verted to Judaism a millennium 

earlier, and some who had flocked 
into Russia from the West during 
the Middle Ages, when they were 
forcibly expelled from every coun- 
try of western and central Europe. 

Scorning honest labor, the Jews 
had fastened themselves on the 
Russian peasants and craftsmen 
like an army of leeches. Money- 
lending, the liquor trade, and 
White slavery were their preferred 
means of support — and their 
means of destroying the Russian 
people. 

So great was the Russians' 
hatred for their Jewish tormenters 
that the Russian rulers were 
obliged to institute special legisla- 
tion, both protecting the Jews and 
limiting their depredations against 
the Russian people. Among the 
latter was a ban against Jewish 
settlement in central Russia; they 
were restricted to the regions of 
western and southwestern Russia 
(the "Pale of Settlement") where 
they had been most heavily 
concentrated at the time Cathe- 
rine the Great had proclaimed the 
ban, in the 18th century. 

This, of course, was regarded 
by the Jews as "persecution," and 
it was their incessant wailing 
about not being allowed to fasten 
themselves on the people of 
central Russia which first moved 
Dostoievsky to set his pen to 
paper on the Jewish question. In 
the section of his Diary published 
in March 1877, the writer re- 
marked: 

tf . . . 1 know that in the whole 
world there is certainly no other 
people who would be complaining 
as much about their lot, inces- 
santly, after each step and word 
of theirs — about their humili- 
ation, their suffering, their mar- 
tyrdom. One might think that it is 
not (hey who are reigning in 
Europe, who are directing there at 
least the stock exchanges and, 
therefore, politics, domestic af- 
fairs, the morality of the states. *' 

Dostoievsky, who had become 
all too familiar with Jews and 
their personal attitudes toward 
their Russian hosts, first as a boy 
on his parents' small estate, where 
he observed the Jews' dealings 
with the local peasants, and later 
in prison, where he noted the 
aloof behavior of the Jewish 
prisoners toward Russian pri- 
soners, went on to speculate about 
what would happen to the Rus- 
sians if the Jews ever got the whip 
hand: 

" , . . Now, how would it be if 
in Russia there were not three 
million Jews, but three million 
Russians, and there were eighty 
million Jews — well, into what 
would they convert the Russians 
and how would they treat them? 
Would they permit them to 
acquire equal rights? Would they 
permit them to worship freely in 
their midst? Wouldn't they con- 
vert them into slaves? Worse than 
that: wouldn't they skin them 
altogether? Wouldn't they slaugh- 
ter them to the last man, to the 
point of complete extermination, 
as they used to do with alien 



peoples in ancient times, during 
their ancient history?" 

This speculation turned out to 
be grimly prophetic, for only a 
little more than four decades later 
bloodthirsty Jewish commissars, 
who made up the bulk of the 
Bolshevik leaders, were super- 
vising the butchering of Russians 
by the millions. 

Dostoievsky correctly identified 
the secret of the Jews' strength — 
indeed, of their very survival over 
a period of 40 centuries — as their 
exclusivcness, their deeply in- 
grained mental outlook upon the 
whole non-Jewish world as an 
alien, inferior, and hostile thing. 
This outlook led the Jews always 
to think of themselves as having a 
special situation or standing. Even 
when they were trying most 
ingratiatingly to convince the 
non-Jews that Jews were just like 
everyone else, they maintained the 
inner attitude of a people who 
constituted a special community 
within the larger, Gentile com- 
munity, Dostoievsky pointed out: 

". , . // is possible to outline, at 
least, certain symptoms of that 
status in statu — be it only 
externally. These symptoms are: 
alienation and estrangement in the 
matter of religious dogma; the 
impossibility of fusion; belief that 
in the world there exists but one 
national entity, the Jew, while, 
even though other entities exist, 
nevertheless, it should be pre- 
sumed that they are, as it were, 
nonexistent. 'Step out of the 
family of nations and form your 
own entity, and thou shall know 
that henceforth thou art the only 
one before God; exterminate the 
rest, or make slaves of them, or 
exploit them. Have faith in the 
conquest of the whole world; 
adhere to the belief that every- 
thing will submit to thee. Loathe 
strictly everything, and do hot 
have intercourse with anyone in 
thy mode of living. And even 
when thou shait lose the land, thy 
political individuality, even when 
thou shalt be dispersed all over 
the face of the earth, amidst all 
nations — never mind, have faith 
in everything that has been 
promised thee, once and forever; 
believe that all this will come to 
pass, and meanwhile live, loathe, 
unite, and exploit — and wait, 
wait 

Is it any wonder that, although 
virtually every American with a 
high school education has read 
either Dostoievsky's Crime and 
Punishment or his The Brothers 
Karamazov (or both), his Diary of 
a Writer has been quietly con- 
signed to oblivion by the con- 
trolled educational and publishing 
establishments in this country? 
The only printing of Diary of a 
Writer currently listed in Books in 
Print is one issued by a small, 
specialty publisher (Octagon 
Books) for sale to libraries and 
priced at a prohibitive $47.50, 
That price tag ought to keep it 
safely out of the hands of curious 
American readers 1 

Those fortunate enough to be 
able to borrow a copy of the book 





es on Political Economy 

or 
What Makes the Power Elite Run (Part I) 



FEODOR DOSTOIEVSKY 



can read a great many more of 
Dostoievsky's penetrating com- 
ments on the behavior of and 
attitude of the Jews in Russia 
toward the Russian people during 
the 19th century, Dostoievsky 
especially condemned the ex- 
ploitation of the poor, ignorant, 
and helpless Russian peasants by 
the voraciously greedy and utterly 
heartless Jews. For example: 

"Thus, Jewry is thriving pre- 
cisely (here where the people are 
still ignorant, or not free, or 
economically backward. It is there 
that Jewry has a champ libre! And 
instead of raising, by its influence, 
the level of education, instead of 
increasing knowledge, generating 
economic fitness in (he nalive 
population — instead of this the 
Jew, wherever he has settled, has 
slill more humiliated and de- 
bauched the people; there hu- 
maneness was still more debased 
and the educational level fell still 
lower; there inescapable, inhuman 
misery, and with it despair, spread 
still more disgustingly. Ask the 
native population in our border 
regions: What is propelling the 
Jew — and has been propelling 
him for centuries? You will 
receive a unanimous answer: 
mercilessness. 'He has been 
prompted so many centuries only 
by pitilessness for us, only by the 
thirst for our sweat and blood. ' 

"And, in truth, the whole 

activity of the Jews in these 
border regions of ours consisted 
of rendering the native population 
as much as possible inescapably 
dependent on them, taking advan- 
tage of the local laws. They have 
always managed to be on friendly 
terms with those upon whom the 
people were dependent. . . . Point 
to any other tribe from among 
Russian aliens which could rival 
the Jew by his dreadful influence 
in this connection! You will find 
no such tribe. In this respect the 
Jew preserves alt his originality as 
compared with other Russian 



aliens, and, of course, the reason 
therefor is that status in statu of 
his, the spirit of which specifically 
breathes with pitilessness for 
everything that is not Jew, with 
disrespect for any people and 
tribe, for every human creature 
who is not a Jew. . . . 

"Now, what if somehow, for 
some reason, our rural commune 
[i.e., the institutionalized system 
of Russian peasant society] should 
disintegrate, that commune which 
is protecting our poor native 
peasant against so many ills; what 
if, straightaway, the Jew and his 
whole kehillah [i.e., organized 
Jewry] should fall upon that 
liberated peasant — so inex- 
perienced, so Incapable of resist- 
ing temptation, and who up to 
this time has been guarded 
precisely by the commune? Why, 
of course, instantly this would be 
his end; his entire property, his 
whole strength, the very next day 
would come under the power, of 
(he Jew, and there would ensue 
such an era as could be compared 
not only with the era of serfdom 
but even with that of the Tartar 
yoke. " 

Again, how tragically pro- 
phetic! 

(Issue No. 72, 1979) 



Jew storekeepers have already 
learned the advantage to be 
gained from this [unlimited 
credit]; they lead on the farmer 
into Irretrievable indebtedness, 
and keep him ever after as their 
bond-slave hopelessly grinding in 
the mill. 

— Robert Louis Stevenson, 
Across the Plains (New York, 
1892) 



Another venerable American 
tradition has been scrapped: the 
economy is in serious trouble, and 
government spokesmen are no 
longer bothering to issue denials. 
President Carter and each of his 
principal advisers have voiced 
public pessimism about the state 
of the economy and its uncertain 
future. 

heretofore the established 
practice had been to herald any 
minuscule upswing in economic 
indicators, such as employment, 
balance of payments, and gross 
national product, as the onset of a 
favorable trend. Persistent dips in 
the same indicators received an 
altogether different explanation: 
they were merely statistical aber- 
rations with no real significance. 
The contradictions may have 
jarred purists, but they were part 
of a catechism which no public 
official, however exalted, could 
fail to recite, if he expected to 
retain his postion. Optimism was 
all. 

It is not hard to see why such 
great pains were taken to maintain 
a cheerful front. Professional 
opinion to the contrary, supply 
and demand curves intersecting at 
points of equilibrium provide only 
a partial explanation of economic 
matters. Much also depends on 
the intangibles of social psy- 
chology and social values. If 
businessmen and ordinary citi- 
zens, for example, fear that hard 
times are ahead, then hard times 
often ensue. 

Public confidence in the econo- 
my had to be preserved for other 
reasons as well: the stability of 
American society has always 
depended to a large extent on 
economic conditions. 

Since the Second World War 
the dependence of social amity on 
economic well-being has become 
total, the result of deliberate 
policy. The various elites proved 
incapable of devising any other 
method to reconcile the divergent 
interests of many groups without 
jeopardizing their own control 
over national affairs. So long as 
there was enough wealth to go 
around, so long as the economy 
was growing, so long as unrea- 



sonable expectations were kept at 
bay, the potential dangers seemed 
insignificant. 

But should the dollar ever lose 
its power to act as a kind of 
universal political lubricant, 
Whites will quickly discover the 
folly of harboring and abetting 
multitudes of Blacks, Jews, Mexi- 
cans, and Indochinese. The conse- 
quences will be extremely painful, 
both for the bureaucrats and 
politicians who have been hawk- 
ing the virtues of multiracialism 
and unrestricted immigration and 
for the economic elites who bear 
the ultimate responsibility for 
those policies. 

With so much at stake, why arc 
high government officials and 
leading businessmen now trying to 
outdo one another in serving up 
bad news? Moreover, why are the 
mass media eager to spread 
prophecies of doom? Scarcely a 
day goes by without the appear- 
ance of lengthy accounts, sodden 
with statistics, documenting the 
economic decline. 

Alas, the answer is all too 
simple: since the fact that the 
nation is in severe economic 
difficulty can no longer be 
concealed, the purpose of all the 
gloomy economic reports and 
analyses is to lead the public away 
from a realization of the true 
causes of that difficulty. That is 
why, despite extensive coverage 
devoted to balance-of-payraents 
deficits, unemployment, or 
record-breaking interest rates, the 
roots of the economic turmoil 
remain as well hidden as ever. 
Much of what is presented as 
rigorous analysis, upon closer 
scrutiny, dissolves into a phantas- 
magoria of irrelevancies, contra- 
dictions, and absurdities. 

Having time and again been 
manipulated by the government 
and the mass media, one's initial 
reaction might be to suspect an 
elaborate conjuring trick. This 
would be a mistake; the crisis is 
real, and it is far worse than has 
been publicized thus far. But to 
accept at face value any economic 
analysis which receives overt 
dissemination through the mass 
media would be a mark of 



inexcusable credulity. Only indivi- 
duals who pose no threat to the 
established constellation of forces 
will ever have a chance to 
expound then views to the general 
public. 

The truth of the matter is that 
the current mess is a direct 
consequence of policies first insti- 
tuted under Franklin Roosevelt 
and implemented under every 
president since, though with the 
greatest vigor under John Ken- 
nedy and Lyndon Johnson. 

What are these policies? How 
are Roosevelt's New Deal, Ken- 
nedy's New Frontier, and John- 
son's Great Society, the last of 
which terminated in 1969, respon- 
sible for the problems of 1979? 
One can be certain that liberal 
historians like Arthur M. Schle- 
singer, Jr., or liberal economists 
like John Kenneth Galbraith will 
never volunteer to address these 
questions, despite experience in 
the affairs of all three administra- 
tions. 

Perhaps the most visible legacy 
from 1960 and the election of 
John Kennedy is racial integra- 
tion; no one disputes that forcibly 
putting Blacks at the side of 
Whites in offices and factories, in 
restaurants and rest rooms, in 
schools and neighborhoods, has 
brought about a social revolution. 

But racial integration is a 
volatile subject which arouses 
strong primal emotions in those 
who recognize the biological 
threat. Unfortunately, it also 
lends itself to sanctimonious 
imbecilities masquerading as seri- 
ous thoughts. Whether blinded by 
outrage or deluded by drivel, the 
overwhelming majority of Whites 
have been kept from perceiving 
that the woolly notion of racial 
brotherhood advances solid eco- 
nomic interests. 

At first glance it may be hard to 
see how the campaign for racial 
equality subserves economic pur- 
poses. To the average man in the 
street, welfare, support for bas- 
tard children, subsidized housing, 
and preferential hiring — the list 
is not exhausted — are only so 
much waste. Most Blacks on or 
off the dole believe in the 



conspicuous consumption of 
color televisions, Cadillacs, 
stereos, Tecord albums, and 
bizarre clothing. They gather up 
the detritus of a consumer eco- 
nomy without doing very much to 
create the goods. 

There is, furthermore, a com- 
mon conception that increases in 
wealth depend in large measure on 
net increases in productivity; with 
some important qualifications, 
this is true. But anyone observing 
Blacks at work cannot help 
noticing that they are, for the 
most part, extremely unenter- 
prising; it is not their toil but their 
shirking which is unremitting. 
Surely this brings down net 
productivity. Then why the con- 
stant pressure to infiltrate them 
into the work force, particularly 
in titled positions which pay pre- 
mium salaries? 

To understand the paradox one 
must first understand the system 
of economics used by the U.S. 
power elites. It bears little resem- 
blance to the everyday experiences 
of ordinary individuals. If a 
plumber earns $25,000 a year but 
owes $250,000 with no hope of 
ever paying his creditors back, 
then he must undergo bankruptcy 
and be stripped of everything, 
down to personal possessions of 
sentimental value. A government, 
on the other hand, can incur 
chronic deficits in $500-billion 
budgets, owe $1 trillion, and go 
on to extend itself more credit. 

No small-time merchant can 
order a dozen gross of gimcracks 
whose cost has been inflated to 
ten times their value, sell one or 
two to the village idiot, and stay in 
business. Yet a government can 
buy hundreds of sophisticated 
gyroscopes for a quarter-million 
apiece, use a handful, and auction 
the rest off for $25 each. 

Etymology can shed some light 
on the apparent contradictions. 
The forbidding word "eco- 
nomics," as all elementary text- 
books explain, comes from two 
humble Greek words meaning 
"home" and "order." Oikono- 
mia, according to Aristotle, re- 
ferred to the kinds of activities 
which a head of household 



undertakes to assure the physical 
survival of his family. In the 
fourth century B.C. or in colonial 
America, this meant the careful 
production and conservation of 
scarce resources like food, 
fabrics, and tools. 

Material circumstances have 
undergone radical changes since 
then, but responsible adults per- 
sist in thinking of economics in 
Aristotelian terms. Nowadays, of 
course, the stress is not on laving 
in a physical store of life's 
necessities but on getting a good 
regular income. 

Much as Aristotle commended 
the art of oikonomia as being 
indispensable to human life, he 
severely criticized another set of 
activities, khremat'istike by name, 
which today constitutes practi- 
cally the entire study of eco- 
nomics. Khrematistike, in Aris- 
totle's definition, was concerned 
with the use of raw materials and 
labor to create profits and wealth 
for their own sake. 

The word, however, has not 
survived antiquity, and a valuable 
distinction has been lost which 
would make it easier to differen- 
tiate between "economics" for 
individuals and "economics" for 
nations or large corporations. 
Gladstone, for one, recognized 
the problem. He wrote; "The 
phrase 'political economy* . . . 
cannot be defended on its merits. 
The term 'Chrematistics' has been 
devised in its stead." 

Whether it is called chrematis- 
tics or political economy, the U.S. 
power elites rely on a well- 
developed body of knowledge to 
guide them in affairs of state. It is 
Keynesian economics, once the 
bane of every right-thinking, 
slow-witted conservative — until 
Richard Nixon went on television 
in 1973 to announce that he, too, 
had become a Keynesian. The 
declaration was superfluous. The 
New Economics had arrived a 
long time ago. Next month we'll 
see what its racial implications 

are. 

P.Y. 

(Issue No. 72, J 979) 



Sven Hedin : Last Of the Vikings 



The tall man calmly surveyed 
the vast expanse of trackless sand 
which rolled off to the south and 
east as far as the eye could see. In 
all of recorded history no one of 
his race — perhaps no man of any 
race — had ever advanced across 
the seemingly endless sand sea 
which lay before him. It was April 
23, late in the season. Soon the 
dry and scorching summer would 
descend on the arid wastes of the 
Takla Makan, and there would be 
no hope of , finding even the 
merest trickle of surface water in 
the heat of the burning days. 

His party had only four days' 
water. The nearest sure replenish- 
ment for their goatskin water bags 
lay at least 170 miles to the 
southeast across the barren sand 



dunes. The native servants, Mus- 
lim Turks recruited from the 
nearby cities of Chinese Turkes- 
tan, muttered uneasily. The tall 
man considered for another mo- 
ment. Then Sven Hedin gave the 
order to advance. 

Two weeks before, on April 10, 
1895, the 30-year-old Swedish 
explorer had departed from Mer- 
ket, a trading center on the old 
silk route to the north of the 
Takla Makan desert. His four 
native helpers rode or led eight 
two-humped camels of the Bac- 
trian variety, each of which was 
laden with food, supplies, and 
scientific instruments. For the 
first two weeks the expedition had 
followed the course of the Yar- 
kand River and its reed-choked, 



adjacent lakes, and the heat had 
not been severe enough to cause 
discomfort. Now the supreme test 
would come. 

The little party set out across 
the sands of the Takla Makan. 
For two days the men and animals 
struggled up and down dunes 
which reached heights of 180 feet. 
On the 26th of April supplies 
began to run low. Still Hedin 
pressed forward. In another day 
or two it would be fruitless to turn 
back. 

On the 27th the camels were too 
weak to be ridden, and Hedin 
ordered that they be led. The last 
remaining water was carefully 
divided among the men. That 
night two of the camels gave up, 



collapsed, and died where they 
lay. 

On the following day a new 
terror of the desert swept down on 
Hedin and his men. The kara 
bur an y a wind storm which blew 
clouds of black dust, sand, and 
gravel at speeds of up to 55 miles 
an hour, forced the men to cower 
on the ground under the shelter of 
tent halves, blankets, and what- 
ever else they could throw over 
themselves. The fine dust pene- 
trated the saddlebags and ren- 
dered most of Hedin's instru- 
ments useless. 

On the 29th Yolshi, the least 
reliable of the Muslim servants, 
stole half the small amount of 
remaining water. With an effort 
of will, Hedin forebore from 



shooting him. 

Two days later all the water was 
gone. Hedin changed into a fresh 
suit, so that he might die clothed 
respectably, and made the last 
entry in his journal. 

That afternoon the agonies of 
heat and thirst assailed the men 
unceasingly. Hedin's men drank 
camel's urine and the blood of a 
sheep which they had brought 
along, but the foul liquids left 
them writhing in paroxysms of 
nausea. 

When night came Yolshi and 
two of the other Turks could go 
no further. Hedin, iron- willed, 
pressed on tenaciously, driving 
for the elusive river which lay 
somewhere to the southeast. 
Sleeping by day, marching by 



178 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



179 



night, the Swedish explorer and 
his last companion, the faithful 
Kasim, at last reached a line of 
poplars on the 4th of May. Water 
could not be far off. 

But Hedin's and Kasim's 
strength was ebbing. The native 
could go no further. Mustering all 
his inner reserves, Hedin went 
forward. On the next day the 
hardy Swede, at the limit of his 
resources, reached the banks of 
the Khotan River. The river bed 
was dry. 

A voice within him, Hedin was 
to recount^ urged him to continue 
on to the southeast, Walking as 
though led by an invisible hand, 
he staggered on for another mile, 
Suddenly he heard a splash and 
saw a wild duck whirr into the air 
just before him. Forcing his way 
through the undergrowth, Hedin 
came to a large pond. He sank to 
his knees and, for the first time in 
five days, drank his fill. Then the 
first man to cross the murderous 
expanse of desert in the western 
Takla Makan and live to tell 
about it filled his boots with water 
and walked back to revive his 
stricken helper Kasim. 



Svcn Hedin was born on 
February 19, 1865, in Stockholm. 
He grew up in comfortable, 
upper-middle class circumstances 
in the Swedish capital. His father 
Ludvig was the city architect; 
both Ludvig Hedin and his wife 
Anna were descended from an 
eminent line of scholars, physi- 
cians, and state officials. 

The Hedin family lived in 
considerable style in Stockholm, 
with a fine residence where they 
were attended by servants. They 
summered in the country and were 
in perfect accord with the bour- 
geois liberalism which had esta- 
blished itself in Sweden, as in the 
rest of 19th-century Europe, as 
the dominant outlook. 

Young Sven seemed alienated 
from this atmosphere. His school- 
work was not good; he preferred 
to spend his leisure reading the 
adventure tales of Cooper and 
Verne and following reports of 
the explorations of Stanley and 
Livingston. 

ft was the return of the Swedish 
explorer, Adolf Erik Norden- 
skjoeld, to Stockholm on April 
24, 1880, that crystallized young 
Sven's resolve to become a great 



explorer. Nordenskjoeld, captain- 
ing the steamship Vega across the 
Arctic Ocean, had led the first 
expedition through the Northeast 
Passage to the Bering Strait and 
into the Pacific. 

When the Vega returned to 
Stockholm the entire population 
gave Nordenskjoeld and his com- 
panions a tumultuous welcome. 
The 15-year-old Hedin, who 
watched the Vega's triumphant 
entry into Stockholm harbor from 
a hill overlooking the city, later 
wrote: "It decided my career. 1, 
too, would like to return home 
that way.*' 

The youth's life was now 
guided by a fixed purpose. He 
read voraciously of the exploits of 
the Arctic explorers and drew 
painstaking maps of the explora- 
tions in the North as reported in 
the press. To toughen himself 
against cold and hunger, he rolled 
in the winter snow, slept with his 
windows open during the coldest 
nights, exercised, and fasted. 

From 1881 to 1883 Hedin 
studied geography and related 
subjects at Uppsala, drawing 
enough maps to fill six volumes as 
an extracurricular activity. The 
expeditions into Central Asia of 
the Russian general Nikolai M. 
Przhevalsky inspired the young 
student to make a huge map 
depicting Przhevalsky's travels. 

In 1885 Hedin's ambitions for 
Arctic exploration were defleced 
by an offer to travel to Baku, the 
great oil city on the Caspian Sea, 
in order to tutor the young son of 
a Swedish engineer employed by 
the Nobel brothers' huge oil 
company. The 20-year -old Hedin 
accepted with alacrity and made 
the long journey south across 
Russia to the looming Caucasus 
Mountains, along which he tra- 
veled by the Georgian military 
highway to Baku, 

On the Apsheron Peninsula, on 
the south shore of which Baku 
nestles in a fine natural harbor, 
Hedin made his first acquaintance 
with Asia. Baku was inhabited by 
a diverse and polyglot medley of 
Asiatic peoples: Armenian mer- 
chants, Tatar nomads, Turks and 
Persians and Azerbaijanis and 
dozens of others. In Balakhany, 
in the north of Apsheron, where 
he was often the guest of the 
Nobel family, Hedin made friends 
with some of the resident Persians 
and Tatars and quickly mastered 
their languages. 



Hedin's sojourn in Baku piqued 
his taste for the wonders of the 
Orient, and when his term as tutor 
came to an end he traveled by 
steamer from Baku to Persia, on 
the south shore of the Caspian. 
With a Persian companion Hedin 
continued his journey by crossing 
the Iranian plateau on horseback, 
visiting Qum, where Moham- 
med's daughter, Fatirna, lies 
buried beneath a magnificent 
tomb, and Teheran. Then the 
adventurous Swede rode south 
along the Zagros Mountains, past 
many a ruin from the days of 
Persia's Aryan eminence under 
the Achaemenids and the Sas- 
sanids, 

At Shiraz, the city of wine, 
beautiful women, and roses, 
where the great 13th- and 14th- 
century Persian poets Sadi and 
Hafiz wove their tapestries of 
words, Hedin turned westward 
and crossed the spine of the 
Zagros to reach Bushire on the 
Persian Gulf. Then he traveled by 
steamer to the Shatt-aJ-Arab, 
where the Tigris and Euphrates 
Rivers join to flow to the gulf. 

Steaming up the Tigris to 
Baghdad, the once-glittering city 
of the Thousand and One Nights, 
Hedin found the place drab and 
disappointing; its splendor had 
been destroyed, together with 
many of its inhabitants, by Timur 
tho Lame (Tamerlane), the 
scourge of Asia, in 1401. The 
passage of five centuries had not 
sufficed for its recovery. 

After turning eastward and 
recrossing the Zagros Mountains 
to Teheran, Sven Hedin made the 
long return trip to Stockholm. 
During the next three years he 
immersed himself in the study of 
geography and geology at Upp- 
sala and Stockholm. At the 
University of Berlin he studied the 
geography of Asia under Profes- 
sor Baron Ferdinand von Richt- 
hofen, the 19th century's fore- 
most authority on the subject. 
With characteristic industry, he 
also translated and abridged 
General Przhevalsky's account of 
his Asiatic explorations. Hedin's 
edition became the first of his 
many published works. 

In the fall of 1889 the prime 
minister of Sweden appointed 
Hedin interpreter to the Swedish 
mission to Teheran. The Swedish 
legation traveled first to Istanbul, 
where they were received by 
Hamid II, the Turkish Sultan. 




SVEN ANDERS HEDIN (1865-1952), the greatest explorer of the 
twentieth century, defied all hardships in his quest for knowledge and 
adventure. He was no less intrepid In championing the cause of Europe 
in the Second World War. 




ACROSS THE ARKA-TAGH: Sven Hedin took this photograph of hts caravan, not on the scorching sands 
of the Gobi or the Takla Makan, but on the frigid summit of the Arka Tagh, nearly 17,000 feet above sea 
level. After conquering the deserts of Slnklang In western Chin* in 1899 and 1900, Hedin crossed this 
mountain range in August 1900 to reach the Tibetan plateau. 



Hedin and his fellow diplomats 
then crossed the Ottoman realms 
of Asia Minor into Persia, where 
they were escorted with great 
pomp to Teheran. Shah Nasr-ed- 
din, a predecessor of the Shah 
whose presence in the United 
States caused such a commotion 
recently, entertained them cor- 
dially, and relations between 
Persia and Sweden were con- 
firmed on a friendly basis. 

When the Swedish embassy 
returned to their northern home- 
land, Hedin stayed on in Persia at 
his own request. He traveled 
north with the Shah's entourage 
to the lofty Elburz Mountains. 
There Hedin, anything but an 
experienced mountaineer, braved 
18, 600- foot Mt. Demavend, 
reaching the summit after a 
demanding climb. 

While in Persia Hedin gave 
early evidence of the limitless 
enterprise in the furtherance of 
scientific knowledge which later 
distinguished his endeavors. Swe- 
dish anthropologists were de- 
sirous of obtaining and examining 
some skulls of the Parsees, the 
modern-day Zoroastrians, whose 
belief in an all-embracing struggle 
between the powers of light and 
darkness formed the cult of the 
ancient Iranians. Therefore Hedin 
made a side trip to the Parsee city 
of Yezd, southeast of Teheran, 
where the Parsees lay out their 
dead in open temples (Towers of 
Silence) to be stripped bare of 
flesh by vultures. In broad 
daylight he climbed the 23-foot 
wall of one such temple, gathered 
several skulls, and then fled 
before he could be apprehended. 
The Parsee skulls which Hedin 
brought back to Stockholm can be 
seen today at the Craniological 
Museum there. 

Sven Hedin observed and ex- 
perienced a great deal in the Near 
East. The Asia which drew him, 
however, was the vast, interior 
expanse of mountains, deserts, 
and plateaus which the British 
geopolitical theorist Sir Hal ford 
Mackinder was to call the Heart- 
land: Inner Asia from the Caspian 
to the Bering Strait, from the 
Urals to the mighty Himalaya. 
This huge area was, even in the 
late 19th century, little known to 
Europeans, and it contained many 



places where even the nomads 
who roamed its sparse grasslands 
were loath to tread. 

It was and remains a great 
landscape of mystery, wandered 
for millenia by nomadic herds- 
men, crossed by purposeful tra- 
ders, and devastated by conquer- 
ing armies. Over much oT it, into 
the Middle Ages, Aryan peoples 
first grazed their flocks and then 
raised their cities, until Turkic or 
Mongolian invaders destroyed 
them or swept them westward. Its 
present inhabitants give melan- 
choly testimony to the fate of 
those of their ancestors who were 
White: most of them are hybrids 
of Aryan and Mongol. 

It was the land more than the 
people which held chief interest 
for Sven Hedin: the great moun- 
tain ranges of Central Asia, the 
Pamirs, the Karakorum, and the 
Himalayas, which boast 92 of the 
world's 94 highest mountains and 
are fittingly called the "Roof of 
the World"; and the vast and arid 
deserts, the Gobi and the Takla 
Makan, wherein the ruins of 
long-abandoned cities are today 
frequented only by wandering 
beasts. 

Hedin began his first, tentative 
journey into this region from 
Teheran in the fall of 1891. The 
26-year-old traveler skirted Iran's 
northern desert and passed into 
the lands of the wild Turkomans, 
who had been conquered for the 
Russian Tsar a short time before 
by General Skobolev. From Ash- 
kabad, the Turkoman capital, 
Hedin rode on horseback across 
the Kara Kum, the inhospitable 
"Black Desert" of western Tur- 
kestan. 

Hedin visited the magnificent 
oasis cities of Bokhara and 
Samarkand, which Alexander's 
armies had conquered more than 
2,000 years before, and from 
which the dread Tamerlane had 
unleashed his hordes. Then the 
intrepid young Swede advanced 
into the foothills of Lhe mighty 
Pamirs. At the onset of winter 
Hedin crossed the great mountain 
chain at the Terek Davan, the 
Poplar Pass, much to the as- 
tonishment and admiration of the 
hardy Kirghizian Turk natives, 
and reached Kashgar, the western- 
most city of China, After casting 



a longing glance at the wastes of 
the Takla Makan, which stretch 
for 500 miles eastward from 
Kashgar's Chinese Gate, Hedin, 
his financial resources almost 
exhausted, made the long journey 
back to Sweden early in 1892. 

Over the next 18 months, under 
the direction of Professor von 
Richthofen, Hedin intensified his 
geographical studies with the 
intent of organizing an expedition 
to Central Asia. He was successful 
in finding patronage for his 
project, and on November 14, 
1893, he set out on the first of the 
five great ventures in exploration 
that were to occupy his life for the 
next 40 years. 

A detailed account of Hedin's 
travels and discoveries would fill 
volumes. Hedin himself published 
some two score books. 

On his first expedition, as 
recounted above, Hedin crossed 
the Takla Makan desert between 
the Yarkand and the Khotan 
Rivers. Before that exploit he had 
once again crossed the Pamirs to 
reach Kashgar, which is further 
from the ocean than any other city 
in the world. On the Chinese side 
of the Pamirs, Hedin attempted to 
scale Mustaghata, the "Father of 
the Ice," a mountain nearly 
25,000 feet high which the Kirghi- 
zian natives held in awe. At the 
height of the avalanche season, 
without professional guides or 
proper equipment, Hedin got to 
within 3,000 feet of the top, until, 
blinded by snow, he had to be 
helped down the mountain to the 
plains. 

After exploring the Takla Ma- 
kan, Hedin ranged far to the east, 
examining the lake Lop Nor, 
which seemed to have changed its 
location over the centuries, ac- 
cording to geographers' reports. 
From there Hedin swept north- 
eastward along Inner Mongolia 
and then southwest in a great 
curve along the northern edge of 
the great Tibetan plateau. 

In 1899 Hedin led a second 
expedition to Inner Asia. Once 
again he explored the Takla 
Makan and the arid Tarim River 
basin to the north. Returning to 
the Lop Nor area, he studied the 
modern lake as well as the ancient 
lake bed. His suggested solution 
to the enigma of the "wandering 
lake" has generally been accepted 
by modern geographers of Central 
Asia. 

In the wastes of the vast Gobi 
Desert Hedin discovered the ruins 
of Loulan, an ancient Chinese city 
vacated nearly 2,000 years before. 
The abandoned city yielded many 
valuable archaeological finds, 
including a number of Buddhist 
scrolls covered with the character- 
istic Chinese ideograms. 



Again Sven Hedin headed south 
to Tibet. This time he attempted 
to enter Tibet and proceed to its 
capital, Lhasa, from which Euro- 
peans had been banned for several 
decades. He and his party, after 
an adventure-filled transit over 
the mountains, were intercepted 
by agents of the ruling Dalai 
Lama and escorted westward 
across the Tibetan plateau and out 
of the country. 

Despite Hedin's failure to enter 
Lhasa, he was not discouraged, 
and he set about organizing a 
third expedition to the Central 
Asian heartland. He found it 
increasingly easy to find financial 
and diplomatic support for his 
explorations, since his acclaim 
was by now worldwide. In 1 897 he 
had been awarded the Vega Medal 
for exploration by his old hero, 
Nordenskjoeld, and in 1902 he 
was ennobled and elected to the 
Swedish Academy. Kings, em- 
perors, and presidents followed 
his exploits avidly: he was a friend 
of both Tsar Nicholas and Kaiser 
Wilhelm. 

There was little danger that a 
man like Sven Hedin would be 
swayed from the passion of his 
life, exploration in the further- 
ance of knowledge and personal 
adventure, by the adulation with 
which the mighty now showered 
him. The journey to the heart of 
Tibet which he undertook in 1906 
was his greatest achievement. 

Once again crossing the Pamirs 
and the Karakorum, Hedin, dis- 
guised as a Tibetan pilgrim, made 
his way toward Lhasa. Fighting 
his way through impossible 
passes, attacked by wild beasts, 
captured by hostile tribesmen, 
Hedin had more adventures in the 
course of his two-year journey 
than most men experience in a 
lifetime. 

Although he was disappointed 
once again in his aim to visit 
Lhasa by the efficiency of the 
Tibetan spies, Hedin was able to 
discover the sources of Lhe Indus, 
Sutlej, and Brahmaputra Rivers, 
long sought by explorers. The 
three mighty streams, the first two 
of which water the Punjab, while 
the third empties into the Bay of 
Bengal, rise high in the Hima- 
layan glacial massif. Hedin also 
discovered and painstakingly 
mapped the Transhimalaya, also 
known in his honor as the Hedin 
Range. 

On his return to Sweden in 1908 
Hedin took a 15-year hiatus 
between expeditions. The gather- 
ing clouds which foretokened the 
first great war of the 20th century 
were beginning to overshadow the 
spirit of cooperation which had 
flourished among European men 



of science and letters, and Hedin 
was not to be unscathed. 

The Swedish explorer, who had 
many friends in Germany and 
owed much of his scientific 
training to German universities, 
was a strong admirer of German 
Kultur and the Prussian spirit. 
During the war he sided openly 
with Germany, as did many of his 
fellow Swedes, whose country, 
though outwardly neutral, had 
many ties to the German Reich, 

Hedin's support for Germany 
enraged many of his former 
friends in Russia and England. 
The British Royal Geographical 
Society, in a particularly mean- 
spirited episode, declared him an 
enemy of the king and struck his 
name from its honor roll. 

When the war ended, several of 
the anti-German victor nations 
continued to deny Hedin coopera- 
tion. Nevertheless, he undertook a 
successful trip around the world, 
across America and Siberia, in 
1923-1924. Four years later 
Hedin, then in his 60's, assembled 
and led a large party of scientists 
and researchers to Chinese Tur- 
kestan and the Gobi. Swedes, 
Germans, and Chinese, utilizing 
Hedin's incomparable organizing 
skill and his vast knowledge of the 
region, set up research stations in 
hitherto unstudied areas. Massive 
amounts of data were assembled 
on the ethnography, zoology, 
paleontology, archaeology, geolo- 
gy, and meteorology of Chinese 
Inner Asia. Despite extremely 
painful back spasms, Hedin 
supervised the entire enterprise 
until its successful completion. 

In 1934 Sven Hedin retraced the 
ancient silk routes which linked 
China, Turkestan, and the West 
during the late Roman Empire 
and the early Middle Ages. After 
that long journey, made by auto, 
Hedin ceased his explorations and 
spent his time writing and lec- 
turing. 

Hedin had devoted his life to 
discovering the truth, no matter 
where the search for it might lead 
him. When he returned to Europe 
in 1934 he was greatly interested 
in the developments then under- 
way in Germany, where the 
National Socialist movement, led 
by Adolf Hitler, had come to 
power in 1933. The impressions 
Hedin had garnered from the 
liberal Swedish press were over- 
whelmingly negative, but Hedin 
traveled to Germany to see for 
himself. 

Although Hedin was far from 
being a convinced National So- 
cialist himself, he was greatly 
impressed by the achievements in 
economics, social welfare, and 
national morale under the new 
regime. Hedin, who bore no ill 






■ 




HEDIN AS MONGOL: In 1900 Sven Hedin attempted to enter Lhasa, 
Tibet's forbidden city, disguised as a Buddhist pilgrim from Mongolia. 
This bold venture, which could easily have ended in his execution, failed 
when the Dalai Lama's ubiquitous spies intercepted him on the road to 
the capital and shepherded his expedition out of Tibet. 



will to the many men of Asiatic 
race whom he counted among his 
acquaintances^ nevertheless great- 
ly admired the efforts of the 
National Socialists to foster a 
higher type of White man through 
eugenics and racial hygiene. 

When war came in 1939, Hedin 
was outspoken in his support of 
Germany. A devout Christian 
who feared the rise of Bolshevik 
Russia, he endorsed the German 
fight against what he saw as the 
hordes of Asia, and he was greatly 
embittered by America's entry 
into the war on the side of the 
Soviet Union. In 1944 he accepted 
an honorary doctorate from the 
University of Munich. 

Germany's defeat brought a 
sort of ostracism for Hedin. In a 
Europe dominated by America 
and Russia, his achievements were 
granted only the most grudging 



recognition, if any at all. Hedin 
nevertheless refused to recant his 
political views. He died in 1952 in 
Stockholm. 

Sven Hedin ranks as one of the 
greatest explorers of all time. He 
combined the fearless spirit of 
adventure of his Viking ancestors 
of old with the relentless drive for 
knowledge that has marked the 
men of his race apart from all 
others throughout history. Few 
White men have so exemplified 
the Faustian spirit. 

T.O'K, 

(Issue No. 73, 1979) 



What Makes the Power Elite Run ( Part II ) 



Great masses of evidence need 
not be gathered to show that 
natural phenomena tend to run in 
cycles. Alternations of feast and 
famine, prosperity and poverty, 
boom and bust also characterize 
economic activities. They have 
appeared in the history of every 
economic system, and intuition 
suggests that they will continue to 
manifest themselves long into the 
future. Economic life cannot 
escape its grounding in the 
physical world, but must ulti- 
mately be constrained by the same 
laws of matter and energy that 
apply elsewhere. 



But in the industrialized na- 
tions, where few secure their 
existence by direct, physical ac- 
tions to wrest the necessities of life 
from an inhospitable natural 
environment, it has been easy to 
lose sight of the physical con- 
straints on economics. Indeed, 
vast numbers of people have been 
seduced into thinking that scarcity 
does not exist. 

Supermarkets and suburban 
malls teem with goods and 
bargains galore. Acquiring them 
is easy; one does not even have to 
part with cash, if a credit check 
determines that a promise to pay 



is as good as gold. And from 
every television and radio there 
blares a message which is repeated 
by just about every newspaper, 
magazine, and scrap of paper with 
printing on it: Consume 1 Now! 

Any society which enjoins its 
members to consume today in- 
stead of saving for tomorrow 
must be either criminally irres- 
ponsible or infallibly certain that 
scarcity has been abolished and 
that today's prodigality will not 
be paid for by want and misery in 
the generations to come. 

Unfortunately, there are no 
assurances that the current pros- 



perity will last into the tenth 
generation; on the contrary, the 
evidence suggests that an era of 
scarcity is imminent. Consider a 
few simple facts: Population 
among the non-White races of the 
world is doubling every 20 or 30 
years. However bountiful the 
earth may be, its physical stock of 
depletable resources is finite. 
Thus, as each additional Black or 
Yellow or Brown baby is born, the 
per capita share of world resour- 
ces must shrink. 

If all these staggering increases 
to world population were occur- 
ring in agrarian societies, the 



problem might be solved through 
the Malthusian controls of war, 
pestilence, and starvation. But 
there are few agrarian societies 
left today; most countries in the 
so-called Third World are indus- 
trializing at prodigious rates with 
the aid of massive investments 
from Western banks and multina- 
tional corporations. 

Among the showcase countries 
like Mexico, Brazil, and Singa- 
pore, economic growth rates 
exceeding 10 per cent are the rule. 
Industrialization, however, ac- 
celerates the depletion of natural 
resources. As so many liberals like 



180 

to cite, the United States, with 
about six per cent of the world's 
population, consumes 30 per cent 
of the world's mineral resources, 
What is not pointed out is that 
Brazil will try to do the same. 

Until the nasty problem of oil 
arose, liberal intellectuals had 
taught everyone to sing hosannahs 
to the Affluent Society. Pros- 
perity, they ululated, was a 
conscious act. All it took was the 
decision to apply a few well- 
proven theories, and the economy 
could be made to work as well as a 
superbly engineered chronometer. 
In fact, the only problem that 
remained was figuring out how to 
distribute the wealth created, a far 
more complicated proposition 
than the traditional concern about 
production which had bedeviled 
earlier generations. 

What they failed to mention 
was that they had really created an 
economy whose survival depends 
on redistributing the ability to 
consume throughout every class in 
the society, particularly the poor 
(i.e., Blacks, who, as pointed out 
in Part I, are the ideal con- 
sumers). If anything should hap- 
pen to thwart the process of 
consumption, then the entire 
economic system will come un- 
glued. And nothing can thwart 
consumption more than a lack of 
raw materials, or raw materials 
whose cost keeps skyrocketing. 

For a time after its origins in 
England during the mid-18th 
century, the ebbs and flows of 
capitalism were relatively mild, 
largely because substantial por- 
tions of the economy had not yet 
been brought under its sway. But 
efforts to extend capitalism, such 
as the Enclosure Acts and the 
destruction of the guilds, were 
forcibly undertaken and brought 
much misery to the peasants, 
artisans, and tradesmen whose 
lives were ruthlessly dislocated. 

Nonetheless, during periods of 
prosperity material well-being in- 
creased, and in time legislation 
curbed some of the most egre- 
grious excesses of the factories. 
Adversity struck periodically, 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



181 



however, sometimes through na- 
tural causes but usually as a result 
of machinations by the capitalist 
himself. 

Whereas previous economic 
systems existed primarily for the 
purpose of sustaining life, the 
capitalist system existed to pro- 
duce profits for the capitalist. His 
right to profit was considered 
absolute, and in its exercise he was 
permitted, even expected, to pay 
the lowest possible wages; to hire 
and fire at will; to liquidate his 
business in order to realize his 
gains or to reinvest them in even 
more profitable endeavors, An 
entire literature of apologetics was 
created to show how private vices 
like greed ended up becoming 
public gains. 

Other European countries, see- 
ing England transform itself into 
a world power through capital- 
ism, also began introducing capi- 
talist organization. By the mid- 
19th century the system had 
spread throughout Europe and 
the United States. Soon other 
nations, to the best of their 
abiliLies, were challenging Eng- 
land for control of lucrative 
international markets. But sys- 
tem-wide crashes continued to 
worsen, until the biggest and 
baddest occurred in the 1930s. 

The Great Depression of the 
1930s, in which millions of 
productive workers throughout 
the world were suddenly thrown 
into utter destitution, very nearly 
extinguished capitalism. Had this 
happened, there would have been 
few to mourn its passing. For, 
despite mass suffering and seeth- 
ing discontent, the economic elites 
who sat astride the United States 
and most of Europe — capitalists 
to a man — displayed the re- 
sourcefulness of so many heads of 
cabbage in their efforts to resolve 
the crisis. 

Everyone of their well publi- 
cized interventions proved una- 
vailing. Not only did none of their 
measures work, but conditions 
kept worsening. Unequal to the 
problem, the men of affairs 
finally took refuge in the theoreti- 



cal possibility that the malady 
would eventually go into remis- 
sion all by itself. 

Time, however, was a luxury 
that the ruling elites could ill 
afford, Developments in the 
Soviet Union, Italy, and Germany 
threatened to overthrow the status 
quo. Growing armies of the 
unemployed were beginning to 
think that conditions in the Soviet 
Union and Italy, bad as they were, 
might be more tolerable than in 
the West. But the ruling elites 
found Germany especially un- 
settling; against all expectations, 
the economy there was staging a 
remarkable recovery. 

However much capitalists may 
have reviled the Russian Revolu- 
tion in public, in the privacy of 
their clubs they recognized that 
the seriousness of the communist 
threat depended on the accuracy 
with which Marxist dialectic pre- 
dicted the future. A strong 
tradtion of empiricism made them 
suspect, on general principles, and 
general idea. Clearly, they dis- 
counted the immediate danger; 
then, as now, they were not afraid 
to do business with the supposed 
enemy, despite Lenin's fabled 
words that the rope they sold 
would be used to hang them. 

The real danger seemed to come 
from another quarter. Not only 
were Hitler's National Socialists 
hostile to capitalism and commu- 
nism as political ideologies, but 
they also had the effrontery to 
denounce the Jews who domi- 
nated both. These denunciations 
were intolerable to the ruling elites 
in Great Britain and the United 
States as much for their truth as 
for the large, sympathetic audi- 
ences that were gathering to listen, 
especially in the United States, 

The ideas propounded by the 
National Socialists would have 
provoked the animus of the ruling 
elites, even if there had been no 
ticklish Jewish question. Drawing 
their inspiration from Darwinian 
biology rather than from the 
Newtonian mechanics which lay 
at the foundation of communism 
and capitalism, the National 



Socialists constructed an entirely 
different model of man, which 
had far-reaching implications. 
Instead of being an atom-like 
creature responding to purely 
mechanical forces, man was a 
biological organism whose pur- 
pose was evolution; race was the 
modality of that evolution. 

Since the central purpose of 
human existence was biological 
evolution, no other interests 
would be allowed to interfere. 
Marxist doctrines of human 
equality, which fostered hybridi- 
zation of the races, were obvious- 
ly counter-evolutionary. 

But neither could capitalists be 
permitted to gouge out profits for 
themselves at the expense of 
national and racial welfare. Eco- 
nomic activities were not consi- 
dered valuable in and of them- 
selves; they were secondary to" the 
good of the race. And yet, despite 
this seemingly insouciant attitude 
toward economics, Germany was 
prospering. 

Fearing that the National So- 
cialist ideas would eventually 
prove to be irresistible to the 
masses of unemployed Britons 
and Americans, the capitalists 
dearly wanted to do something. 
But what? 

To the rescue sprang a British 
economist distinguished for his 
many talents: John Maynard 
Keynes. Keynes could discover no 
necessary or sufficient reason to 
account for the seemingly inter- 
minable Depression. By the 
canons of established economic 
theory, no obstacles existed to 
prosperity. Labor, to say the 
least, was cheap, plentiful, and 
willing; productive capacity, 
though idled, lay intact and ready 
to be used; manufacturers' inven- 
tories were clogged by unsold 
goods. 

Unfortunately, the typical con- 
sumer could buy none of the 
unsold goods, for one simple 
reason: he had no money. And as 
manufacturers' inventories kept 
increasing because no one was 
buying, the workers who were 
producing the surplus — which 



brought no return to the capitalist 
— also lost their jobs. The process 
continued until more than 25 per 
cent of the U.S. labor force was 
unemployed, though significant 
numbers may have escaped the 
statistics by returning to work on 
the family farm. 

The Depression continued to 
linger, despite an unprecedented 
drop in wages. According to 
classical economics, wages could 
fall to the subsistence level, but 
sooner or later ingenious capi- 
talists would find a way of turning 
a profit from putting an idled 
labor force to work at low wages. 
Other capitalists, seeing profits to 
be gained, would decide to invest 
in new production. The demand 
for labor would increase, leading 
to higher wages and an instant 
solution to the Depression. 

But no solution came; the 
economy seemed to stabilize at 
just over 25 per cent unemploy- 
ment. Drastic problems often 
requue drastic solutions that 
violate common sense. Once 
Keynes and a few astute indivi- 
duals like Marriner Eecles, Chair- 
man of the Federal Reserve 
Board, understood that the fun- 
damental problem was a lack of 
sufficient purchasing power, an 
ingenipus solution presented it- 
self: hand out money -— or, in 
more circumspect language, sti- 
mulate aggregate demand. 

Thus was born Franklin Roose- 
velt's New Deal, of which the 
Second World War was an 
integral part. Not only was the 
National Socialist threat to inter- 
national capitalism eliminated, 
but the greatest make-work pro- 
ject imaginable — the multi- 
billion-dollar war industry — 
solved Keynes' problem of putting 
money into the hands of consu- 
mers, thereby stimulating the 
all-important aggregate demand, 

P.Y. 

(Jssue No. 73, 1979) 



Racial Intermarriage OK If It Means More Profits, Say South Africa 's Capitalists 

South Africa Chooses Suicide 



Prospects for White survival in 
the Republic of South Africa have 
dimmed in recent months. The 
threat comes not so much from 
the activities of militant Black 
nationalists as from a crisis of will 
in the highest circles of the ruling 
Nationalist Party. 

Prime Minister Piete; W. Botha 
has made clear his intention to 
junk South Africa's apartheid 
Saws, Which forbid interracial 
mixing and which stringently 
regulate Blacks who live outside 
the Bantustans, the autonomous 
homelands which South Africa 
has set aside for its Black 
population. At a nationalist 
Party congress held in Capetown 
last September, Botha even went 
so far as to suggest that the 
country's ban on miscegenation 
be relaxed to provide for "people 
who really love one another and 
want to get married." 

A few weeks before, Piet 
Koornhof, Minister of Coopera- 
tion and Development, who over- 
sees the Bantustans, informed 




P.W. BOTHA 

South Africa's prime minister, 
though of Afrikaner stock, has 
allied himself with his country's 
deracinated big businessmen, the 
racemtxing Christian church hier- 
archies, and the powerful Jewish 
minority which has a stranglehold 
on the media and the economy. 
He has subordinated racial values 
to profits. 



American journalists in Washing- 
ton that apartheid is dead. 

Botha and his supporters have 
offered the usual medley of 
self-contradictory explanations 
and excuses for the proposed 
repeal of the apartheid laws. The 
prime minister has cited, in turn, 
national security, economic neces- 
sity, and Christian brotherhood as 
pressing reasons for the abolition 
of the only system which offers 
the Whites of the multi-racial 
republic a chance for long-term 
survival. 

In the past, the advocacy of 
racial integration as a solution to 
South Africa's race problem 
would have been anathema to the 
Afrikaners, Whites of chiefly 
Dutch descent who form the 
Nationalist Party's main consti- 
tuency. Prime Minister Botha, 
however, is relying on another 
constituency: the powerful finan- 
cial and industrial community, 
overwhelmingly English-speak- 
ing, cosmopolitan-minded, and 
with a strong Jewish component. 



At the present, South Africa's 
economy, fueled by the soaring 
worldwide demand for gold, the 
country's principal export, is 
booming. Nevertheless, South 
African businessmen, led by the 
influential Jewish gold and dia- 
mond magnate Harry Oppen- 
heimer, are greedy for the even 
bigger profits which can come 
from continuing to exploit South 
Africa's huge pool of cheap Black 
labor while attracting increased 
investment from the United States 
and Western Europe. 

Last November 22 at a confer- 
ence in Johannesburg Prime 
Minister Botha outlined his "mas- 
ter plan" for the future of South 
Africa to an audience of 250 
leading businessmen. The sub- 
stance of his proposals, that the 
racial integrity of White South 
Africans be subordinated to the 
workings of the market, found 
ready acceptance among the 
profit-conscious entrepreneurs. 

Botha and his capitalist backers 
are confident that they can win 
over a majority of Nationalist 



voters by a combination of 
economic threats and induce- 
ments. They have good grounds 
for their optimism, since the 
economic power of the Anglo- 
Jewish elite has long since been 
translated into effective control of 
the key communications media 
and educational institutions of 
South Africa. 

Botha's calculations are further 
based on his reading of the 
present state of Afrikaner morale. 
Afrikaners are falling increasingly 
prey to the same * shortsighted 
obsession with immediate materi- 
al gain that characterizes the great 
majority of their White counter- 
parts around the world. The most 
characteristic Afrikaner institu- 
tion, the Dutch Reformed 
Church, is in the process of 
bringing its theology into line with 
the race-destroying credo of the 
other Christian churches in South 
Africa. 

Thus far Botha has been able to 
outmaneuver the essentially con- 
servative leaders of the race- 
minded Afrikaner Nationalists at 



every turn. If the Afrikaner trend White South Africans voting to avoiding an international boycott 

toward materialistic opportunism turn their country over to non- and boosting their profits, 

continues, the not-so-distant fu- Whites, just as Rhodesia's Whites 

ture will witness the spectacle of did last year, in the hope of (Issue No. 74, 1980) 

SOUTH AFRICAN 

DIGEST 




ector of hea 
Heat was 
room (sun ro 
or panels ov, 
water — and j 
masonry. T 
heat to war 
ight. 

The occupa 

eating had t 

winter, while 

sset a 
them to 
nterta 
days of 



Eight of the high school pupils who decided to form a non-raclai student league. They 
are (rear from left) Gregory te Roux, Marianne Frey, Suzanne Cope and Donald 
Mdondana. In front are Susan Erasmus, Ashley, Kasana, Mathews Gantsho and 

The Argus 

cury the Government was satisfied 
that it was doing all it could to provide 



the best schdols for Indians. No- 
where in South Africa, he added, were 
there better facilities. 

He said that in 1966 the Govern- 
ment had spent about R2-milllon on 
ndian schools. 




IHPtt 

1 



Vanessa Gain, all of the Cape Peninsula 

Non-racial league 

A non-racial student league for high 
school pupils is to be formed in Cape 
Town to break down race barriers. 

More than 120 senior pupils from 
Black, Coloured and White schools 
made the decision after a discussion at 
the University of Cape Town. The work- 
shop was organised by UCT's Centre for 

THE ENCOURAGEMENT OF RACIAL MIXING between Blacks and Whites of opposite sex is 
characteristic of the South African government's "new look." South African Digest is an official weekly 
publication of the Information Service of South Africa, a government agency. The interracial group proudly 
displayed here consists of four White high school girls, three Black males, and a Colored (racially mixed) 
male. Each issue of the Digest contains news stories and photographs of a similar nature, the purpose of 
which is to convince other Western nations — all of them paying lip service to the myth of racial "equality" 
and, therefore, hostile to "racist" South Africa — that South African Whites, too, have now been convinced 
that Blacks are their equals. 





ON THE RHINE, just as on the Thames, the Potomac, and the Mississippi, NATIONAL VANGUARD 

addresses the issues which concern responsible White men and women of good will and progressive outlook. 
On a terrace overlooking the Rhine, a young German woman reads NV's front-page news story exposing 
fraudulent Jewish "Holocaust" claims. 



Why the West Will Go Under 

The life cycle of a civilization is an extraordinarily complicated 
affair, subject to a thousand changing influences. It is all too easy for 
analysts, by focusing their attentions on various of these influences, to 
reach differing conclusions as to the state of health of the civilization 
they are studying. This is as true of Western civilization as of any other. 

Yet there are trends, clearly observable in the West today, which, if 
not reversed, must inevitably dominate all other influences and bring 
about the demise of the West. Furthermore, certain of these lethal 
trends have already reached the point where they are, by any means 
likely to come to hand, irreversible. 

This is a difficult truth for most Americans to accept. Their country 
is still rich and powerful, and their average standard of living is falling 
at only a bit over five per cent per year. Whites still constitute a 
majority of the population, life is still reasonably secure, and the 
Federal government still seems to have a fairly firm grip on the affairs 
of state. 

It seems lo most Americans that life must surely go on indefinitely 
much as it has during their lifetimes, with a few ups and downs, to be 
sure, but with no permanent discontinuity in sight. Yet, consider these 
things: 

• The immigration of non-Whites into the nations of the West — 
Australia, Canada, England, Germany, Sweden, and the United States, 
among others — has grown from almost nothing prior to the Second 
World War into an avalanche which increases its strength from year to 
year, is fed from a virtually inexhaustible source, and shows every sign 
of continuing to grow. 

More than one million non-Whites are immigrating — both legally 
and illegally — into the United States alone each year, shifting the 
population balance in favor of the non-White minorities already in the 
country by more than half a per cent per year — more than two per cent 
for each succeeding presidential election. 

The organized minority voting blocs — Blacks, Mexicans, Jews, and 
Orientals — are determined to keep the balance shifting in their favor 
until the White majority in the United States has become a minority. 
They are solidly backed in this determination by the Christian churches, 
the largest labor organizations, the majority of the nation's political 
leaders, and even a substantial portion of the White electorate. 

The few labor bosses who initially opposed uncontrolled immigration 
are dropping their opposition and falling into line with the others. Big 
business, including those sectors of it relatively free of Jewish control, is 
in favor of continued non-White immigration as a means of 
maintaining a plentiful supply of relatively inexpensive labor. Even 
those politicians with constituencies which are still predominantly 
White are afraid to oppose non-White immigration for fear of incurring 
the hostility of the increasingly powerful minority pressure groups. 

In view of these political realities the U.S. government — not just the 
Carter administration, but previous administrations as well — has 
virtually abandoned any effort to enforce its own immigration laws. 
While special "emergency quotas" for Soviet Jews and Indochinese 
"boat people" are instituted to allow more non-White immigrants into 
the United States on a quasi-legal basis, the Immigration and 
Naturalization Service and its enforcement arm, the U.S. Border 
Patrol, have had the rug pulled out from under them in their efforts to 
check 'the flood of illegal Black immigrants from the Caribbean and 
Chicanos from Mexico. 

• The U.S. Army is now 30 per cent Black, with Black enlistments 
running at 35 per cent and growing. The Army will become more than 
one-third Black during the 1980's. When Chicanos, Orientals, and 
other minorities are taken into account, the non-White segment of the 
Army will pass 40 per cent before the end of the decade. 

The Blacker the Army grows, the more the re-enlistment rate of 
White Army personnel dwindles, and the greater becomes the danger of 
a "tilt," as has happened in thousands of formerly White schools and 
neighborhoods when gradual Black encroachment reached a critical 
level, at which most of the remaining Whites suddenly fled. 

Even without a "tilt," however, the effectiveness and dependability 
of the U.S. Army will almost certainly continue to decrease. And what 
is true of the Army is becoming increasingly true of the other armed 
services. The embarrassing degree of collaboration between the U.S. 
Marine hostages in Teheran and their Iranian captors is a hint of the 
level to which morale in the Marine Corps has already sunk. 

Rock-bottom military morale is the norm for other Western nations 
as well. Since World War U the emphasis has been on making sure the 
troops know their rights, rather than on making sure they will fight 
courageously and tenaciously and will maintain discipline and obey 
orders, no matter what. 

Certainly, Soviet political and military strategists took this factor into 
consideration before they made the decision to occupy Afghanistan, 
and they will undoubtedly assign even more weight to it in making 
future decisions. 

As depressing as the situation is among the military rank and file, it is 
even worse among the higher military leaders. A weeding-out program 
during the past 30 years has virtually eliminated career officers above 
the rank of captain who are willing to express any disagreement with the 
racial program imposed on the U.S. armed services. Eliminated with 
them has been any realistic hope of a military solution to America's 
internal political and racial problems. 

• The number of persons in the United States receiving all or a 
substantial portion of their income from government sources — in the 
form of salaries, pensions, or doles — now accounts for 54 per cent of 



182 

the total population, and it is 
growing. The 46 per cent who 
work in the private economy to 
support the others are becoming 
relatively fewer each year. 

Now, there certainly must be a 
few White idealists among that 54 
per cent majority of government 
dependents who will vote against 
the hand that feeds them — but 
almost certainly not enough to 
make the drastic changes required 
to reverse the lethal trends 
sapping the life of the West. 

Even when much more severe 
economic conditions in the years 
ahead open the eyes of more 
people to future dangers, the 
chances are that the majority on 
the government teat will cling all 
the more tightly to it. One may 
talk about taxpayer revolts all one 
wants, but with each passing year 
the prospect of a successful one 
becomes less likely. 

• Those who are working for 
the West's ruin know well the 
psychology of mass man; they 
know how tenaciously materialis- 
tic he is, how he will cling to his 
comforts and luxuries at the 
expense of his honor, his free- 
dom, and even his life, deceiving 
himself all the while as to his own 
motives. Perhaps the very best 
example of this fatal weakness is 
provided by the behavior in recent 
years of the Whites of Rhodesia 
and South Africa, a subject 
treated elsewhere in this issue of 
NATIONAL VANGUARD. 

It is true that the world — 
including the rest of the West — 
ganged up on them; it is true that 
they are saddled with twice as 
many Jews, per capita, as the 
people of the United States; it is 
true that they were stabbed in the 
back by the Christian churches, in 
which they had foolishly placed 
their trust; it is true that their 
news media are controlled by the 
same gang which controls ours. 
But the fact remains that the 
Whites of southern Africa have, 
with their eyes wide open, chosen 
prosperity over racial integrity. As 
a consequence, in the long run 
they shall have neither. 

The same shopkeeper mentality 
which made them fear an eco- 
nomic boycott more than the 
mongrelizing of their posterity 
prevails throughout the West. It is 
the mentality of what historian 
Brooks Adams has called "eco- 
nomic man"; men of this type 
have wielded power in the West 
since the Industrial Revolution, 
and their values are shared as well 
by most of the powerless. 

The values and way of thinking 
of economic man may be tolerable 
for a while in an all-White world, 
but they are lethal in a world 
which also includes Jews. In the 
very near future they will be just 
as lethal for America and Europe 
as they have been for White 
Rhodesia. 

* * * 

In view of these trends — trends 
which transcend party politics and 
the short-term fluctuations of 
changing government administra- 
tions, trends which show every 
promise of remaining unchanged 
in the years ahead, indeed, of 
becoming increasingly worse — 
there can be little room for debate 
as to whether the West will go 
under. It has already passed the 
point of no return in its descent. 
The water is up to our necks, and 
the only question is, when will it 
reach our noses? 

The ship, in other words, is 
going down, and it is goirig down 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



not just because the captain 
doesn't know how to sail and 
because there is a gang of 
saboteurs aboard who have 
opened the sea cocks, but also 
because it has become irreparably 
unseaworthy. 

Now, this is a very important 
conclusion. It separates the Na- 
tional Alliance from the right 
wingers, who believe there's still 
time to save the ship (or, if there 
isn't, all is lost and so there's no 
point in doing anything); from the 
liberals, who believe that the more 
water the ship takes on the better 
it will sail; and from the mass of 
voters, who, although they have a 
dark suspicion that something is 
seriously wrong and a nagging 
fear that the captain doesn't know 
what he's doing, are much more 
concerned that their feet are 
getting wet than that the ship is 
going down. 

The most important distinction 
for the Alliance is the first one. 
The right wingers see the value of 
the West in its outward forms: its 
governments, its economic sys- 
tems, its life-styles. When those 
are broken up — when the ship of 
state goes down — there is, for 
them, nothing left. 

But the National Alliance sees 
the value of the West in its 
biological essence, in the human 
genetic material which was res- 
ponsible for the building of 
Western civilization — and which 
has the capability of building 
another civilization to replace it. 
When the ship goes down, there 
will be lots of passengers in the 
water, and they will drown. What 
is important is to make certain 
that some passengers — the right 
ones — are in lifeboats, with a 
compass, oars, and directions to 
the nearest land. 

That is the primary task of the 
National Alliance now; building 
lifeboats and organizing lifeboat 
crews. In many respects the work 
is not unlike that of trying to keep 
the ship from going down or 
trying to throw the captain 
overboard and install a new one: 
that is, "working within 'the 
System" by organizing yet ano- 
ther pressure group to compete 
with the minority pressure groups, 
or preparing for an armed assault 
on the System. 

In any event, one must find, 
recruit, and motivate an elite 
minority among the mass, and 
one must then use that minority to 
build a viable, functional organi- 
zation. Whether that organization 
eventually works within the Sys- 
tem or takes up arms against the 
System or works at building 
something to replace the System 
when its own internal contradic- 
tions have destroyed it, many of 
the organizational requirements 
are quite similar. 

Nevertheless, it is important to 
understand what the outcome of 
current historical processes will 
be, because there are differences, 
subtle and not so subtle, in the 
way one prepares for that out- 
come. 

Not the least of these differ- 
ences is in outlook: the degree of 
optimism with which one goes 
about the task at hand. The events 
of recent years must be depressing 
in the extreme for intelligent 
conservatives and right wingers. 
Unless they are blind to what is 
happening in the world, they must 
feel utterly overwhelmed by the 
prospect of trying to patch the old 
tub up and keep it afloat. For 
those of them who are racially 



conscious, the realization that 
each passing year brings us a 
population that is more mongrel- 
ized, an electorate that is more 
degraded in its sensibilities, must 
be terribly discouraging. How can 
one salvage such a mess? 

To be sure, after accepting the 
view that the mess can't be 
salvaged and that one shouldn't 
even try, the prospect is no less 
grim. The breakdown of order, 
the unleashing of anarchy, is 
destructive of true human pro- 
gress even under the mildest of 
conditions. In the racially mixed 
urban jungle of America it will be 
indescribably terrible — more so 
because it will almost certainly be 
a descent in many steps, rather 
than the single plunge and 
"crash" about which right wing- 
ers fearfully talk. 

There will be a grisly justice in 
that most Whites who have 
collaborated with the enemies of 
the West in sinking, it will 
themselves be drowned. It is 
almost amusing to contemplate 
the fate of the White gun-control 
advocates in America's cities in 
the days to come, when they will 
be even more at the mercy of 
roving gangs of Black thugs than 
they are today. 

And the rich White liberals in 
their exclusive suburbs — the 
fashionable writers, the ACLU 
lawyers, the pulpit prostitutes, the 
organizers of fund-raising dinners 
for trendy causes, the socially 
conscious coupon clippers who 
won't own stocks in corporations 
doing business in South Africa, 
the news editors who conscien- 
tiously excise any mention of race 
from crime stories, the school- 
board members who pretend that 
all is well in the racially integrated 
hells they supervise, the overpaid 
bureaucrats, the coke-snorting 
sophisticates who party with the 
new non-White elite and plan to 
ride high while their race goes 
down — will fare no better when 
the pets they have so long boosted 
as the "equals" of working-class 
Whites come surging out of the 
cities in their multihued millions. 
The ravages of these pampered 
non-White hordes in the years 
ahead will make the sadistic 
butchery of the Manson gang of 
the last decade seem like good, 
clean fun in comparison. 

Unfortunately, the innocent 
and the wholesome will perish 
along with the guilty and the 
degenerate; the racially conscious 
and the racially valuable will go 
down with the deracinated egoists 
and the half-breeds. Nature's 
justice operates at the species and 
subspecies levels. 

Nor will anyone evade the 
suffering ahead, neither those 
who perish by it nor those who 
survive it, neither the grass- 
hoppers nor the ants. It is said 
that suffering is good for the soul; 
if this is true, Westerners can look 
forward to a great deal of spiritual 
improvement. 

But whether the maxim is true 
or not, the suffering is necessary. 
As long as he is moderately 
comfortable, the average man will 
not change his ways. Only when 
existence becomes utterly intoler- 
able and there is no alternative 
can he be persuaded to do what he 
should have done from foresight 
and through self-discipline at the 
beginning. That is his unalterable 
nature, audit is why democracy is 
such a catastrophe. 

And who will survive to be the 
founders of a New Order? No one 



can say, on a person-by-person 
basis. But if one understands the 
nature pf the tragedy that is upon 
us, one can state some general 
guidelines. 

The first thing to understand 
about the going under of the West 
is that its more dramatic elements, 
the violence and the bloodshed, 
are not the really essential ele- 
ments. As already mentioned, one 
should not anticipate a "crash" 
but rather a continually acceler- 
ated worsening of conditions. 
Those who head for the moun- 
taintops with stores of canned 
goods to wait out the storm will be 
as disappointed as those who 
think they can head it off by 
praying or voting. 

The essential aspect of what is 
happening to the West is spiritual. 
It is decadence which has sealed 
the fate of the West, not the 
birthrate in the Third World. It is 
the absence of a common purpose 
which has sapped the West's 
viability, not just the scheming of 
the Jews. It is the loss of racial 
consciousness which has left the 
West defenseless, not the growing 
strength of our enemies. 

What is important is that the 
corruption of the West's spirit will 
continue in the years ahead — 
perhaps for decades — while the 
increasing anarchy, the more 
frequent breakdowns of order and 
flareups of violence, the economic 
disintegration, will be only inci- 
dental. There undoubtedly will 
come a great bloodletting, a time 
of mass throatcutting and mass 
rape, when the West's internal 
enemies will have free rein for a 
while. But the West will already 
have sunk before then. 

And most of the inhabitants of 
the West will have sunk too, to the 
point where little of value will be 
left to be lost in the bloodletting. 
This is a point worth emphasizing 
again: the majority will perish 
with the civilization to which they 
are inseparably bound. 

The problem is not to cull out 
the mongrels, the Judaized, the 
degenerates, the moral prostitutes 
from a rueaJthy mass, so that the 
cull can be destroyed and the mass 
saved. The problem is to pick the 
few who embody the best of what 
the West once was and to take the 
necessary measures to see that 
that which they embody does not 
perish with the mass. 

Those who would survive — 
more correctly, those who would 
have a hand in determining which 
genes and which values survive, 
for the time scale of the West's 
sinking is such that no individual 
now alive can be sure of living to 
see the new age dawn — must 
have these qualities: 

They must be both willing and 
able to fight for the right to 
determine the shape of the future; 
the meek and the disarmed will 
vanish without a trace. 

They must be free of the 
superstitions and prejudices of 
this age; those who are mentally 
bound to this age will go down 
with it. 

They must be pure in spirit and 
strong in will; this is the age of 
egoism and materialism, of self- 
indulgence and permissiveness, 
but the passage into the new age 
demands both selflessness and 
self-discipline. 

They must be united in an 
organization which combines 
their strengths and focuses their 
wills; in this age of atomized 
individuals, where each person is 
submerged in the macs, without 



identity and without power, only 
those who are united can prevail. 
They must be motivated by a 
single purpose, the overwhelming 
importance of which is always 
foremost in their minds; it has 
been the purposelessness of this 
age on which the West has 
foundered, but the new age will be 
illuminated and shaped by a 
common purpose transcending all 
other considerations: namely, the 
purpose of bringing forth a higher 
type of man and attaining thereby 
a higher level of consciousness in 
the universe. 

W.L.P. 

(Issue No. 74, 1980) 

Letters 

White America 

While I was in Philadelphia last 
week I stopped in a phone booth 
on Chester St. to call a taxi, and I 
saw your sticker there: "Dream of 
a White America." I would 
appreciate your sending me some 
literature on your organization. I 
am White and a combat veteran 
of World War II (95th Infantry 
Division). 

E.S.M. 
Paulsboro, NJ 

New Tel Aviv 

I have friends in the Old Glory 
Republican Club here as well as in 
the Chamber of Commerce and 
the Steuben Society. I give copies 
of NATIONAL VANGUARD to 
all of them. 

I have worked most of my life 
in New York City, with both 
Christians and Jews, and I will say 
this: the Jews use their brains, and 
the Christians sit on theirs. That is 
why the city, which was once 
called New Amsterdam, might as 
well be called New Tel Aviv now. 

F.M.K. 

Ridgewood, NY 

Moderation, No 

Which Way Western Man? is a 
book that one can recommend 
whole-heartedly. I am coming 
more and more to believe that 
books which try to compromise 
and exhibit "moderation" do 
more harm than good now, 
whatever may have been true in 
the early years of the "right 
wing." 

R.P.O. 
Urbana, IL 

Happy Teacher 

I have just recently begun 
reading your newspaper, and I 
cannot express adequately the 
feeling of joy I felt when I finally 
realized that there are others in 
the world who think as I do. 

I am a history teacher in an 
inner-city senior high school, and 
for the longest time I have felt 
almost isolated because of my 
views — views that seem com- 
pletely obvious to a thinking 
White person, but are so foreign 
to others. All through my Ph.D. 
degree in education, I had to put 
up with liberal tripe. That is why 
your paper seems so appealing. 

J.H. Ill 
Columbus, OH 

(Issue No. 74, 1980) 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

Economics, Work, and Morality 



183 



This is the third in a series of essays on Keynesian economics and its implications for White A 



menca. 



As economists of every stripe 

have pointed out, the newfangled 
Keynesian remedy of stimulating 
aggregate demand did not in itself 
cure the Great Depression. It was 
recourse to war, the tried and true 
capitalist medicament, which fi- 
nally jolted the U.S. economy out 
of its near quietus. 

A plausible case has been made 
that for all the New Deal's 
Keynesian tinge, Franklin Roose- 
velt either remained skeptical 
about the paradoxical economic 
ideas advanced by the Cantabri- 
gian aesthete, John Maynard 
Keynes, or had a less than perfect 
understanding of them. 

According to Frances Perkins, 
Secretary of Labor under Roose- 
velt and the first woman to serve 
in a cabinet post, the initial meet- 
ing between FDR and the master 
economist of the coming age 
turned out to be something less 
than a marriage of true minds: "I 
saw your friend Keynes," FDR 
informed Miss Perkins in 1934. 
vt He left a whole rigamarole of 
figures. He must be a mathemati- 
cian rather than a political 
economist." 

Keynes too shared impressions 
with Miss Perkins, confiding with 
rueful inelegance that he had 
mistakenly "supposed the Presi- 
dent was more literate, economi- 
cally speaking," than had turned 
out to be true. 

Another testament to FDR's 
dubiety about Keynes's ideas is 
the notation he scrawled in the 
margin of a book now in the 
Roosevelt Library at Hyde Park. 
The book, written ui 1928 by two 
American economists, William T. 
Foster and Waddill Catchings, 
was The Road to Liberty. It had 
stirred up considerable enthusi- 
asm among "progressives" like 
Henry Wallace; its basic prescrip- 
tion of "putting more money into 
consumers' hands when business 
is falling off and less money when 
inflation is under way" is virtually 
identical to what the world has 
since come to call Keynesian 
economics. Roosevelt's notation 
was: "Too good to be true — you 
can't get something for nothing." 

The greater likelihood, how- 
ever, is that Roosevelt was neither 
unconvinced nor uncomprehend- 
ing, but that political exigencies of 
the day prevented rigorous imple- 
mentation of Keynesian policies. 
Industrial workers, farmers, intel- 
lectuals, Wall Street lawyers, 
White ethnics, Blacks, and Jews 
could sweep Roosevelt into office, 
but conservative businessmen, 
rockribbed proprietors of small 
and regional enterprises, never^ 
theless wielded enough power to 
limit social experimentation. To 
them, deliberately incurring go- 
vernment deficits to stimulate 
aggregate demand — in effect, 
running the government at a loss 
— approached communist depra- 
vity. Since their businesses could 
not, as a regular policy, operate in 
the red, they reasoned that 
government was compelled to 
obey the same universal law. 

Fertile polemicists, the Keynes- 
ians offered a casuistry to mollify 
such objections: consider the 
deficits, financed through bor- 
rowings, as loans, owed by the 



nation to the nation, they argued. 
This charming image made the 
borrowings seem like the money a 
rich, old father lends a son down 

on his luck to set him back on his 
feet. 

Although a nation as large and 
diverse as the United States can be 
viewed as a close-knit family only 
at great peril, the analogy must 
have appealed to the too-clever. It 
left unstated one important point, 
however: just as a son who 
depends on fatherly assistance in 
times of need must heed fatherly 
advice whenever it is given, so 
must a government pay special 
notice to any group whose 
financial cooperation becomes a 
condition of survival. 

Midwestern businessmen, one 
or two generations removed from 
the plow, found it difficult to 
orient themselves to a new terrain 
on whose horizon danced the 
unfamiliar vision of a new 
sovereign power: money power. 
They believed that government 
and business should not mix; in 
any event, they were interested in 
making money, not public policy. 

Other groups were not so 
hesitant to enter the new land of 
opportunity. Jewish cosmopolites 
in NewTork, London, and on the 
continent found the landscape all 
too familiar; they already had 
been traversing it for generations. 
Lending money to a king, they 
knew, had always conferred the 
privilege of whispering in the 
king's ear. Now it would buy the 
right to shout. 

From the beginning of history 
economic elites have exercised 
considerable influence over politi- 
cal events, but not without strong 
competition from groups deriving 
their power from traditional 
entitlements: nobility and clergy, 
for example. In the new Keynes- 
ian scheme, the economif elite 
(more properly, the dominant 
subgroup within the elite) would 
be virtually assured of becoming 
prepotent in the mass, atomized 
society that had been emerging in 
the United States since the Civil 
War. 

The reasons are obvious. A 
political system compelled to 
borrow money to preserve itself 
must find suitable lenders, as- 
suming it chooses not to debase 
the currency immediately and 
outright by simply resorting to the 
printing press. But to tackle, 
along Keynesian lines, problems 
of the Great Depression's magni- 
tude requires borrowing on an 
immense scale. As a practical 
matter, it is far more convenient 
to ask ten sympathetic interna- 
tional bankers for several billions 
each than it is to raise a much 
smaller sum from each of 100,000 
obstructionist small manufac- 
turers. 

No banker, however, lends 
money without guarding against 
the possibility of loss. Fpr indivi- 
duals, a house or other property 
serves as adequate collateral; for 
nations, nothing less than control 
over foreign and domestic policy 
making can be considered. 
Among the first objectives of 
policy making will be the neutrali- 
zation of all power centers 
capable of jeopardizing tbe invest- 
ment. 




JOHN MAYNARD KEYNES 

It is appropriate that the homo- 
sexual advocate of "a higher 
sodomy, " as Keynes termed his 
relations with his circle of Cam- 
bridge disciples, should be the 
prophet of the economics of 
Western decay. 

Hence, Federal policies adverse 
to potentially refractory sub- 
groups within the economic elite, 
namely small businessmen. Hence, 
subtle propaganda warfare a- 
gainst any view oT politics and 
society which does not set econo- 
mics above race, creed, and other 
competing values. Hence, the 
entrenchment of the so-called 
Wall Street establishment at nodal 
points in the government struc- 
ture. 

Liberals ,have consistently as- 
cribed conservative opposition to 
Keynesianism to a lack of mental 
agility or to greed sanctified by a 
Puritanical morality which holds 
that people, especially idle people, 
should not get something for 
nothing. 

There is a strong measure of 
truth in this ascription. American 
businessmen,, in particular those 
who labor long hours on behalf of 
their comparatively small enter- 
prises, have rarely shown an 
interest in abstractions. And if 
they were untainted by greed, 
however rationalized, their drive 
to overcome all obstacles in the 
path of success might be less 
absolute than it generally has 
been. 

A few opponents of the New 
Deal were astute enough to 
understand some of the implica- 
tions of Keynesian policies and to 
recognize that these policies 
would be instrumentally effective 
against short-term capitalist stag- 
nation. But the majority, with 
their plaintive appeals to morali- 
ty, simultaneously saw and failed 
to see the real point of the new 
economic ideas. 

Every so often nowadays one 
can- still hear the old argument 
that sirnplistically equates deficit 
spending with moral turpitude. 
The standard response, however, 
that deficits incurred during ad- 
versity would be repaid by higher 
taxes levied during prosperity, has 
fallen into utter disuse. Pros- 
perity or no, raising taxes and 
retrenching public expenditures 
have been successfully resisted by 
rich and poor alike. It could 



hardly be otherwise under the 
social, economic, and political 
conditions which Keynesianism 
helped create. 

As it happens, the opponents of 
the Keyfiesian dogma were essen- 
tially correct in resorting to moral 
arguments; their error and weak- 
ness lay in the self-serving aims of 
their moral preachments. Appeals 
to the old-time American business 
virtues were seen by the voting 
unemployed for what they were: 
ready-made excuses for inaction, 
noble-sounding propaganda put 
out for the benefit of those who 
were determined to maintain their 
perquisites at all hazard. 

Much touted for the revolution 
they have brought about in 
capitalist economic science, the 
Keynesian doctrines in truth have 
a less frequently examined moral 
component of comparable signifi- 
cance. The interplay between 
economics and moral implications 
can be seen with special clarity in 
the following passage from 
Keynes: 

// the Treasury were to fill old 
bottles with banknotes, bury them 
at suitable depths in disused coal 
mines which are then filled up to 
the surface with town rubbish, 
and leave it to private enterprise 
on well-tried principles of laissez- 
faire to dig up the notes again . . . 
there need be ho more unemploy- 
ment, and with the help of the 
repercussions the real income of 
the community, and its capital 
wealth also, would probably 
become a good deal more than it 
actually is. 

To begin with, observe that the 
notion of work seems to have 
been imported from an alien 
universe. Old bottles, disused coal 
mines, suitable depths, town 
rubbish are all disreputable and 
vaguely ludicrous images whose 
effect is to belittle the purposes 
behind the expenditure of human 
effort in work and thereby leach it 
of any significance. 

Work, in short, need have no 
value. Neither noble duty nor 
baleful curse, it has been trans- 
formed into a ritual to be 
performed. Simply by acting out 
the absurdist drama of rooting 
about for banknotes in old 
bottles, the unemployed will 
transform themselves into the 
gainfully employed. 

Buried in this formulation is an 
intriguing question: Why bother 
with the ritual at all? Why not just 
hand over the banknotes directly 
and save everyone a lot of silly 
bother? 

Even though Keynes avowed 
himself a capitalist and personally 
practiced his belief, private enter- 
prise in the cited passage seems to 
have been traduced as much as 
labor, For by the use of "well- 
tried principles of laissez-faire" 
(the sneer is quite audible) in the 
organization of a perfectly useless 
function, private enterprise will 
set off repercussions which will 
somehow increase real income 
and capital wealth in the commu- 
nity. 

The entire process seems' coun- 
terintuitive until one realizes that 
thfr catch lies in the -nature of the 
object that has been stuffed into 
the old bottles;, perhaps it is 



significant that Keynes chose the 
word "banknotes," with its his- 
toric associations of chicanery. At 
bottom, Keynes seems to be 
saying that anyone who regards 
the banknotes in the old bottles as 
the real object of his exercise is 
mistaken; they are only a tool, to 
be manipulated in the service of 
ends which have been determined 
by the kindly souls who buried the 
bottles. 

Manipulation, of course, is the 
heart of Keynesian economics. 
With the right machinery in place, 
it is supposed, governments will 
be able to tug on one lever to 
crank up a sluggish economy, pull 
down on another to cool off an 
overheated boom. In doing so 
they will be able to eliminate the 
inherent instability of the capi- 
talist system without discomfiting 
the ruling elite. 

Once these interventions be- 
come possible, a limitless number 
of secondary manipulations fol- 
low, as shown by the current 
Federal tax codes and directories 
of assistance programs. In a 
monetized economy in which 
nearly the entire population has 
been persuaded to reduce all 
values to a price, incentives and 
disincentives transmitted through 
the Federal fiscal system become 
supple instruments of control. 
They are even more effective than 
overt coercion, because they 
sparkle with the patina of free- 
dom. 

Strictly speaking, the practice 
of manipulation is of ambiguous 
moral significance; ultimately a 
good bit depends on the ends 
which are to be accomplished. 

What are the ends of Keynesian 
economics? Just like earlier forms 
of capitalism, its concern begins 
and ends with the creation of 
wealth. Nothing else matters: not 
truth or justice or race. 

(Issue No. 74, 1980) 



**fr~<« r m*^mmmm 



Tome m\ nMtrllcto **o to famitio 

[ Alien i^in dzeri gdster L 

[ Cost a Vote* for the family j 
I Odatoertte, par tiju aa ofcftefc 1 

| farrf ol f^rvAhm.. hat. 4im famiH^ *- 

TAG PARTI 



FAMttJfNji£?s 

IMMIGRANT PROBLEM 

plagues every White nation. This 
election poster of the Christian 
Democratic Party in Sweden, 
tacked to a wooden building in 
Stockholm, offers its message in 
six languages besides Swedish. 
The most troublesome — and 
fastest-growing — minority in 
Sweden now Is the one to whom 
the second line of the poster is 
addressed: Turks. Although 
young Swedish workers have 
rioted against the policy of 
bringing these non -European im- 
migrants into the county, the 
liberal-democratic government, 
backed by the churches and the 
large corporations, is flooding the 
country with them. 

(Issue No. 74, 1980) 



184 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



185 



Despite Betrayal, Hungarian People Put Up Bravest Fight Against Reds 



Hungary Fights On 



On October 15, 1944, Admiral 
Miklos Horthy, the Hungarian 
regent and chief of state, an- 
nounced to his countrymen that 
his emissaries to the U.S.S.R. had 
concluded an armistice with 
Stalin. Horthy, who had led his 
nation to war on the side of 
Germany in order to share in the 
fruits of that nation's victories in 
the East, had decided to back out, 
as Romania and Bulgaria had 
done two months before, and 
leave Hungary to the mercy of the 
advancing Red Army. 

The designs of Horthy and the 
clique of reactionary aristocrats 
and Jewish financiers who formed 
the mainstay of his political 
support were to be swiftly un- 
done, however. The great majori- 
ty of the Hungarian people were 
not. disposed to hand over their 
country to the Soviets and the 
Jewish puppet regime which 
Stalin had chosen to rule Hun- 
gary. No sooner than Horthy's 
speech was being broadcast to the 
nation, a group of fervent Hun- 
garian patriots, led by Major 
Ferenc S^alasi ) had begun to seize 
key points in Budapest. 

With the help of units of the 
elite German S.S., led by Colonel 
OUo Skorzeny, Szalasi was able to 
topple the Horthy regime within 
24 hours. Over the same micro- 
phones which had broadcast 
Horthy's capitulation, Szalasi 
addressed his fellow Hungarians 
with a ringing appeal to carry on 
the struggle for their race and 
nation, 

The background lo Horthy's 
treachery and Szalasi's heroism 
lies in the troubled history of 
Hungary in the twentieth century. 
At the outset of the era Hungary 
was the junior partner in the 
creaking Habsburg dual monar- 
chy of Austria-Hungary. After 
the First World War Hungary was 
subjected to the most vindictive 
terms of any of the vanquished 
powers: the Treaty of Trianon 
detached from Hungary two- 
thirds of its prewar land area as 
well as 60 per cent of its 
population, including more than 
3,000,000 Hungarians. 

The upheaval at the war's end 
resulted in the fall of the 
monarchy, and power passed into 
the hands of the left-liberal 
government of Count Michael 
Karolyi. When Karolyi proved 
unable to master the chaos, he 
surrendered authority to the Com- 
munists, led by Bela Kun. Kun 
and his henchmen were, almost 
without exception, Jews. 

Hungary's Jewish problem 
dated from the Habsburg em- 
pire's annexation of Polish Gali- 
cia in 1772, from which tens of 
thousands of Jews flocked into 
the country. The pace of Jewish 
infiltration was stepped up after 
1867, due to the relaxation of 
immigration controls within the 
Habsburg territories and to the 
burgeoning industrial revolution 
in Hungary. By 1910 there were 
nearly a million Jews in Hungary 
— five per cent of the population. 

The Jews quickly established a 
stranglehold over the country's 
industry, banking, commerce, 
and press. Budapest, the capital, 




FERENC SZALASI (1897-194$) 



where the Jews made up a quarter 
of the population, was completely 
under their sway. Nevertheless, 
thanks to the general exclusion of 
Jews from the Hungarian civil 
service and military, the Hun- 
garians had been spared open 
Jewish domination. 

The Kun regime changed that. 
Kun and his ministers, particu- 
larly the bloodthirsty Tibor Sza- 
muelly, carried out a Red Terror 
in which hundreds of Hungarians, 
particularly small farmers op- 
posed to the regime's collectiviza- 
tion of the land, were tortured 
and murdered. After six months 
the victorious Entente powers 
intervened, and a Romanian army 
moved into Budapest, drove Kun 
and his supporters -into exile, and 
set the stage for the return to 
power of a Hungarian govern- 
ment. 

The savagery of Communist- 
Jewish domination under Kun 
destroyed whatever feelings of 
sympathy the great mass of 
Hungarians had had for the Jews. 
Nationalist and anti-Semitic 
movements began to spring up. 
None of them was to exercise 
power for some time, however, 
for the Hungarian army prevailed 
upon the National Assembly to 
restore the monarchy and to 
appoint Admiral Horthy as regent 



the First World War and was a 
member of the landed gentry; his 
outlook was rooted in the past, 
and he was a compliant tool for a 
circle of aristocrats and big 
businessmen (many of the latter 



at all costs. The power and 
influence of these men enabled 
Horthy to thwart the aims of 
Hungary's radical nationalists, 
such as General Gyula Goemboes 
(who was later to become prime 
minister, from 1932 to 1936) and 
Major Ferenc Szalasi. 

Szalasi, an honor graduate of 
the General Staff College and a 
veteran of the war, founded the 
Party of National Will in 1935, 
the name of which he changed to 
the Arrow Cpss Party shortly 
thereafter. Szalasi's party cham- 
pioned the small farmers and 
industrial workers and had a 
strong appeal for soldiers and the 
civil service. The Arrow Cross 
Party favored a Greater Hungary, 
including the territories detached 
from the country by the Treaty of 
Trianon. Although most non- 
Hungarian nationalities were to 
be treated more favorably than 
was their lot under the Habs- 
burgs, the Jewish question was to 
be dealt with strictly on a racial 
basis; the Jews would have to 
leave Hungary. 

Szalasi's personal dynamism 
and his movement's support for 
Hungarians whom the other par- 
ties had neglected led to rapid 
success at the polls. In the 1939 
elections the Arrow Cross Party 
won nearly 40 per cent of the vote, 
eclipsed only by the powerful 
Government Party, which was the 
chief vehicle of the Hungarian 
establishment. 

The Horthy regime 'was quick 
to respond to the threat posed by 
Szalasi. The charismatic officer 
was twice sentenced to prison, in 
1937 and 1938, the first time for 
daring to speak the truth about 
Jewish political activity, the se- 
cond time for "subversive acti- 
vity." 

Szalasi was imprisoned for over 
two years as a result of the second 
conviction, and when he was 
released in September 1940 the 
Arrow Cross movement had lost a 



Jewish) concerned with defending good deal of its momentum. War 
the status quo (which in practice was approaching, and the Horthy 
meant their profits and privileges"! regime had begun to curtail the 



freedoms of opposition political 
parties*. 

Hungary's proximity to Ger- 
many, the close economic ties of 
the two countries, and a mutual 
desire to sweep away the results of 
the postwar treaties of Versailles 
and Trianon led Horthy to align 
his country increasingly with 
Germany, although he shared the 
prejudice of his class against 
Adolf Hitler and National So- 
cialism, In 1938 and again in 1940 
the Germans enabled the Hun- 
garians to reacquire former Hun- 
garian territories lost to Czecho- 
slovakia and Romania after the 
previous war. When Germany 
went to war against the Soviet 
Union in June 1941, Hungary, 
albeit reluctantly, joined the 
German anti-Bolshevist crusade. 

The Hungarians suffered heavy 
losses on the Eastern Front, and 
Horthy, whose personal sympa- 
thies had always inclined toward 
the British and the Americans, 
began to entertain hopes of 
making a separate peace with 
these two powers. His country's 
internal situation reflected the 
regent's leanings: by early 1944 
Hungary fairly swarmed with 
Allied agents, defeatists, and. Jews 
(of whom there were still more 
than 800,000, constituting a dan- 
gerous fifth column). 

Admiral Horthy set the tone in 
what, for a nation locked in a 
desperate war, was a very strange 
society. He had numerous Jewish 
friends, most of them leading 
bankers and businessmen. His son 
Miklos, the vice-regent, had a 
Jewish mistress, one Mile. Gold- 
berger, the daughter of a wealthy 
Jewish industrialist. Many upper- 
and middle-class Hungarians dis- 
sipated themselves in an endless 
round of cafe- and cabaret- 
hopping. 

In March 1944 the Germans 
laid down the law to Horthy, 
threatening military occupation 
unless Horthy's regime began to 
act like an ally Instead of an 
enemy. Horthy went along only 




grudgingly. The Jews of Hungary 
(with the exception of those in 
Budapest) were deported to labor 
camps, and there was a crack- 
down on the more overt species of 
anti-German agitation. 

Nevertheless, Horthy bided his 
time, waiting for the opportune 
moment to separate Hungary 
from the German alliance. In 
August 1944, when Romania and 
Bulgaria surrendered to the Rus- 
sians and the retreating German 
Army Group South Ukraine was 
cut off from 16 of its divisions as 
a result, it seemed Horthy's 
opportunity had come. In Sep- 
tember he secretly dispatched his 
negotiating team to the Soviet 
Union, with instructions to sur- 
render. 

When Szalasi took power on 
October 15, 1944, the machina- 
tions. Admiral Horthy had set in 
motion and the advancing might 
of the Red Army confronted him 
with a desperate situation. Thanks 
to Horthy's reluctance to seize the 
vital passes leading from the 
Romanian province of Wallachia 
across the southern Carpathians 
into Transylvania, the Soviets' 
new-found Romanian allies had 
streamed into Transylvania in 
September, and the Russians 
followed soon afterwards. 



Ukrainian Front, with a half- 
million troops under his com- 
mand, boasted that he would 
capture the city within three or 
four days. 

The 70,000 Hungarian and 
German soldiers in the beleagured 
capital were in a position that left 
little hope for survival. They 
could only attempt to hold out till 
the bitter end, to make victory as 
costly as possible for the Soviet 
forces, and leave an example of 
their steadfastness and courage 
for a future generation ready to 
follow it. 

Nearly 45,000 of Budapest's 
defenders were Hungarians. They 
were commanded by Colonel 
General Ivan Hindy and consisted 
of the remnants of several divi- 
sions badly depleted by the 
fighting in Transylvania and 
eastern Hungary, as well as the 
city's gendarmes and police. The 
25,000 German troops, com- 
manded by S.S. Obergruppen- 
fuehrer Karl Pfeffer von Wilden- 
bruch, comprised two S.S. cavalry 
divisions, the 8th and the 22nd, as 
well as the WehrmachV% 13th 
Armored Division and the ar- 
mored grenadier division Feld- 
herrnhalle. 

On December 26 the Russians 
unleashed an all-out assault. The 
By the time of Szalasi's coup defenders quickly showed their 




FORTRESS BUDAPEST: Every building, every street was fiercely contested by the 70,000 Hungarian and 
German defenders and the half-million Soviet attackers. Here German artillery guards a vital intersection. 



the Russians were in control of 
one- fourth of Hungary. When 
Soviet advance units reached the 
southern suburbs of Budapest at 
the start of November, it seemed 
that Szalasi's call for a last-ditch 
defense of Hungarian nationhood 
would bear no fruit. 

The resistance of the German 
and Hungarian armies to the 
Soviet advance had in no way 
slackened, however. S.S. units 
drove back the initial Soviet thrust 



mettle. The Russians made only 
small gains in Pest, on the east 
bank of the Danube, Across the 
river, on the western outskirts of 
Buda, the German defenders 
threw back the elite Soviet 83rd 
Marine Brigade with terrible 
losses. 

The struggle for Pest quickly 
assumed the form of classic street 
fighting. There was little in the 
way of a clearly demarcated front; 
attackers and defenders fought 



The wounded bled to death where 
they lay for lack of medical 
attention and supplies. Bringing 
supplies by airlift became ever 
costlier, and as the- Russian ring 
closed landing space constantly 
decreased. The Soviets, as a 
propaganda device, took to an- 



south, before the Russians drove 

them off. 
On January 17 PfeffeT Von 

Wildenbmch ordered the remain- 
ing forces in Pest to fall back to 

the western bank of the Danube. 

Those who made it across the 

seven Danube bridges that night 
nonncing over loudspeakers the did so under heavy fire. Then the the same bravery with which he 
times of their next artillery defenders blew up the bridges and had conducted his life. Hungary's 
barrages, with an invitation to prepared for a last stand in Buda. new Jewish masters, with a 
surrender, mess kit in hand, for a The German and Hungarian characteristically ghoulish touch, 



Also like the Kun regime, the 
Rakosi regime instituted a Red 
terror. Szalasi and almost all his 
ministers, as well as scores of 
other Hungarian patriots, were 
condemned to death in farcical 
trials. 

Szalasi went to his death with 



into the Hungarian capital. After each other in small groups, from 

that the Hungarian and German house to house. Much of Buda- 

forces, vastly outnumbered and pest's civilian population took 

outgunned by the Red Army, gave refuge in their cellars. Many brave 

ground grudgingly, falling back and patriotic Hungarian civilians 

toward Budapest in good order helped the defenders in every 

from eastern Hungary. possible way at great risk. It was 

The Russians concentrated not uncommon to see well-dressed 

overwhelming forces in the area women of Budapest building 

of Budapest. On December 26, barricades alongside their men- 

1944, the Soviets succeeded in folk. 

encircling the magnificent Danu- As January wore on, the 

bian capital. Marshall Malinov- positions of the defenders of Pest 

sky, commander of the 2nd became increasingly untenable. 



warm meal. 

Certain units fought with parti- 
cular heroism. The S.S. divisions 
carried on a grim, resistance to the 
last. The Hungarian artillerists, in 
particular General Billnitzer's sec- 
tion, also held their ground 
doggedly. 

While the defenders of Buda- 
pest were holding off the Rus- 
sians, the German and Hungarian 
forces to the west were attempting 
to relieve their besieged comrades. 
The German army's 4th Armored 
Corps drove hard at the Soviet 
forces to the west of Budapest, 
first in the north, then in tha 



positions in Buda were strong, 
particularly those ^n the Castle 
Hill, which overlooks the city. 
They beat back assault after 
furious Soviet assault. The Rus- 
sians' Romanian allies, who had 
fought at the Germans' side six 
months before, took particularly 
heavy losses. 

The defenders held on to Buda 
for nearly a month after the 
evacuation of Pest. Finally, their 
resources expended to the limit, 



exhibited a film of the hangings of 
Szalasi and his comrades at public 
cinemas. When the Communist 
regime realized the powerful 
impression being created on Hun- 
garian viewers by Szalasi's brave 
end, however, the film was 
withdrawn from circulation. 

In 1956, the Hungarian people 
— driven to desperation by the 
brutal rule of Jews like Rakosi, 
his successor Erno Gero, and 
Gabor Peter, the commander of 



Hitler gave his permission for the the secret police — rose up against 

defenders of Budapest to attempt their alien masters. It was a 

to break out to the north and struggle hardly less gallant than 

west. Only 785 eventually reached the last-ditch defense of Budapest 



HUNGARIAN PARATROOPERS of the elite Szent-Laszlo Division on the march Despite ^'^ 

which was often Inferior, Hungarian soldiers, in both the Honved ^ff *^ ' »J £™£*J!t 

bt KrovAlv nn the Eastern Front from the initial assault on the U.S.S.fR- to the defense of Hungary 




the German lines - . 

The defense of Budapest for 
nearly seven weeks against over- 
whelming odds added further 
glory tp the record of the German 
armies in the East, while it 



eleven years before. 

But this time the Hungarians 
fought alone. For all their words 
of sympathy, the Western demo- 
cracies offered no substantive 
help to the" Hungarian freedom 



inscribed yet another chapter in f htm ^^ th( , Soviet Armyj 

the history of Hungary s rests- which had been brlefl withdrawn 

fance to the numberless hordes at the start of the uprisingj 

attacking the West out of Asia. returned in force in ^ily Novem- 

Nor did Hungary's struggle end ber, the Hungarians were quickly 

at Budapest. The Hungarian crushed. 

army, as well as the Hungarian The Hungar j an revolt f 1956 

volunteers who fought within the is j Ustly re membered today, while 

ranks of that unique pan- Smldt&{ and his C0U ntrymen's 
European fighting force, the 



gallant struggle to save Hungary 
at the end of World War II is 
either forgotten or maligned. 
Some day it will rank as an even 
greater example of Hungarian 
courage and loyalty to the West. 

T.O'K. 

(Issue No. 74, 1980) 



for the vacant throne, 

Horthy had commanded the units, fought bravely on the Eastern Front 
Austro-Hungarian navy during In the last months of the war. 



MEN AND WOMEN of Budapest construct barricades in the last days before the Soviet onslaught. Twenty 
thousand Hungarian civilians fell in the defense of Budapest, December 26, 1944-February ll r 1945. 



Waff en S.S., battled the Soviet 
armies valiantly until the final 
German surrender. Of all Ger- 
many's allies, only Hungary 
fought beside her to the bitter 
end. 

After the war the Americans 
handed over the members of 
Szalasi's Hungarian government, 
which had established itself in . 

exile in Salzburg, Austria, to the This is the real enemy, the 
puppet regime which the Soviet invader from the East, the Druie, 
army had installed, at the behest the Rifflan, the Oriental parasite; 
of Stalin, in Hungary. Like the In a word, the Jew. 
Kun government, the new Soviet- 
backed regime in Hungary, head- — George Bernard Shaw, 
ed by Matyas Rakosi, was com- London Morning Post, 
posed almost entirely of Jews. December 3, 1925 



186 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



187 



Whites Didn 't Start Black Slavery; They Stamped It Out 



The Roots of Black Slavery 



Slavery, Cannibalism Traditional in Black Africa 



One of the principal elements in 
the mythology of racial equality 
being propagated by the mass 
media, the schools, the churches, 
and numerous governmental 
agencies in America today is that 
of White responsibility for the 
Negro's servile status in the past. 
According to the raythmakers it 
was the White man's greed for the 
Black man's labor which brought 
about the institution of Black 
slavery. 

Prior to White encroachments 
into Africa south of the Sahara, 
beginning around the start of the 
16th century, so the myth goes, 
Black Africans lived in a state of 
rustic innocence in their thatched 
huts, happily busying themselves 
with farming, handicrafts, color- 
ful festivities, charming native 
customs, and so on. Then the 
cruel and rapacious White slave 
traders suddenly appeared on this 
blissful scene with their guns, 
brutally rounded up Blacks, 
packed them aboard slave ships, 
and sent them off to a life of 
slavery and misery in America. 

That is the way the story went 
in the widely ballyhooed TV 
drama Roots, and that is about 
the way it goes in the newer 
history textbooks approved for 
use in the public schools. It is the 
"guilt" associated with this 
alleged enslavement of the Black 
race by our ancestors that Christ- 
ian preachers and Federal bureau- 
crats alike use as a moral 
bludgeon to coerce a reluctant 
White majority in America into 
going along with the racial hiring 
and promotion quotas, the forced 
housing and forced busing 
schemes, and the thousand other 
racially destructive programs 
which characterize the policy of 
the ruling System. 

The same myth is used to excuse 
the bloodiest and most savage 
depredations of the Black descen- 
dants of slaves against the White 
descendants of slaveholders to- 
day. The extraordinarily high inci- 
dence of violent Black crime in 



America is passed off as a 
manifestation of "Black rage," 
justified by past and present 
inequities. 

In the closing years of the 19th 
century and the early years of this 
century, when many of our 
information media were still in the 
hands of the Gentile majority, 
such a myth could not be 
successfully propagated. Those 
were also the years when Whites 
were first becoming acquainted 
with Blacks in their natural state 
in the interior of sub-Saharan 
Africa, and there was a great deal 
of public interest in the reports of 
the White missionaries and ex- 
plorers who pushed beyond the 
coastal trading posts into the dark 
heart of Africa. These reports 
were widely published in such 
journals as National Geographic, 
Harper's New Monthly Magazine, 
and The Century Magazine. 

The authors of the reports were 
generally men full of Christian 
charity and fuzzy notions of 
interracial brotherhood, and they 
were writing for a readership still 
under the baleful influence of the 
abolitionist propaganda which 
had brought on the fratricidal 
disaster of the Civil War a few 
decades earlier. Yet they wrote 
truthfully about things they saw 
and experienced, and the facts 
they reported spoke for them- 
selves. 

Those facts spoke of African 
slavery, not as an alien institution 
introduced or sustained by the 
White man, but as a wholly 
indigenous institution, as wide- 
spread and #s natural among 
Black Africans as the building of 
their thatched huts, the practice of 
their voodoo rites, or the celebra- 
tion of their many festivals, and 
with roots just as deep. All the 
evidence, in fact, indicates that 
the Black tribes of Africa had 
been enslaving one another, both 
for food and labor, since time 
immemorial. It was the White 
man's intervention which even- 
tually resulted in a substantial 



curtailment of African slavery 
and cannibalism, even though 
these practices still persist to a 
certain extent in Africa today. 

And African slavery, as prac- 
ticed by the Blacks, was a far 
more brutal and cruel institution 
than anything perpetrated on 
Blacks by White slave merchants. 
A salient feature of the reports by 
White missionaries and explorers 
in this regard was the bloodthirsty 
cruelty of Blacks in their natural 
state, their utter disregard for any 
life but their own, and their total 
lack of any sense of compassion 
for suffering feLlow creatures. 

There is a tendency today to 
dismiss as wholly self-serving the 
earlier claims of White slave- 
holders who defended their owner- 
ship of Blacks on humanitarian 
grounds, but the stark reality of 
African life in its natural state 
supports these claims — and it 
also gives us a new understanding 
of the Black predilection for 
especially savage arid cruel acts of 
violence in America today. 

Let us allow the facts now to 
speak for themselves. Everything 
which follows has been excerpted 
from a firsthand report titled 
"The Slave Trade in the Congo 
Basin." It was written by E.J. 
Glave, an associate of the noted 
explorer, Sir Henry M. Stanley, 
and it was first published in the 
April 1890 issue of The Century 
Magazine. 



"THE heart of Africa is being 
rapidly depopulated in conse- 
quence of the enormous deathroll 
caused by the barbarous slave- 
trade. It is not merely the bondage 
which slavery implies that should 
appeal to the sympathies of the 
civiLLzed world; it is the blood- 
shed, cruelty, and misery which it 
involves. 

"During my residence in Cen- 
tral Africa I was repeatedly 
traveling about in the villages 
along the Congo River and its 



almost unknown affluents, and in 
every new village I was confronted 
by fresh evidences of the horrible 
nature of this evil. I did not seek 
to witness the sufferings attendant 
upon this traffic in humanity, but 
cruelties of all kinds are so general 
that the mere passing visits which 
I paid brought me in constant 
contact with them. . . . 

"I first went to the Congo in 
1883, and traveled without delay 
into the interior. Arriving at 
Stanley Pool, I received orders 
from my chief, Mr. Henry M. 
Stanley, to accompany him up 
river on his little boat the En 
Avant. Stanley at that time was 
engaged in establishing a few 
posts at important and strategic 
points along the upper river. 
Lukolela, eight hundred miles in 
the interior, was one decided 
upon, and I had the honor of 
being selected by him as chief of 
this post. . . . Here I lived for 
twenty months, the only white 
man, so that I had every 
opportunity of studying native 
character and customs. . . . 

"At Lukolela ... I had hardly 
settled down in my encampment 
when I was introduced to one of 
those horrible scenes of bloodshed 
which take place frequently in all 
the villages along the Congo, and 
which will be enacted so long as 
the life of a slave is counted as 
naught, and the spilling of his 
blood oF as little account as that 
of a goat or a fowl. 

"In this particular instance the 
mother of a chief having died, it 
was decided, as usual, to celebrate 
the event with an execution. At 
the earliest streak of dawn the 
slow, measured beat of a big drum 
announces to all what is to take 
place, and warns the poor slave 
who is to be the victim that his end 
is nigh. It is very evident that 
something unusual is about to 
happen, and that the day is to be 
given up to some ceremony. The 
natives gather in groups and begin 
studiously to arrange their toilets, 
don their gayest loin-cloths, and 



ornament their legs and arms with 
bright metal bangles, all the time 
indulging in wild gesticulations 
and savage laughter as they 
discuss the coming event. Having 
taken a hasty meal, they produce 
from their houses all available 
musical instruments. The drums 
are wildly beaten as groups of 
men, women, and children form 
themselves in circles and excitedly 
perform dances, consisting of 
violent contortions of the limbs, 
accompanied with savage singing 
and with repeated blasts of the 
war horns, each dancer trying to 
outdo his fellow in volence of 
movement and strength of lung. 

"About noon, from sheer 
exhaustion, combined with the 
heat of the sun, they are com- 
pelled to cease; then large jars of 
palm wine are produced, and a 
general bout of intoxication be- 
gins, increasing their excitement 
and showing up their savage 
nature in striking colors. The poor 
slave, who ail this time has been 
lying in the corner of some hut, 
shackled hand and foot and 
closely watched, suffering the 
agony and suspense which this 
wild tumult suggests to him, is 
now carried to some prominent 
part of the village, there to be 
surrounded and to receive the 
jeers and scoffs of the drunken 
mob of savages. The executioner's 
assistants, having selected a suit- 
able place for the ceremony, 
procure a block of wood about a 
foot square. The slave is then 
placed on this in a sitting posture; 
his legs are stretched out straight 
in front of him; the body is 
strapped to a stake reaching up 
the back to the shoulders.. On each 
side stakes are placed under the 
armpits as props, to which the 
arms are firmly bound; other 
lashings are made to posts driven 
into the ground near the ankles 
and knees. 

A pole is now planted about ten 
feet in front of the victim, from 
the top of which is suspended, by 
a number of strings, a bamboo 




SLAVE shed at Masankusu. (TTic sketch, done by Glave himsdf, appeared iibthe original magazine article.) 



ring. The pole is bent over like a 
fishing-rod, and the ring fastened 
round the slave's neck, which is 
kept rigid and stiff by the tension. 
During this preparation the 
dances are resumed, now rendered 
savage and brutal in the extreme 
by the drunken condition of the 
people. One group of dancers 
surround the victim and indulge in 
drunken mimicry of the contor- 
tions of face which the pain 
caused by this cruel torture forces 
him to show. But he has no 
sympathy to expect from this 
merciless horde, 

"Presently in the distance ap- 
proaches a company of two lines 
of young people, each holding a 
stem of the palm tree, so that an 
arch is formed between them, 
under which the executioner is 
escorted. The whole procession 
moves with a slow but dancing 
gait. Upon arriving near the 
doomed slave all dancing, singing, 
and drumming cease, and the 
drunken mob take their places to 
witness the last act of the drama. 

"An unearthly silence succeeds. 
The executioner wears a cap 
composed of black cocks' fea- 
thers; his face and neck are 
blackened with charcoal, except 
the eyes, the lids of which are 
painted with white chalk. The 
hands and arms to the elbow, and 
feet and legs to the knee, are also 
blackened. His legs are adorned 
profusely with broad metal ank- 
lets, and around his waist are 
strung wild-cat skins. As he 
performs a wild dance around his 
victim, every now and then 
making a feint with his knife, a 
murmur of admiration arises 
from the assembled crowd. He 
then approaches and makes a thin 
chalk mark on the neck of the 
fated man. After two or three 
passes of the knife, to get the right 
swing, he delivers the fatal blow, 
and with one stroke of his 
keen-edged weapon severs the 
head from the body. 

"The sight of the blood brings 
to a climax the frenzy of the 
natives: some of them savagely 
puncture the quivering trunk with 
their spears, others hack at it with 
their knives, while the remainder 
engage in a ghastly struggle for 
the possession of the head, which 
has been jerked into the air by the 
released tension of the sapling. As 
each man obtains the trophy, and 
is pursued by the drunken rabble, 
the hideous tumult becomes deaf- 
ening; they smear one another's 
faces with blood, and fights 
always spring up as a result, when 
knives and spears are freely used. 

"When the taste for blood has 
been to a certain extent satisfied, 
they again resume their singing 
and dancing while another victim 
is prepared, when the same 
ghastly exhibition is repeated. 
Sometimes as many as twenty 
slaves will be slaughtered in one 
day. The dancing and general 
drunken uproar is continued until 
midnight, when once more abso- 
lute silence ensues, in utter 
contrast to the hideous tumult of 
the day. 

,( I had frequently heard the 
natives boast of the skill of their 
executioners, but I doubted their 
ability to decapitate a man with 
one blow of the soft metal knives 
they use. I imagined they would 
be compelled to hack the head 



from the body. When I witnessed 
this sickening spectacle I was 
alone, unarmed, and absolutely 
powerless to interfere. But the 
mute agony of this poor black 
martyr, who was to die for no 
crime, but simply because he was 
a slave — whose every piteous 
movement was mocked by fren- 
zied savages, and whose very 
death throes gave the signal for 
the unrestrained outburst of a 
hideous carnival of drunken sava- 
gery — appealed so strongly to my 
sense of duty that I decided upon 
preventing by force any repetition 
of this scene. . . . 

"All tribes I have known have 
an idea of immortality. They 
believe that death leads but to 
another life, to be continued 
under the same conditions as the 
life they are now leading; and a 
chief thinks that if when he enters 
into this new existence he is 
accompanied by a sufficient fol- 
lowing of slaves he will be entitled 
to the same rank in the next world 
as he holds in this. From this 
belief emanates one of their most 
barbarous customs — the cere- 
mony of human sacrifices upon 
the death of any one of impor- 
tance. Upon the decease of a 
chief, a certain number of his 
slaves are selected to be sacrificed, 
that their spirits may accompany 
him to the next world. Should this 
chief possess thirty men and 
twenty women, seven or eight of 
the former and six or seven of the 
latter will suffer death. The men 
are decapitated, and the women 
are strangled. When a woman is 
to be sacrificed she is adorned 
with bright metal bangles, her 
toilet is carefully attended to, her 
hair is neatly plaited, and bright- 
colored cloths are wrapped 
around her. Her hands are then 
pinioned behind, and. her neck is 
passed through a noose of cord; 
the long end of the cord is led over 
the branch of the nearest tree, and 
is drawn taut at a given signal; 
and while the body is swinging in 
mid-air its convulsive movements 
are imitated with savage gusto by 
the spectators. It often happens 
that a little child also becomes a 
victim to this horrible ceremony, 
by being placed in the grave alive, 
as a pillow for the dead chief. 
These executions are still perpe- 
trated in all the villages of the 
Upper Congo. 

"But the life of the slave is no. 
only forfeited at the death of the 
chief of the tribe in which fate has 
cast his lot. Let us suppose that 
the tribe he is owned by has been 
maintaining an internecine war- 
fare with another tribe in the same 
district. For some reason it is 
deemed politic by the chief to 
bring the feud to an end, and a 
meeting is arranged with his rival. 
At the conclusion of the inter- 
view, in order that the treaty of 
peace may be solemnly ratified, 
blood must be spilled. 

''A slave is therefore selected, 
and the mode of torture preceding 
his death will vary in different 
districts. In the Ubangi River 
district the slave is suspended 
head downwards from the branch 
of a tree, and there left to die. But 
even more horrible is the fate of 
such a one at Chumbiri, Bolobo, 
or the large villages around Irebu, 
where the expiatory victim is 
actually buried alive with only the 
head left above the ground. All 



his bones have first been crushed 
or broken, and in speechless 
agony he waits for death, . . . 

"[The Lolo] villages are con- 
stantly attacked by the powerful 
roving tribes of the Lufembe and 
Ngombe. These two tribes are 
voracious cannibals. They sur- 
round the Lolo villages at night, 
and at the first signs of dawn 
pounce down upon the unsuspect- 
ing Balolo, killing all the men who 
resist and catching all the rest. 
They then select the stronger 
portion of their captives, and 
shackle them hand and foot to 
prevent their escape. The remain- 
der they kill, distributing the flesh 
among themselves. As a rule, 
after such a raid they form a small 
encampment; they light their 
fires, seize all the bananas in the 
village, and gorge upon the 
human flesh. They then march 
over to one of the numerous slave 
markets on the river, where they 
exchange the captives with the 
slave-traders'of the Lulungu River 
for beads, cloth, brass wire, and 
other trinkets. The slave-traders 
pack the slaves into their canoes 
and take them down to the 
villages on the Lulungu River 
where the more important mar- 
kets are held. Masankusu, situ- 
ated at the junction of the Lupuri 
and Malinga tributaries, is by far 
the most important slave-trading 
center. The people of Masankusu 
buy their slaves from the Lufembe 
and Ngombe raiders, and sell 
them to the Lulungu natives and 
traders from down river. The 
slaves are exhibited for sale at 
Masankusu in long sheds, or 
rather Under simple grass roofs 
supported on long poles. It is 
heartrending to see the inmates of 
one of these slave-sheds. . . . 

"They are hobbled with rough- 
ly hewn logs which chafe their 
limbs to open sores; sometimes a 
whole tree presses its weight on 
their bodies while their necks are 
penned into the natural prong 
formed by its branching limbs. 
Others sit from day to day with 
their legs and arms maintained in 
a fixed position by rudely con- 
structed stocks, and each slave is 
secured to the roof -posts by a 
cord knotted to a cane ring which 
either encircles his neck or is 
intertwined with his woolly hair. 
Many die of pure starvation, as 
the owners give them barely 
enough food to exist upon, and 
even that they grudge them. These 
hungry creatures form indeed a 
truly pitiable sight. After suffer- 
ing this captivity for a short time 
they become mere skeletons. All 
ages, of both sexes, are to be seen: 
mothers with their babes; young 
men and women; boys and girls; 
and even babies who cannot yet 
walk, and whose mothers have 
died of starvation, or perhaps 
been killed by the Lufembe. One 
seldom sees either old men or old 
women; they are all killed in the 
raids: their marketable value 
being very small, no trouble is 
taken with them. . . . 

"There were certainly five 
hundred slaves exposed for sale in 
this one village alone. Large 
canoes were constantly arriving 
from down river, with merchan- 
dise of all kinds with which they 
purchased these slaves. A large 
trade is carried on between the 
Ubangi and Lulungu rivers. The 
people inhabiting the mouth of 



the Ubangi buy the Balolo slaves 
at Masankusu and the other 
markets. They then take them up 
the Ubangi River and exchange 
them with the natives there for 
ivory. These natives buy their 
slaves solely for food. Having 
purchased slaves they feed them 
on ripe bananas, fish, and oil, and 
when they get them into good 
condition they kill them. Hun- 
dreds of the Balolo slaves are 
taken into the river and disposed 
of in this way each month. A great 
many other slaves are solcf to the 
large villages on the Congo, to 
supply victims for the execution 
ceremonies. 

"Much life is lost in the 
capturing of slaves, and during 
their captivity many succumb to 
starvation. Of the remainder, 
numbers are sold to become 
victims to cannibalism and human 
sacrifice ceremonies. There are 
few indeed who are allowed to live 
and prosper. 

"Cannibalism exists among all 
the peoples on the Upper Congo 
east of 16° E. longitude, and is 
prevalent to an even greater extent 
among the people inhabiting the 
banks of the numberous afflu- 
ents. During a two-months' voy- 
age on the Ubangi River I was 
constantly brought into contact 
with cannibalism. The natives 
there pride themselves upon the 
number of skulls they possess, 
denoting the number of victims 
they have been able to obtain. X 
saw one native hut, around which 
was built a raised platform of clay 
a foot wide, on which were placed 
rows of human skulls, forming a 
ghastly picture, but one of which 
the chief was very proud, as he 
signified by the admiring way he 
drew my attention to the sight. 
Bunches of twenty and thirty 
skulls were hung about in promi- 
nent positions in the village. I 
asked one young chief, who was 
certainly not more than twenty- 
five years old, how many men he 
had eaten in his village, and he 
answered me thirty. He was 
greatly astonished at the horror I 
expressed at his answer. In one 
village again, as I had bought a 
tusk of ivory, the natives thought 
perhaps I might buy skulls, and 
several armfulls were brought 
down to my boat within a few 
minutes. . . . 

"During my first visit to the 
upper waters of the Malinga River 
cannibalism was brought to my 
notice in a ghastly manner. One 
night I heard a woman's piercing 
shriek, followed by a stifled, 
gurgling moan; then boisterous 
laughter, when all again became 
silent. In the morning I was 
horrified to see a native offering 
for sale to my men a piece of 
human flesh, the skin of which 
bore the tribal tattoo mark of the 
Balolo. I afterwards learned that 
the cry we had heard at night was 
from a female slave whose throat 
had been cut. I was absent from 
this village of Malinga for ten 
days. On my return I inquired if 
any further bloodshed had taken 
place, and was informed that five 
other women had been killed. 

"While in the Ruki River at the 
beginning of this year, I was 
furnished with another proof of 
the horrible fate of the slaves. At 
Esenge, a village near which I 
stopped to cut wood for my 



steamer, I heard ominous beating 
of drums and outbreaks of excited 
mirth. I was informed by one of 
the natives from the village that 
an execution was taking place. To 
my inquiry whether they were in 
the habit of eating human flesh, 
he replied, 'We eat the body 
entirely.' I further asked what 
they did with the head. 'Eat it,' he 
replied; 'but first we put it in the 
fire to singe the hair off.' . . ." 



Thus, the Black man in his 
natural environment — not ob- 
served at some awkward moment, 
during a time of turmoil, when the 
worst in him may have been 
temporarily brought out, but just 
as he had been for countless 
thousands of years before the 
arrival of the first White man. 
Only fools can believe that any 
fundamental change has taken 
place in his nature during the last 
90 years. 

(Issue No. 75, 1980) 




May 3: Niccolo Machiavelli, 
whose Prince and Discourses are 
considered to have inaugurated 
modern political theory, was born 
at Florence in 1469. 

May 5: Napoleon Bonaparte died 
in exile on the rocky island of St. 
Helena in the South Atlantic, 
1821. 

May 10: Major General Thomas 
"Stonewall" Jackson, shot in 
error by his own sentries, died in 
his moment of triumph at Chan- 
celorsvilie, 1863. 

May 13: The first English settle- 
ment in North America was 
founded at Jamestown in Vir- 
ginia, in 1607. 

May 14: Henry IV, whose reign 
(1589-1610) brought an end to the 
fratricidal religious wars which 
had wracked France for half a 
century, was assassinated in Paris 
by Ravaillac, a fanatical monk, in 
1610. 

May 17: Edward Jenner, who in- 
troduced vaccination against 
smallpox, was born in Berkeley, 
England, in 1749. Jenner's ac- 
complishment made possible the 
virtual elimination of smallpox, 
an age-old scourge, and laid the 
foundation for all subsequent 
achievements in immunology. 

May 20: Christopher Columbus 
died in Valladolid, Spain, in 1506. 

May 21: Albrecht Duerer, Ger- 
many's foremost artist, was born 
in Nuremberg in 1471. 

May 21: Alexander Pope, the 
greatest poet of the Augustan Age 
of English letters, author of The 
Rape of the Lock, Essay on Man, 
etc., was born in London in 1688. 

May 22: Richard Wagner was 
born at Leipzig in 1813. 

{Issue No. 76, 1980) 



188 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



White Disunity Gave Reds Opening in Takeover of British Schools 



Report from a British Teacher 



by Stephen Brady 

In our children lies the future of 
our race — a future under assault 
around the globe. In Britain, 
where I was, until a few days ago, 
a biology teacher in a racially 
mixed, inneT-city high school, the 
assault is no less furious than in 
the United States, 

This anti-White onslaught dif- 
fers in its specific form, though 
not at all in its objectives, in 
Britain from that in America, 
however. So far, in Britain the 
physical aspects of the problem 
have been less severe; while gangs 
of West Indian Negroes do beat 
up British schoolchildren and 
extort money from them to such 
an extent that in some inner 
London schools they have to be 
confined during school hours in 
prison-style "sin bins," there has 
been relatively little gunplay, gang 
rape, and assaulting of teachers. 
Since these and similar manifesta- 
tions of "Black consciousness" 
are increasingly common on the 
streets of British cities, though, it 
is only a matter of time before 
they spread into the classroom. 

But it is in the attack on the 
minds of White children that the 
two systems differ most notice- 
ably. In Britain the goal is not 
merely to indoctrinate them with 
the sort of ethnomasochistic 
liberalism inflicted on them by 
American schools, but also to 
instil in them an overt, explicit 
Marxism. This latter has become a 
highly organized and systematic 
process, deliberately engaged in 
by a substantial section of the 
British teaching profession. 

I imagine that very few U.S. 
high school teachers are members 
of the Communist Party or the 
Progressive Labor Party. In Bri- 
tain, on the other hand, the 
teaching profession has harbored 
tor many years more than its fair 
>hare, not just of liberals but of 
Communists. And I might add 
that I do not use that word, as 
many American right wingers 
seem to, to denote anyone who 
does not believe that Moscow 
should be H-bombed now; those I 
call "Communists" would in the 
main gladly avow the title, though 
a few prefer to be called "Marx- 
ists." 

Apart from a substantial num- 
ber of members of the pro- 
Moscow Communist Party of 
Great Britain (CPGB), well repre- 
sented in the hierarchy of Bri- 
tain's largest teachers' union, the 
National Union of Teachers 
(NUT), the Trotskyite Socialist 
Workers' Party (SWP) has for 
some years carried out an or- 
ganized campaign of subversion 
among British teachers. 

The SWP is rather a strange 
group, even by Marxist standards, 
for not only is it Jed by Jews, but 
these Jews are mostly related by 
ties of blood or marriage. The 
leader of the SWP calls himself 
"Tony Cliff," but he holds an 
Israeli passport in the name of 
Ygael Gluckstein. The leader of 
Rank and File, the SWP teachers' 
organization, calls herself "Cha- 
rlie Rosenberg," but she is 
actually none other than Mrs. 
Ygael Gluckstein! 



The SWP's highly profitable 
printing press, notorious for 
ruthlessly sacking surplus labor in 
a most un-socialist way, is run by 
one "Michael Kidron," whose 
real name is Rosenberg and who is 
Mrs. Gluckstein's brother. Other 
members of the Gluckstein clan 
hold the majority of leading 
positions in the SWP. 

Blair Peach, the Maori-White 
half-caste who died of a skull 
fracture inflicted while he was 
inciting hordes of Indians to 
attack policemen guarding a 
National Front meeting in West 
London last April, was a teacher 
and an SWP member. With him 
when he died was Jewess Amanda 
Leon, a leading light in Rank and 
File and in the East London 
branch of NUT. 

In addition to the CPGB and 
the SWP, many teachers who are 
members of the British Labor 
Party are open Marxists. (The 
Labor Party is divided into a 
Communist left wing and a 
corrupt right wing, both vari- 
ations on the usual ethnic theme.) 

Until fairly recently the Reds in 

the British teaching profession 
were limited primarily to Jews, 
and they concentrated mainly on 
recruiting other teachers into their 
ranks and jockeying for control of 
the teachers' organizations. For 
example, - a NUT conference in 
February 1973 broke up in 
confusion when fighting erupted 
between SWP members on the 
one hand and supporters of the 
union's CPGB-mcmber president, 
Max Morris, and general secre- 
tary, Sam Fisher, on the other. 
Setting an inspiring example of 
mature conduct for their students, 
Red teachers exchanged punches 
on the platform and rolled about 
grappling on the floor of Lon- 
don's Westminster Central Hall. 
No disciplinary action was taken 
against the brawlers. 

During this period of recruiting 
and taking over control of the 
teachers' unions, Red teachers 
nibbled away at the minds of their 
White charges as the opportunity 
arose, but there was little systema- 
tic brainwashing of British school- 
children. 

All this changed in 1978, by 
which time NUT was totally under 
CPGB/SWP control, right down 
to the local branch level. Pri- 
marily in response to a wave of 
racial consciousness which was 
and still is sweeping through large 
segments of the White youth of 
Britain, the alarmed Reds 
launched a multi-racialist propa- 
ganda campaign simultaneously 
in every school in Britain. 

On September 22, 1978, NUT 
distributed 50,000 copies of a new 
booklet, Race, Intelligence, and 
Education, to teachers and other 
educators throughout the coun- 
try, The booklet, intended as a 
guide for teachers in indoctri- 
nating their students with the 
Marxist view on racial matters, 
was a preposterous parade of 
factual errors, Communist rant- 
ings, and pseudo-scientific non- 
sense, so poorly argued as to be a 
ludicrous parody even of the 
multi-racialist case, such as it is. 

The author, instead of some 
subtle liberal mind-molder, as had 




STEPHEN BRADY 

A National Alliance member, a 
Briton, and a biology teacher, 
Stephen Brady, 25, has actively 
disseminated the Alliance's mes- 
sage of racial consciousness, 
solidarity, renewal, and progress 
among British colleagues and 
students. Last month he was 
dismissed from the faculty of 
London's Elthorne High School, 
ostensibly because he had earlier 
been convicted of assaulting and 
" causing actual bodily harm" to 
an opponent In a street demon- 
stration. Red teachers, however, 
are virtually never disciplined for 
brawling In the numerous demon- 
strations organized by Marxist 
teachers' groups, and the real 
reason for Mr. Brady's dismissal 
was the l 'anti-racist" witch-hunt 
now under way in British schools. 
As Mr. Brady indicates in this 
report, only a determined, all-out 
assault can regain Britain's Red- 
run schools for the British people. 



been the case with most such 

multi-racialist writings in the past, 
was the well-known Maoist crank, 
"Professor" Steven Rose of the 
(correspondence course only) 
"Open University," which resides 
in the countryside 50 miles north 
of London surrounded by — I kid 



you not — concrete replicas of 
cows to make its grounds look 
more "rustic." 

Rose is something of a comedy 
figure, who can always be relied 
upon to lose his temper when 
confronted with "racists" and say 
something silly. On one occasion 
he ranted about killing 16 million 
Britons if that were necessary to 
establish " a socialist state like in 
China." His earlier published 
work had been limited mainly to 
Marxist "science for the people" 
propaganda and allegations that 
the United States used chemical 
warfare against the Viet Cong, (It 
seems to me questionable whether 
the United States used any kind of 
warfare against them!) He had no 
genetic training whatever, as was 
evident from his booklet. 

A widely distributed reply from 
pro-White teachers, including my- 
self, effectively countered the 
NUT booklet, which is no longer 
to be seen, 

Meanwhile, a longer-term 
brainwashing campaign began in 
early 1978, when the Marxist- 
controlled Inner London Educa- 
tion Authority (ILEA) issued a 
videotape titled "Somebody's 
Daughter," portraying White 
girls who sleep with Negroes as 
heroines and bastions of ' 'enlight- 
enment." Opponents of race- 
mixing were caricatured as 
moronic bigots. The showing of 
this videotape in London schools 
sparked a number of protests 
from indignant White parents, 
which were duly ignored. It 
continues to be widely used in 
British schools. 

Since then ILEA has followed 
up with another videotape, 
"Marches," which equates British 
resistance to race-mixing with the 
famous "Holocaust." 

In March 1978 All London 
Teachers Against Racism and 
Fascism (ALTARF) was founded 
by several SWP members. In 
December 1978 the group, several 
hundred strong by then, published 
its own guide to anti-racist 
teaching. This has subsequently 
been widely adopted in British 
inner-city schools, and an updated 



• 



edition was printed in November 
1979. It calls on teachers to treat 
"racist remarks," the expression 
of "racist ideas," and the posses- 
sion of "racist literature" by their 
students as punishable offenses. 

The ALTARF book also urges 
teachers to be seen "standing up 
for Black students, picketing their 
schools to prevent their use by 
[pro-White] organizations, and 
taking part in anti-racist demon- 
strations," as well as "isolating 
those students who express racist 
ideas or who tend towards 
fascism." Nor are other aspects of 
the Marxist doctrine neglected: 
"Our work as teachers in the 
classroom compels us to take sides 
on social and political questions." 

This same book suggests the use 
of "anti-racist" fiction to brain- 
wash White schoolchildren. An 
example cited is a short story by 
U.S. Negro James Baldwin, Big 
Boy Leaves Home. It is described 
as "an horrific and lively account 
of Black school students in the 
Deep South, who accidentally kill 
a white threatening them with his 
own gun. One is shot dead and the 
other two have to flee. The white 
lynching party catches one, who is 
burnt alive, while his friend 
nearby listens in horror to the 
savage delight of the whites, 
before he eventually escapes. The 
effect of this story is shocking and 
clearly brings home the logical 
consequences of racism." 

Inevitably, the book sheds a 
few tears for the long-suffering 
Jews and uses their "persecution" 
to suggest other ways to boost 
multi-racialism: "When 'Holo- 
caust' was on television we looked 
at some Brecht poems about 
fascism, for all the students were 
agreed that Hitler was wrong and 
was a fascist. By juxtaposing 
Brecht 's ironic A Jew, a Misfor- 
tune for the People to Zulfikhar 
Ghose's This Landscape, This 
People where he describes the 
English attitudes toward Asians in 
England and the effects of 
imperialist rule in his homeland, 
the gut reactions against Hitler's 
murder of the Jews was [sic — 
and this is a teacher of English 





*y 




"ANTI-RACIST" EDUCATION In Britain: 14-year-old White schoolgirls at a Harlow, Eaaex, high school 
practice African fertility rites. At the right, beating the drum, Is their teacher, the school's "director of 
creative studies/ 1 t Ghanlan tribesman. 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



189 



writing!] channeled into an analy- 
sis of how Asians are now 
regarded in the same way." 

The suggestions made by SWP/ 
ALTARF have been imple- 
mented, to one degree or another, 
in most urban schools in Britain, 
where "anti-racist" teaching is 
now firmly part of the curricu- 
lum. Demands are being made 
that this process be extended to 
what one Negro "Community 
Relations Officer" termed the 
"White Highlands," the outer 
suburbs and the rural areas, which 
so far have remained relatively 
free of Blacks and "Black stu- 
dies." 

Meanwhile, the teaching pro- 
fession has become dominated by 
Reds to the extent that, in 
London, every high school vir- 
tually without exception has at 
least two or three card-carrying 
Trotskyites, a somewhat larger 
number of Communist Party 
members, and a substantial por- 
tion — over 50 per cent in many 
inner London schools — who 
would describe themselves as 
"Marxists" among its teaching 
staff. Every Greater London 
branch of NUT is controlled by 
overt Marxists. A similar situation 
exists in other major British cities. 

This situation, alarming as it is 
for the future of the children of 
Britain, did not just happen. The 
effective takeover of British edu- 
cation by elements who are not 
just race-mixing liberals but hard- 
line Marxists was not due to the 
conversion to Marxism of the 



majority of the teaching pro- 
fession. Taking the country as a 
whole, most British teachers — 
unlike their leaders and "repre- 
sentatives" — are not Marxists. 
Nationally, over half of them 
support the British Conservative 
Party. 

What they lack is any ideologi- 
cal basis from which to confront 
the Marxists, any vision of the 
future to inspire the same dedi- 
cated, single-minded determina- 
tion which allowed a small group 
of people to seize effective control 
of a vital aspect of national life. 
Most of them are, like all 
conservatives, mere sheep, con- 
tent to be allowed to munch their 
particular patch of grass while the 
wolves take over the field. 

The only substantial resistance 
to Marxist subversion in the 
classrooms of Britain has come 
not from "responsible conserva- 
tives" in the teaching profession, 
but from White schoolchildren 
themselves. Resentful at having to 
endure the arrogance and thug- 
gery of their Negro fellow pupils 
and at seeing anti-White literature 
and badges distributed in school 
by teachers and colored students 
alike, while pro- White material is 
confiscated and its bearers pun- 
ished, many White youths are 
turning to overt White racialist 
activism. This trend first became 
really noticeable in 1976, and, 
despite the attempts of leftist 
teachers, the media, and the 
authorities to stamp it out, has 
now developed into a substantial, 
if unorganized, mass movement. 



It is mainly a working-class 
movement, principally because a 
very high percentage of urban 
White working-class youths end 
up on the dole as a consequence of 
the terminally sick economic 
situation here and so have nothing 
to lose, whereas any taint of 
"racism" is the kiss of death to a 
middle-class young person with 
career aspirations. 

While this reaction has been 
developing along explicitly racial 
lines for only about the last four 
years, its roots go back to the 
origins of the "skinhead" cult in 
the late 1960 T s. The "skins," as 
they are generally known, tend to 
adopt a distinctive appearance by 
wearing crew cuts, denims, and 
army surplus "bovver boots" — 
thereby making themselves look 
as unlike "responsible conserva- 
tives" as possible — and to 
engage in random, though not 
altogether ineffective violence. 
Their favorite activity is beating 
up non-Whites ("Paki-bashing"), 
smashing up Communist meet- 
ings, and the like. 

Most of those involved are not 
very politically aware. A hatred of 
"wogs and coons" and "Reds 
and Yids" is combined with a 
nihilistic hostility to the police, 
teachers, and anyone else in 
authority. Nevertheless, they do 
turn out in quite considerable 
numbers to join anti-immigration 
marches, and they avidly buy 
pro- White literature. At a recent 
march in Brighton, on the English 
South Coast, for example, they 



bought more than 250 copies of 
NATIONAL VANGUARD. 

What the average member of 
the Hanwell Skins makes of Furt- 
waengler I'm not sure, though 
some of them are far from stupid 
and could eventually be the sort of 
cadre material for which the 
Alliance is looking. It is just a 
matter of education, and the 
filtering out of the best elements, 
to bring some of the more 
perceptive of them beyond purely 
negativistic violence toward more 
effective forms of opposition to 
the System. We must provide a 
coherent ideological framework 
for them — a race-based fighting 
creed — which enables them to 
understand the situation in which 
they find themselves and, more 
important, what to do about it. 

Ironically, the backlash of 
Britain's White youth against the 
multi-racialist blandishments of 
their teachers owes much to 
attitudes to authority inculcated 
by those same teachers. It is all 
very well for Marxist teachers to 
fan the flames of adolescent 
rebelliousness into a fire of 
contempt and hatred for all 
established authority, if they can 
then present themselves as an 
alternative to that authority. But 
the racial issue happens to be not 
only one of urgent concern to the 
young people in Britain's Black- 
infested classrooms, but also the 
one issue on which the Reds and 
the System see eye to eye. 

Thus, having encouraged the 
youngsters in his charge to sneer 



contemptuously at Establishment 
figures such as plutocrats, judges, 
Members of Parliament, bishops, 
senior police officers, etc., many a 
Red teacher now finds himself in 
the invidious position of lining up 
with those very same pillars of the 
System to join in the chorus of 
denunciation of "racism." 

The result is that racialism, as 
well as being in line with their 
instinctive "gut feeling," is seen 
by a growing section of the White 
youth of Britain as the way of 
really defying authority, the ulti- 
mate form of rebellion. If the 
young people who presently feel 
this way continue to resist System 
brainwashing — and they all have 
a healthy contempt for the 
controlled media — then when 
they become older there will be 
enough of them to cause a very 
considerable political upheaval in 
Britain. 

The more astute of these young 
people can be made to realize, as 
their political awareness develops, 
that what is wrong with Britain 
and the West is not authority, as 
such, but those persons now in 
authority. 

The Marxists may well inadver- 
tently have sown the seeds of a 
real revolt by the youth of Britain, 
which will one day put an end to 
both the alien-serving System and 
its Marxist "alternative 1 ■' and set 
up in their place a new order in 
which the people of Britain, 
young and old, will be able to 
fulfill their national and racial 
destiny. 

(Issue No. 76, 1980) 



The 1936 Berlin Olympics and the Big Lie 



The death of the world- 
renowned Black athlete Jesse 
Owens this past March gave the 
lockstepping members of the U.S. 
journalism establishment yet ano- 
ther opportunity to peddle a lie 
they've been pushing for more 
than 40 years. According to 
America's controlled news media, 
after Owens single-handedly des- 
troyed what is unfailingly des- 
cribed as "Adolf Hitler's master- 
race theory" at the 1936 Olympics 
in Berlin, he was then snubbed by 
a spiteful Hitler, who refused to 
congratulate him by shaking his 
hand. 

That Jesse Owens was an 
outstanding sprinter is beyond 
dispute. During the 1936 Olym- 
pics he won four gold medals, 
breaking two Olympic records in 
the process. Whether his athletic 
achievements proved or disproved 
anything about White racial su- 
periority is a moot question. It is 
never alleged, for instance, that 
the swifter horses and dogs Owens 
raced later, after his career had 
gone sour, were "superior" to the 
Negro athlete. In any case, 
Germany won more gold, silver, 
and bronze medals — 89 alto- 
gether, while the United States 
was far behind with 56 — than 
any other nation at the 1936 
Olympics. 

The core of the Owens story, 
however, for the Jewish sports- 
writers who created it, is the 
ceaselessly repeated claim that 
Adolf Hitler, Germany's Chancel- 
lor and the guest of honor at the 
Olympic games, personally in- 
sulted the Black sprinter by 
refusing to congratulate him. 
After ostentatiously greeting vic- 
torious German athletes, the story 
goes, Hitler hurriedly absented 




German Chancellor Hitler 



Speedy Negro Owens 



USOC Executive Director Miller 



No one, German or otherwise, has ever questioned Jesse Owens' qualities as a sprinter. Nor did Adolf Hitler 
ever claim that Whites are inherently better in every type of athletic endeavor than non- Whites. He 
recognized that each race's peculiarities give It certain advantages and certain disadvantages in competing 
against other races. Negroes' unique skeletal and muscular structure have always given them an edge in 
sprinting, while Whites have always been better at distance running. For this reason, among others, the 
German National Socialists did not favor multi-racial athletic competitions, but they nevertheless treated all 
contestants In the 1936 Olympics courteously and fairly. As F. Don Miller has pointed out, no nation more 
exemplified the Olympic spirit than Hitler's Germany, where sportsmanship was held in higher esteem than in 
any of its democratic adversaries. It was the Jews and their toadies — people with no understanding of sports- 
manship whatever — who invented the myth that Jesse Owens had "smashed Hitler's myth of a master race." 



himself from the Berlin Olympia 
Stadium rather than shake the 
hand of the Black champion. 

As usual with such media 
fables, the facts are entirely 
different. To be sure, on August 
2, the first day of the track-and- 
field competition, Hitler did 
personally congratulate Hans 
Woelike, who won the gold medal 
in the shotput, thus becoming the 
first German winner in a track- 
and-field event since the inception 
of the modern Olympics in 1896. 
Throughout the day he continued 
to receive champions from Ger- 
many and other nations at his 
box, before he left late that 
afternoon as rain threatened. 



Early the next day, before Jesse 
Owens had won any medals, 
Comte Baillet-Latour, the chair- 
man of the International Olympic 
Committee, informed Hitler, who 
held no official position at the 
games, that he had violated 
protocol by having several win- 
ners paraded to his box. There- 
after Hitler refrained from public- 
ly congratulating any athletes, 
German or otherwise. Thus, the 
German Chancellor's failure to 
congratulate Owens involved no 
insult whatsoever. 

Jesse Owens himself always 
rejected the fable that Hitler had 
deliberately snubbed him. Owens 
later recounted that Hitler once 



waved to him from his box as he 
crossed the stadium. In Owens' 
words, "When I passed the 
Chancellor he arose, waved his 
hand at me, and I waved back at 
him. I think the writers showed 
bad taste in criticizing the man of 
the hour in Germany." 

The reason for the lie about 
Hitler and Owens is, of course, 
transparent. The Olympic games 
in 1936 were a magnificent 
showcase for a Germany which, 
under the leadership of Hitler and 
his National Socialist movement, 
had achieved economic pros- 
perity, social harmony, and a 
galvanization of White racial 
energy unprecedented in the 20th 



century. It was the Jews, not 
Hitler, who sought to turn the 
Olympics into a source of strife. 
That they were temporarily frus- 
trated is clear from the enthu- 
siasm of unbiased foreign obser- 
vers, such as current U.S. Olym- 
pic Committee head F. Don 
Miller, who has remarked that 
Hitler's Germany, more than any 
other nation competing in the 
1936 Olympics, had embodied the 
spirit of the Olympic games of 
ancient Hellas. 

Despite the professed Jewish 
and liberal enthusiasm for Jesse 
Owens as the vindicator of their 
egalitarian fantasies, the Black 
superstar was less than royally 
received when he returned to the 
United States. A hypocritical 
Franklin Roosevelt, concerned 
about Southern reaction during 
an election year, refused to receive 
Owens in the White House. 
Owens often remarked later in life 
that it was Roosevelt, not Hitler, 
who had snubbed him. 

After his Olympic triumphs 
Owens figured in a number of 
publicity schemes, notably that of 
Jewish radio comic Eddie Cantor, 
who boasted that he was willing to 
pay Owens $40,000 for just ten 
weeks of radio time. Cantor made 
the headlines with his offer, but 
later quietly withdrew it. For most 
of the remainder of his life Owens 
was reduced to foot races against 
men and animals in a circus 
atmosphere. His erstwhile Jewish 
enthusiasts remembered him 
again at his death, because it gave 
them another chance to dust off 
the lie that Adolf Hitler wouldn't 
shake his hand after the speedy 
Negro had "smashed Hitler's 
myth of Aryan racial superi- 
ority." 

(Issue No. 76, 1980) 



190 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 

Pieter Bruegel: Dutch Master 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



by Jeff Hllson 

The spiritual wealth of a society 
is directly reflected in its artistic 
productions: great art can only 
come from a vigorous, spiritually 
.sound culture. The material 
wealth of a society, on the other 
hand, bears little relation to the 
greatness of its art. It is spiritual 
robustness, not political strength, 
which supports cultural vigor. 

One culture of outstanding 
vigor was that of the Netherlands 
during the 1500's. In this period 
the Dutch were suffering great 
political and theological uphea- 
vals. The Netherlands was a 
collection of no less than 17 
different provinces, whose boun- 
daries roughly encompassed mo- 
dern Belgium and Holland. These 
provinces were engaged in defying 
the powerful Austrian house of 
Habsburg, the territorial claims of 
the Holy Roman Emperor Charles 
V of Spain, and the Church of 
Rome. 

The northern provinces were 
especially responsive to the anti- 
Papist sentiment of Luther and 
the German Reformation move- 
ment. In the north there was also 
popular sympathy for John Cal- 
vin, the Protestant theologian 
from Geneva, whose writings 
were banned by Charles V. The 
schism between north and south 
caused by these sympathies finally 
resulted in the Eighty Years War 
(1568-1648), which split the Ne- 
therlands virtually in half, form- 
ing a Protestant Holland to the 
north and a Catholic Belgium to 
the south. 

In addition to this political 
turmoil, the Netherlands also 
lacked many of the natural raw 
materials, the favorable climatic 
conditions, and the sheer acreage 
usually necessary to develop pro- 
fitable primary industries. But by 
the 1530's the Dutch had sur- 
mounted these intrinsic hardships 
and were beginning to prosper. 

It was during this time that Por- 



tuguese navigator Ferdinand Ma- 
gellan's expedition circumnavi- 
gated the world, focusing mari- 
time attention on lucrative over- 
seas trade. The Dutch, with the 
same natural propensities for 
seamanship which had led to the 
earlier exploits of their Viking 
relatives in nearby Denmark and 
Norway, expanded their trading 
throughout the Baltic and North 
Sea area. By 1550 they were 
trading with distant Mediter- 
ranean countries and importing 
the Turkish tulip, an item des- 
tined to figure critically in their 
future economy. 

The ability to process raw 
materials into marketable goods, 
especially in the distilling and 
textile industries, plus sound 
economic practices, brought pros- 
perity to the Dutch. It was partly 
this prosperity and partly the 
Inquisition then raging in the 
Iberian peninsula that drew Spa- 
nish and Portuguese Jews to the 
Netherlands. The banking houses 
of Amsterdam held an especial 
attraction for them, and later, 
during the 17th and 18th cen- 
turies, the new "Dutch" Jews 
gained vast profits by trafficking 
in "Black ivory M from the 
teeming African slave ports of 
Ghana to the ready markets in the 
British North American colonies. 

Pieter Bruegel the Elder 
(c.J 525-1569) was a product of 
this age of Dutch political and 
social upheaval. Born during the 
zenith of Michelangelo's career 
and just after Raphael's death, 
Bruegel was most strongly influ- 
enced by the work of his great 
countryman Hieronymus Bosch, 
who had died in 1516. Although 
coming from a peasant back- 
ground, he was well educated in 
both natural sciences and human- 
istic philosophy and was gifted 
enough to enter the rigorously 
selective painters' guild of Ant- 
werp as a master painter in 1551. 

Bruegel is important to us 
because his work captured the 
dynamic spiritualism of the ex- 




THE TOWER OF BABEL: The original, painted in 1563, measures 114 x 155 cm. 



panding Dutch state. Of his many 
paintings, The Tower of Babel is 
one of the best known. This work, 
now in the Kunsthistorisches 
Museum, Vienna, portrays the 
Biblical account of the origin of 
mankind's varied languages. But 
more importantly, it shows Brue- 
gel's grasp of direct observation, 
his technical competency, and his 
faithfulness to detail. 

During Bruegel's tour of Italy, 
1551-1553, he observed and was 
profoundly influenced by Roman 
architecture, especially the Colos- 
seum and the ancient aqueduct 
systems. This Roman influence 
can be seen in the many arches 
and stoneworks in the painting. In 
the lower right comer of the 
work, one can see an accurate 
representation of a Netherlands 
dock of the time, technically 



complete with its derricks and 
lifts. 

Bruegel was also influenced by 
Herodotus, the 5th-century B.C. 
Greek called the "Father of 
History," and his eyewitness 
accounts of Babylonian ziggurats 
(religious towers). Herodotus des- 
cribed the ziggurats as having 
ramps on the outside, and, "... 
a tower of solid masonry upon 
which was raised a second tower, 
and on that a third and so on up 
to eight." 

The subject matter of the 
painting was not for the glorifica- 
tion of God, but was chosen as a 
medium which would allow the 
full play of Bruegel's unique 
artistic talents. These talents were 
coupled with careful observa- 
tional techniques and a thorough 



grasp of the technical develop- 
ments of his time. 

Throughout the 50 or so paint- 
ings and the many drawings and 
graphic works that have survived, 
Bruegel displayed the same atten- 
tion to direct evidence, the 
technical knowledge, and the 
historical accuracy that are neces- 
sary components of great art. The 
forces that shaped his works were 
the same harmonious spiritualities 
that were then shaping Dutch 
culture. 



Dr. Jeff Hilson is a National 
Alliance member and a history 
teacher in Columbus, Ohio. His 
special field is the history of 
Western art. 

(Issue No. 76, 1980) 



Widespread Ezocentrism Signals Lack of Maturity 



The Solipsist Society 



Question: What does the recent 
uproar in the controlled press 
about the sterilization of mental 
defectives in Virginia hospitals 
have to do with the behavior of 
the American hostages in Iran? 

Answer: They both reflect the 
essentially infantile, arrested state 
of personality development which 
has become the norm for Ameri- 
cans and other Westerners. As 
such, they are both symptoms of 
the West's spiritual sickness, now 
in its terminal stage. 

There are many other symp- 
toms: for example, the arguments 
used in the ongoing debates over 
"test-tube" babies and capital 
punishment. Even the media 
reaction to the sperm bank 
established in California to pre- 
serve the genes of Nobel Prize 
scientists casts a revealing light on 
the basic values and attitudes 
underlying today's society. 

Let's look at the details. During 
the first half of this century a 



great many mentally defective 
persons, most of them inmates of 
institutions for the retarded, were 
surgically sterilized in the United 
States. Some 30 states enacted 
specific legislation providing for 
such sterilizations. 

In 1927, in an oft-quoted 
decision written by Oliver Wen- 
dell Holmes, the Supreme Court 
affirmed the constitutionality of 
these laws. Wrote Justice Holmes: 
"It is better for all the world if, 
instead of waiting to execute 
degenerate offspring for crime, or 
to let them starve for their 
imbecility, society can prevent 
those who are manifestly unfit 
from continuing their kind." 

Although the Court seems to 
have been motivated more by 
considerations of social utility 
than eugenics, it was the eugenics 
movement of the late-19th and 
early-20th centuries which provi- 
ded much of the stimulus for the 
sterilization programs in effect 



then. A large number of intellec- 
tual leaders throughout the West 
were quite taken with the idea of 
steadily improving the quality of 
the race — or, at least, preventing 
its deterioration — through legis- 
lation designed to shift the 
reproductive balance away from 
the low end of the intelligence 
scale. 

There was, of course, opposi- 
tion to the eugenicists from the 
egalitarians, and that opposition 
grew mightily during the late 
1930's and the 1940's, primarily 
as a reaction to Germany's 
eugenics program. In National 
Socialist Germany eugenics 
played a larger role than in any 
other state since ancient Sparta. 
For Adolf Hitler the betterment 
of the race was not just a social 
goal, it was the goal. 

In pursuit of this goal the 
Germans not only undertook 
measures designed to increase the 

number of children born to their 



brightest and healthiest citizens, 
but they also launched a program 
of sterilization of defectives far 
more comprehensive than that in 
the United States or elsewhere. 
This program was strongly op- 
posed by the Christian churches, 
whose viewpoint has always been 
that all souls are of equal worth in 
the eyes of God. 

The Jews, who had entirely 
different reasons for "wanting to 
halt the spread of National 
Socialist ideals beyond Germany, 
were accordingly able to recruit 
churchmen and other Christians 
into a massive anti-eugenics pro- 
paganda campaign. Eugenics pro- 
grams generally, and the steriliza- 
tion of defectives specifically, 
became taboo. That much is 
history. 

But a new element became 
clearly evident when the steriliza- 
tion controversy was reopened 
this year by charges that medical 
officials in Virginia had, in years 



past, capriciously and carelessly 
used their authority to order 
sterilizations. Some of the women 
sterilized were, according to those 
making the charges, not really 
defective but merely "delin- 
quent" or "emotionally dis- 
turbed." Emphasized even more, 
however, has been the complaint 
that all the women sterilized, 
retarded or not, were deprived of 
their "right" to the experience of 
motherhood. 

Whether medical authorities 
exercised their authority respon- 
sibly and consistently is one 
question, and a reasonable one to 
ask — although the critics have 
yet to produce a single example of 
the involuntary sterilization of a 
genetically sound man or woman. 
The ones the media have dredged 
up and interviewed have been 
uniformly sorry specimens. 

The question of a "right" to 
experience motherhood (or father- 
hood) is an altogether different 



question. Fifty years ago such a 
question could hardly have been 
raised with any hope of a 
sympathetic response, for there 
was still a general recognition of 
the fact that reproduction is a 
social and racial, as well as 
individual, function. The asser- 
tion that a congenital moron or a 
person with some other severe 
genetic defect has a right to 
generate offspring if he or she so 
desires would have seemed gro- 
tesque. 

Today that is no longer so. 
Priests, lawyers, bureaucrats, 
politicians, and media commenta- 
tors alike now take it for granted 
that such a right exists. 

To be sure, there is still quite a 
bit of doubletalk and obfuscating 
sophistry being thrown up as a 
smokescreen by some of the less 
brazen champions of feeble- 
minded fertility. They question 
the motives and conscientiousness 
of the medical authorities who 
administer sterilization programs, 
painting a frightening picture of 
thousands of healthy, even gifted, 
boys and girls being forcibly 
sterilized merely for being "mis- 
fits" or "troublemakers." They 
argue that heredity is governed by 
the laws of chance; that dull 
parents sometimes have apparent- 
ly normal offspring. They com- 
plain that using intelligence as a 
criterion for reproductive fitness 
is arbitrary and unjustified; that 
many persons of low intelligence 
lead happy and productive lives. 

Behind all the sophistry, how- 
ever, remains the naked convic- 
tion thai even persons who are 
unquestionably defective and who 
stand a very high probability ol 
having defective offspring — and 
an even higher probability o! 
keeping their defective genes in 
circulation — should be allowed 
to reproduce; that it is the whirn 
of the individual which should 
prevail in such matters, rather 
than any social or racial consi- 
derations. 

One can see the same attitude 
manifested, perhaps even more 
clearly, in the debate between the 
pioneers of the new in vitro 
human fertilization technique and 
their Bible-quoting opponents. 
Do the scientists point out that 
their technique opens up magnifi- 
cent new vistas for upbreeding the 
race by allowing a genetically 
superior woman the possibility of 
becoming the genetic mother of 
thousands of offspring? Heavens, 
no! The merest hint of such things 
sends them scurrying for cover. 

The sole merit they claim for 
their work is that it allows 
individual married couples who 
cannot produce children because 
of congenital or disease-related 
defects in the woman's Fallopian 
tubes to enjoy the pleasures and 
rewards of parenthood. One 
might hope that the physicians 
themselves have a somewhat 
broader outlook on the implica- 
tions of in vitro fertilization, but 
clearly they have no hope that 
their opponents — or the general 
public — will respond to anything 
but the maudlin "joys of parent- 
hood" stand they have publicly 
taken. 

The subject of test-tube babies, 
just as that of the involuntary 
sterilization of mental defectives, 
inevitably raises the eugenic ques- 
tion, of course, which provokes 
all the fear-ridden cliches of the 
egalitarian dogmatists. The same 
is true of the high-IQ sperm bank 
in California which recently drew 



such withering blasts of con- 
demnation from the controlled 
media. The very suggestion that 
all spermatazoa may not be equal 
sends some people up the wall; 
they begin raving about an 
attempt to create a "master 
race," as if such an attempt would 
be the most reprehensible thing 
imaginable. 

We must expect such a reaction 
from the arbiters of public 
morality whenever any challenge 
or potential challenge to the 
democratic ideals of universal 
equality is raised. Egalitarianism 
is really a religion for those 
Westerners who uncritically ac- 
cept the preachments of the 
controlled media, and heresy has 
never been popular. But there is 
more than ignorance of genetic 
realities and the natural fear of 
heterodoxy in the public reaction 
to all these topics. The most 
significant things revealed are the 
extent to which an extreme form 
of egocentricity is the individual 
frame of reference in today's 
society — and , more so, the extent 
to which such extreme egocentri- 
city is accepted and approved. 

That is, it is taken for granted 
now that involuntary sterilization 
is bad, because it deprives an 
individual of certain possibilities 
for self-expression. The average 
person judging the matter (who is 
not personally threatened with 
sterilization) puts himself in the 
place of tht person so threatened 
and reacts negatively. And that's 
all his judgment takes into 
account: how would this affect me 
as an individual; would /want to 
give up the possibility of parent- 
hood if / had a low IQ? 

Similarly for a thousand other 
things, from capital punishment 
to the problem of illegal aliens: 
the feelings, the desires, the 
comfort, the safety, the fears of 
the individual are the criteria; the 
needs of the race or of society are 
irrelevant. One may argue that the 
average man has always been 
egocentric, that it is only the 
exceptional person who views the 
world from within a broader 
mental framework. If that is so, it 
merely provides one more argu- 
ment against democracy. 

In any event, two things are 
clear. The leaders of the West and 
the spokesmen for its principal 
institutions — religious, political, 
educational, juridical, and so on 
— look at the world form a 
substantially more individual- 
centered viewpoint today than 
they did in Justice Holmes's day; 
and the average citizen, even if his 
egocentricity is no worse, feels 
much less need to make excuses 
for it. In fact, whereas 50 years 
ago most persons at least felt 
obliged to accept and pay lip 
service to society-centered, nation- 
centered, or race-centered mores, 
today there is often no compre- 
hension or even awareness of any 
viewpoint but the one of extreme 
individualism. Society, in the eyes 
of far too large a portion of the 
current generation of Westerners, 
exists to serve the needs of the 
individual, and that is all. 

The transformation, of course, 
has not been total; such matters 
are never very sharply defined. 
Nevertheless, the change is un- 
deniable. Consider, for example, 
the behavior of American prison- 
ers of war during the closing years 
of the Vietnam conflict, or of the 
U.S. military personnel among 
the present hostages in Iran. What 



is interesting is not just that a few 
hostages are behaving badly, but 
that their behavior draws no 
reproaches from their peers. 

From their first week of 
captivity several Marine hostages, 
without torture or deprivation, 
were whining for their govern- 
ment to hand the Shah over so 
they could be released. There has 
been no really significant adverse 
reaction to this from the Ameri- 
can public. Indeed, the most 
common attitude seems to be one 
of acceptance of such behavior as 
expected, if not admirable. 

There was much soul-searching 
and hand wringing during the 
Vietnam war by sociologists and 
psychologists trying to explain 
why our POW's were not be- 
having the way they had in earlier 
wars. Actually, the matter is not 
all that difficult to analyze, but as 
a starting point it requires the 
recognition of one salient fact: the 
shift in personal viewpoint toward 
egocentricity during the past few 
decades is, in its barest essence, a 
partial regression toward infan- 
tilism. 

The infant has a totally egocen- 
tric perspective. All that exists, 
exists solely for him: Lo feed him, 
to keep him warm, to soothe him, 
to give him pleasure, or to harm 
him. All his motives are com- 
pletely selfish, completely indivi- 
dual-centered. His vocabulary, 
just as his catalog of menial con- 
cepts, is focused entirely on 
himself and his needs: "wani"; 
"give"; various words for food — 
and for that warm, nourishing, 
protective, comforting machine of 
his, mama. 

The infant always chooses the 
course of least resistance; he is 
ruled by his craving for pleasure 
and his fear of pain. Outside the 
realm of his personal needs the 
world has no reality for him. As 
he grows, however, the size of his 
world also grows, and with it his 
perspective. He begins to value 
things beyond those which give 
him immediate pleasure or pain. 
He becomes capable of post- 
poning self-gratification, some- 
times into an indefinite future. 

And when he has come to the 
point where he consciously accepts 
the fact that there is a reality 
which transcends his own exis- 
tence; that he is but a part of a 
greater social, national, and racial 
whole which existed before he did 
and will continue to exist when he 
no longer does; and that as a part 
of this greater whole he is 
responsible for it and must guide 
his actions in accord with its needs 
as well as with his purely personal 
desires — then he has reached full 
adulthood. 

It is only reasonable to believe 
that, in every generation, a 
substantial portion of the popula- 
tion never reaches adulthood. Our 
misfortune is that that portion 
seems to have increased markedly 
in our generation. Thus we not 
only have physicians, jurists, 
bureaucrats, and politicians treat- 
ing matters concerned with 
human reproduction as purely 
personal, disregarding all social 
and racial aspects, but we also 
have a population with a lower 
tolerance for discomfort, less 
self-discipline, and less capacity 
for self-denial. 

The former — the official 
attitude toward sterilization, for 
example — might be explained in 
purely political terms as the 
consequence of a shift toward a 



more democratic ideology, but the 
latter — the behavior of POW's 
and hostages, for example — 
seems to have little to do with 
politics. The soldier who, faced 
with an uncomfortable situation, 
is ready to do whatever will ease 
his immediate discomfort, with- 
out a thought for the larger 
implications of his behavior, 
simply has not grown up; he is less 
a man than was the average 
soldier of his age 35 years ago. 

Why is this so? What has 
unmanned the West? What has 
changed in the West in the last few 
decades to cause a shift toward 
egocentrism? 

An adequate answer to this 
question is hardly possible in the 
space available here, but a sug- 
gestive outline can be sketched, at 
least. In essence, fewer people 
grow up today, because there is 
less demand for them to do so. 
Child-rearing practices, the edu- 
cational system, the impact of 
technology on life-styles, and 
many other factors play a role, 
but what they have all done is 
decrease the necessity, the en- 
vironmental pressure, for achie- 
ving psychical maturity. 

For thousands of years the 
raising of children, and the 
relationship of the child to the 
world around him, remained 
relatively unchanged in northern 
Europe. Children, at a very early 
age, became economically inte- 
grated into the family. Even 
children four or five years old had 
regular family responsibilities: 
caring for younger children, per- 
forming daily chores on the farm, 
or helping in some cottage 
industry. 

By the time a child reached his 
teens he was a full-fledged 
member of the family community 
— if he had not already left the 
shelter of his parents' home. 
During the Middle Ages it was not 
uncommon for a boy who in- 
tended to learn a trade to be 
apprenticed to a master in another 
town or village at the age of 10 or 
11. In the rougher times prior to 
the Middle Ages, a boy was 
required to learn the martial arts 
and be prepared to defend 
himself, his family, and his tribe 
at a much tenderer age than that 
at which young men were called 
for military service in this country 
recently. 

Not only were responsibilities 
pressed upon a person earlier in 
years past, but he absorbed many 
of life's other lessons sooner as 
well: living most often as a 
member of an extended family of 
several generations in which births 
and deaths all took place under 
one roof, and usually in the more 
intimate contact with nature 
provided by a rural setting, a 
young person's formative years 
were not distorted by the artifi- 
ciality of urban living. He pro- 
gressed in a natural way from the 
dependence of infancy to the 
independence/interdependence of 
adulthood as a responsible mem- 
ber of his clan and his tribe. 

Although the average person's 
life was by no means one of 
unremitting toil and unrelieved 
hardship during most periods of 
history, it was usually hard and 
unforgiving enough to discourage 
any attempt to unnaturally pro- 
long the process of maturation. 
Almost from the time a person 
could walk and talk, he knew he 
was expected to pull his own 
weight — and he knew that he was 
a member of a community whose 



191 

members depended in many ways 
upon one another, These two 
complementary facts were deeply 
ingrained in every person's con- 
sciousness. 

Today life for most people is 
rather different from that of our 
ancestors. In particular, two 
things are different: during the 
years of physical maturing the 
pressure to mature psychically is 
reduced, and the bonds formed 
between the individual and the 
community are distorted and 
weakened. 

The dependence and irresponsi- 
bility of infancy are prolonged 
into a person's early 20's in a 
substantial portion of the popula- 
tion, and the individual-commu- 
nity relationships of urban living 
are far more impersonal. At the 
same time, family life has become 
a much more tenuous and insub- 
stantial thing. 

We should hardly be surprised 
that men and women who, in 
growing from infancy through 
childhood to physical adulthood, 
have never been subjected to 
corporal punishment, no matter 
what their behavior; who have 
never had to perform strenuous 
manual labor or otherwise earn 
their daily bread; who have been 
shielded from every danger, hard- 
ship, and unpleasantness; who 
have always been pampered with a 
superfluity of material goods and 
never experienced real depriva- 
tion; who have always been 
cajoled and bribed rather than 
commanded, always persuaded 
with the carrot instead of the 
stick; who have never had to 
suffer the natural consequences of 
a failure to perform; whose most 
weighty decision has been how 
most pleasurably to while away 
their idle hours and days; for 
whom the word "discipline" has 
an unfamiliar albeit vaguely nasty 
ring; and to whom self-indul- 
gence, no matter how gross, has 
never borne any reproach still 
retain, as university graduates, 
much the same view of the world 
and their relationship to it that 
they had when they wore diapers, 
20 years earlier, and that this 
mindset then remains with them 
through life. 

Likewise, we should hardly be 
surprised that these same men and 
women, who spent their child- 
hood years in homes from which 
one or both parents were absent 
much of the time; who seldom 
saw other kin except on holiday 
occasions once or twice a year; 
who grew up in an urban 
environment, where most of the 
people living around them were 
nameless strangers; who never 
had the experience of belonging to 
a racially homogeneous communi- 
ty, whether at school or at work 
or on the neighborhood play- 
ground, where everyone else 
shared their racial, cultural, and 
spiritual heritage, are unable to 
feel a sense of responsibility to 
anyone or anything beyond them- 
selves. 

Once again, a cautionary note is 
in order: the above exposition has 
focused on extremes, and the 
actual situation in the Western 
world is by no means so clear-cut. 
Yet it is true that the trend in 
childraising during the past half 
century has been toward increased 
permissiveness; that there are 
more working mothers, and the 
increasing shift of labor from 
rural farm or village to urban 
industry has meant less contact as 
well between children and their 



192 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



fathers, not to mention other kin; 
that universities have become less 
training centers for an elite of 
scholars and professionals than 
excuses for everyone to postpone 
coming to grips with the world for 
four more years; and that the 
alienating experience of a multi- 
racial environment has become 
alarmingly common, And the 
consequence of these and other 
trends in modern life has been a 
population with a more infantile 



world-view: more egocentricity 
and less sense of responsibility. 

Thus, the weeding out of 
defective members of society, 
whether through sterilization or 
the electric chair, has become, in 
the public view, less the way to a 
healthier future than a denial of 
individual rights; scientific break- 
throughs in human reproduction 
are seen less as offering the 
glorious possibility of breeding a 
truly superior race than as, at 



best, a benefit to diseased indivi- 
duals or, at worst, a threat to the 
individual's sense of self-impor- 
tance; and military service is not 
seen as "service" at all, but as a 
meal ticket for those who cannot 
find better employment. 

The ramifications reach into 
every area of American life: the 
rising rate of racial miscegena- 
tion, the failure to halt non-White 
immigration, falling labor pro- 
ductivity, and the declining effec- 



tiveness of the armed forces, to 
name only a few. 

Being able to find the causes of 
our present social ills in certain of 
the changes our life style has 
undergone in recent decades does 
not cure the ills, of course. But it 
does give us an understanding of 
how deeply rooted in — how 
organic to — our society they are. 
It lets us understand that there can 
be no purely political cure, gotten 
simply by electing a few new 



politicians to office and changing 
a few laws. It leads us to the 
certainty that, if our race is to 

survive, we must undertake a 
revolutionary restructuring of our 
whole society. 

WX.P. 

(Issue No. 76 } 1980) 



Denis Kearney 

and the 
Struggle for a 

White America 



The discovery of gold at 
Sutter's Mill in California early in 
1848 ignited the famous Cali- 
fornia gold rush, in which thou- 
sands of "forty-niners" flocked 
across the deserts, mountains, and 
plains of the North American 
continent to seek their fortunes 
panning and digging for gold in 
the streams and fields of the newly 
conquered territory. The new 
Californians were a two-fisted, 
brawling breed, whose desire for 
golden riches was matched by 
their thirst for adventure and 
freedom. The frustration of the 
hopes of most of them for quick 
fortunes scarcely dimmed their 
enthusiasm for their new-made 
lives in the Far West, and nearly 
all the "forty-niners" ended by 
staying in California. 

There was another sort of 
immigrant to California, how- 
ever, radically different from the 
hardy White pioneers who had 
crossed the continent. In 1848 the 
first Chinese immigrants to Cali- 
fornia of whom there is any 
record, two men and a woman, 
debarked from the steamship 
Eagle at Yerba Buena cove. By 
1850 there were still only a few 
dozen Chinese in the state — but 
in that year the news of the gold 
strike at Sutter's Mill reached 
China. 

It stirred ready excitement at 
Canton, one of South China's 
chief cities and the Middle 
Kingdom's traditional window on 
the White world. At that time 
Canton swarmed with peasants 
from the surrounding province of 
Kwantung, who had been up- 
rooted and displaced by the 
Opium War. For some years 
Chinese businessmen had made a 
practice of buying rights to the 
labor of their poor countrymen, 
organizing them into gangs, and 
shipping them to the Americas, 
principally to the west coast of 
South America and the islands of 
the Caribbean. These entrepre- 
neurs, and the more ambitious of 
the Chinese middle class, saw an 
opportunity to amass untold 
wealth in the new territory. Soon 
California had a name in Chinese: 
it meant "Mountains of Gold." 

By 1853 the Chinese population 
of California had soared to 



25,000. Most of the new immi- 
grants found employment in the 
goldfields, especially as cooks and 
laundrymen in the mining camps. 
At first they were generally 
tolerated, or treated with no more 
than a bemused contempt, by 
California's Whites; a small dele- 
gation of Chinese immigrants had 
even been allowed to take part in 
the celebration of California's 
admission to the Union in 1850. 

This situation began to change 
throughout the course of the 
1850's and '60's. During those 
years tens of thousands of Chi- 
nese laborers found their way to 
the shores of North America, 
most of them brought by Ameri- 
can steamship lines, which adver- 
tised heavily in Canton for the 
lucrative coolie transport trade. 
Although figures on the Chinese 
immigration are inexact, there 
were probably more than 100,000 
Chinese in California by 1870. 

Meanwhile, the economic base 
of California had changed 
rapidly. As the surface gold veins 
became worked out, mining be- 
came a vastly more expensive 
propostion, demanding large 
amounts of capital. Most White 
workers ceased being independent 
and were forced to hire themselves 
out as wage earners, where they 
often competed head-to~head for 
employment with the Chinese 
workers. The latter demanded a 
far lower standard of living and, 
consequently, lower wages. This 
made the Chinese workers the 
favorites of the big employers and 
aroused the ire of the White 
working people. 

Even more important than the 
decline of mining as the state's 
central economic activity was the 
rise of agriculture and of the 
railroads. The Central Pacific 
Railroad became the titan of 
California's economic life, with a 
correspondingly powerful influ- 
ence on the state's government. 
The Central Pacific and its 
subsidiary, the Southern Pacific, 
were big employers of Chinese 
labor. The number of coolie 
immigrants in the Central Pacific 
employ reached 10,000 in the 
course of the 1870's, while the 
Southern Pacific employed a 
work force which was almost 



entirely Chinese. 

The rising anti-Chinese feeling 
among American workers resulted 
in a number of spontaneous 
outbursts against their Asiatic 
competitors. At French Canal and 
in Nevada City, White workers 
forcibly expelled the Chinese from 
the work camps associated with 
the mines. On October 23, 1871, 
Whites rose up in Los Angeles, 
invaded Chinatown, and sacked 
the Chinese quarters, killing a 
score of Chinese in the process. 
Nevertheless, there was no coordi- 
nation behind the White efforts, 
and anti-Chinese incidents re- 
mained isolated. 

It was the financial panic of 
1873, leading to America's first 
great depression, which brought 
anti-Chinese feelings among the 
Whites to a head. The slump 
spread from the East Coast to 
California. By 1877 there were 
16,000 White laborers unem- 
ployed in San Francisco alone. 

California's capitalists ex- 
ploited this situation by en- 
couraging an ever-rising tide of 
Chinese immigration. Between 
1873 and 1876 an additional 
70,1)00 Chinese flocked to Cali- 
fornia, the largest number ever. 
Soon the Chinese dominated the 
work force not only on the 
railroads but also in various light 
industries, including boot and 
shoe manufacturing, cigar- 
making, and broom-making. 

The industrial robber barons 
who dominated American busi- 
ness in the post-Civil War "Gil- 
ded Era" had further plans for 
the hordes of docile, low-paid 
Chinese workers. As early as 1870 
Chinese laborers appeared in New 
Orleans and in Belleville, New 
Jersey. In that same year, Chinese 
workers were employed as strike- 
breakers in the mills of North 
Adams, Massachusetts. 

America's White laborers were 
at a loss to combat the mortal 
threat to their race and their 
livelihood presented by the Chi- 
nese immigrants. Labor unions 
were in their infancy in the 1870's, 
and management enjoyed enor- 
mous advantages against wage- 
earners: far greater financial 
resources, support in government 




DENIS KEARNEY (1847-1907) 



and the courts, and a strongly 
favorable public opinion. 

The White workers in Califor- 
nia were no exception. A San 
Francisco Trade and Labor 
Union, organized in 1875, had 
little success in rallying the 
workers or in intimidating the 
bosses. The few Marxist agitators 
in the area, most of them 
heavily-accented foreigners (and 
not a few of them Jews), were 
generally ignored by the White 
laborers, who tended to be 
extremely independent and patri- 
otic. 

Everything changed, however, 
one summer afternoon in San 
Francisco in 1877. As usual, a 
large number of citizens crowded 
the vacant field across from the 
San Francisco City Hall. Like 
London's Hyde Park, the "sand- 
lot," as it was called, was a place 
where soapbox orators could hold 
forth on whatever topics struck 
their fancies, and most of them 
were awarded exactly the same 
tolerance and indifference that 
has been the lot of the speakers in 
Hyde Park. 

On this day, however, a new 
speaker took the stand. With 
rising indignation, in stentorian 
tones, he berated the Chinese 
immigrants and the greedy capi- 
talists who had brought them to 
America. Gradually listeners be- 
gan to abandon the other speakers 
and drift over to the newcomer. 
Passersby joined the crowd. Their 
enthusiasm rose. The speaker's 



voice reached a crescendo, and he 
roared, "The Chinese must go!' 1 
The crowd erupted in a storm of 
applause. 

The speaker's name was Denis 
Kearney. Born in County Cork, 
Ireland, 30 years before, Kearney 
had gone to sea at 11 to support 
his widowed mother and his six 
siblings By the age of 21, in 1868, 
the young sailor had risen to the 
rank of first mate on the 
American clipper ship Shining 
Star. In that year he had settled in 
San Francisco, where he soon 
married an American woman. An 
industrious man of sober habits, 
Kearney had established his own 
draying business in 1872. 

Kearny was an earnest young 
man, bent on self-improvement. 
In 1874 he had begun attending 
the Sunday-morning sessions of 
the People's Meeting for Discus- 
sion, where questions of the day 
were debated by an assortment of 
intellectuals and eccentrics, which 
at that time included Henry 
George, the famous advocate of a 
single tax on land. At first 
Kearney had been a halting 
speaker, but he had improved 
over the course of three years to 
the point where he was a skilled 
debater and a practiced orator. 

After his debut in the sandlot 
Kearney returned again and again 
to hold forth against the Chinese 
immigrants and the wealthy lords 
of industry who sought their 
presence in America. The crowds 
of onlookers grew, until Kearney 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



193 



had become the de facto leader of 
a large movement. 

As the White workers began to 
rally around Kearney, the upper 
and middle classes of San Fran- 
cisco became alarmed. The evi- 
dent resentment of the mass of 
White laborers toward the arro- 
gance and privileges flaunted by 
the city and state's economic elite 
was greatly exacerbated by the 
workers' feeling the employers 
were betraying them by favoring 
the Chinese. The wealthy classes 
began to fear possible outbreaks 
of worker violence. 

On September 21, 1877^ Kear- 
ney and several others organized 
the Workingmen's Party to gain 
their goals of Chinese exclusion 
and fair treatment by their 
employers. Two nights later Kear- 
ney announced the formation of 
the organization to a large crowd 
at the sandlot, declaring that the 
new party proposed to "wrest 
government from the hands of the 
rich and place it in the hands of 
the people," as well as to "rid the 
country of cheap Chinese labor." 

Specifically, the platform of the 
Workingmen's Party called for 
reform of banking practices, 
which were notoriously unsound 
in California at the time. Grants 
of state-owned land were to be 
made first to farmers and settlers, 
rather than to the real-estate 
speculators and railroad builders 
who had up to that time been the 
chief beneficiaries of government 
largesse. The Workingmen's 
Party sought the breakup of 
monopolies (particularly the Cen- 
tral Pacific) by judicious use of 
the taxing power. 

For the workers Kearney's 
party sought an eight-hour work- 
day. The party platform further 
called for a system of universal 
education, with a strong emphasis 
on vocational training. And, of 
course, the party demanded an 
immediate and unconditional end 
to Chinese immigration. 

The nightly rallies continued, 
and Kearney became ever bolder 
and more demonstrative in his 

oratory. On one occasion he 
allowed that "a little judicious 
hanging" might be the best course 
against those he characterized as 
the "robber-capitalists." He re- 
viled the Chinese immigrants in 
even more colorful style: "le- 
prous, rat-eating Chinese slaves" 
was one of his gentler epithets. 

On October 29 Kearney and his 
lieutenants organized a large rally 
on Nob Hill, an affluent neigh- 
borhood where San Francisco's 
industrial lords dwelt in baronial 
splendor. Kearney fired the crowd 
to a fever pitch, and the workers 
built a large bonfire not far from 
the mansion of George Crocker, 
head of the Oriental and Occi- 
dental Steamship Line, which was 
particularly prominent in the 
transport of the Chinese aliens to 
America. In less than a week 
Kearney and five of his aides were 
arrested and imprisoned on 
charges of incitement to riot. 

On this occasion the charges 
were dropped after three weeks of 
incarceration for the fiery leader 
in the San Francisco jail. Neither 
Kearney's ardor nor that of his 
followers was dimmed by his 
arrest and imprisonment. The 
White workers of San Francisco 
celebrated their leader's release 
with their biggest demonstration 
to date, a parade of more than 
10,000 marchers on Thanksgiving 
Day. 




CHINAMEN in San Francisco, 1870. 



Support for the Workingmen's 
Party boomed among the White 
workers of California. At a 
well-attended convention in Janu- 
ary 1 878, where Kearney served as 
permanent chairman, the party 
wrote into its platform the 
anti-Chinese and anti-big business 
sentiments that had led to its 
foundation. Furthermore, the 
Workingmen's Party called for a 
state constitutional convention to 
incorporate their demands into 
the fabric of the state's basic law. 

Throughout January Kearney 
continued to hold torchlight ral- 
lies and parades at which he 
denounced the White workers' 
twin enemies, the Chinese and the 
capitalists, with redoubled vigor. 
On January 10 he went so far as to 
ask for support not only "at the 
ballot box, but at the bullet box if 
necessary." Four days later Kear- 
ney roared that the Chinese would 
be run out of the country "if it 
takes the life of every White man 
in California." 

Later in the month Kearney led 
a large march on City Hall. At the 
subsequent rally he threatened 
again to lead his men to the docks 
of the steamship companies, and 
"blow up the Pacific Steamship 
Company's steamers and docks." 
He also promised the invasion of 
Chinatown and the slaughter of 
its Oriental denizens by firearms 
and "infernal machines" if the 
Chinese problem were not dealt 
with in a more lawful way by the 
authorities. 

Reacting to these threats, Wil- 
liam T. Coleman, a prominent 
merchant, mobilized his militia of 
6,000 vigilantes, which had al- 
ready been employed against the 
threat of anarchy, real or ima- 
gined, several times in the pre- 
vious 25 years. But Coleman's 
peers in the industrial and finan- 
cial elite, fearful that his vigilantes 
would not be able to contain the 
aroused workers, appealed to the 
Federal government for aid. It 
came in the form of a U.S. Navy 
man-of-war, sent ostensibly to 
protect San Francisco's govern- 
ment mail docks, which serviced 
mail delivered by the steamship 
lines. 

Once again Kearney was ar- 
rested, but this time he was 
quickly released, thanks to the 
intervention of a judge who found 
his arrest unwarranted. Stung by 
Kearney's release, the California 
legislature quickly passed a law 
aimed at the Workingmen's lead- 
er, making it a felony to incite or 
commit acts of violence against 
persons or property. 

For a time Kearney drew back 
from his more violent flights of 



rhetoric or devised clever ways 
around the statute. In a code 
language designed to mock the 
censors, he substituted harmless 
phrases for more threatening 
ones; thus, "serving the China- 
men coffee and doughnuts" be- 
came interchangeable with pour- 
ing into their lairs and routing 
them with fire and firearms. 

Kearney needed less recourse to 
fiery threats at this period in any 
case, for the Workingmen's Party 
was beginning to win strong 
support at the polls. In 1878 it 
elected a number of judges, as 
well as mayors in San Francisco, 
Oakland, and Sacramento. More 
important, however, was the 
showing the party made in the 
balloting for the state constitu- 
tional convention, which was 
arranged to be held in April 1878. 

Against the heavy opposition of 
the state's economic powers, the 
Republican and Democratic Par- 
ties, and the newspapers, the 
Workingmen's Party elected more 
than a third of the delegates to the 
convention. It seemed as if 
Kearney and his party were 
marching inexorably to the ac- 
complishment of the aims they 
had set out in their own platform. 

The monopolists who ruled 
California were forced to retreat 
to their second line of defense. 
Unable to stem the rise of support 
for the Kearney movement at the 
polls, they resorted to the greater 
skill in tactical maneuvering that 
is conferred only by experience. 
The Workingmen delegates to the 
constitutional convention found 
themselves confronted with a 
solid phalanx of delegates con- 
trolled by the railroads and 
industrial and farming interests. 
They were able to make progress 
only on the Chinese issue, where 
the businessmen were willing to 
make concessions as the price for 
staving off attacks on their 
economic privileges. 

The convention wrote into the 
new constitution several strictures 
against employing Chinese. The 
provisions of the Workingmen's 
platform which called for reform 
of the banking system, breaking 
up the monopolies, and an 
eight-hour day were all defeated, 
however, 

More insidious ways of coun- 
tering the rise of the Kearney 
movement were resorted to. A 
whispering campaign against 
Kearney was begun, suggesting 
that he had been bribed by 
railroad interests, and it spread to 
the ranks of the Workingmen's 
Party. The churches were enlisted 
in the capitalist crusade as well. 
The Protestant ministers doubled 



the fervor of their attacks against 
the outbreak of unchristianity 
which had seized the state's 
laboring men. The Catholic arch- 
bishop of San Francisco threa- 
tened Kearney's supporters with 
fire and brimstone, which didn't 
faze the freethinking Kearney but 
doubtless alarmed the more 
simpleminded among his many 
Irish followers. 

Kearney was removed from his 
position as chairman of the 
Workingmen's Party for a brief 
period in 1878, but he battled 
back to regain his leadership. By 
then his fame had spread across 
the United States and as far as 
England, where the great his- 
torian James Bryce devoted sever- 
al chapters to the California 
agitator in his American Com- 
monwealth. Bryce, like most of 
the writers who dominated Ameri- 
can and English historiography at 
the time, viewed the orator as a 
dangerous, communistic rabble- 
rouser, whose talents threatened 
the very basis of democratic 
society. 

Bellwethers of the American 
establishment of the time con- 
curred. Harper's Weekly con- 
demned Kearney as uncouth and 
ignorant, and the editor of The 
New York Times praised the 
authorities for the earlier jailing 
of "the incendiary agitators 
[Kearney and his aides] who have 
been kindling the passions of the 
dangerous classes of the city." 

Yet sentiment against Chinese 
immigration had been irreversibly 
inflamed, and it spread rapidly 
from coast to coast. The South 
had just fought its way free from 
the attempts of Northern fanatics 
to "reconstruct" it on an egali- 
tarian basis, and a heightened 
consciousness of the perils of 
race-mixing was abroad in Ameri- 
ca. In 1878 the U.S. Congress 
passed a bill to exclude Chinese 
immigrants from America, the 
first racially exclusionary legisla- 
tion in American history. It was 
quickly vetoed by President 
Rutherford B. Hayes, whom 
Kearney denounced from across 
the continent, claiming he could 
make a better president than 
Hayes by stuffing Andrew Jack- 
son's old clothes with rags. 

In 1882 Congress passed the 
Chinese Exclusion Act again, and 
it was signed into law by President 
Chester Arthur. The 1882 act 
inaugurated nearly four decades 
of immigration legislation whicji 
progressively excluded immi- 
grants from the nations of Asia 
and culminated in the National 
Origins Act of 1924, which 



mandated quotas based on Ameri- 
ca's (at that time) overwhelmingly 
Northern European population. 
Unfortunately, even the National 
Origins Act failed to establish a 
purely racial criterion for immi- 
gration eligibility, and hundreds 
of thousands of Jews entered the 
country as "Poles," "Germans," 
' 'Hungarians , " " Russians, " et al . 
Kearney might have gone into 
the history books as just another 
labor agitator if he had not 
brought the problem of non- 
White immigration to the atten- 
tion of the nation. The Party, torn 
by factional disputes, went into a 
severe decline in 1880. The 
following year Kearney left the 
party, and it was officially 
disbanded in 1882. 

After the failure of the Work- 
ingmen's Party, Denis Kearney 
returned to private life, where he 
devoted himself to the same sort 
of small entrepreneurship he had 
engaged in before his involvement 
in the anti-Chinese fight. His 
carting company had failed 
(thanks to a boycott by his 
opponents during his days with 
the Workingmen's Party), but he 
founded a successful employment 
office. Late in his life he came 
into a large legacy, and he was 
able to live his twilight years in 
something approaching the style 
of the barons of industry whom 
he had once so terrified. He died 
in San Francisco in 1907. 

The heyday of pro-White immi- 
gration legislation in America was 
sadly short-lived. The first chink 
in America's armor came in 1943, 
when Congress, at Franklin Roo- 
sevelt's bidding, allowed a token 
100 Chinese to enter the United 
States each year. Two years later a 
law to permit foreign "war 
brides" to enter the country 
without regard to race or national 
origin was passed, and thousands 
of G.I. 's returned from Asia with 
non-White wives. 

In 1965 Lyndon Johnson saw to 
it that national quotas were 
completely abolished. The subse- 
quent flood of legal non-Wnite 
aliens, not to mention the even 
more numerous illegal aliens, has 
since threatened to swamp what 
was once a White America. In the 
year ended June 30, 1970, nearly 
50,000 Chinese entered America. 
The California Kearney and his 
followers fought to keep White 
now is populated by Asiatics in 
the following numbers: Filipinos, 
300,000; Koreans, 200,000; Chi- 
nese, 125,000; Vietnamese, 
100,000; Japanese, 75,000. The 
end is not in sight. The Asiatics in 
California have a growth rate, due 
to both births and immigration, 
which is twice as high as that of 
the Mexicans and a staggering 12 
times as high as that of American 
Whites. 

The British population his- 
torian A.M. Saunders-Carr, the 
outstanding authority in the field, 
wrote in the 1930's that in the 
absence of the Chinese exclusion- 
ary legislation sparked by Kear- 
ney's efforts the Western sea- 
board of North America would 
have been completely Asiatic by 
1900. If a non-V/hite Pacific 
Coast and a non-White America 
are not to be our fate by the year 
2000, America's Whites must act 
in the resolute spirit of Denis 
Kearney and the White working 
people who followed his lead. 

T.O'K. 

[Issue No. 76, 1980) 



194 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



Race-conscious Dutch Governor of New Amsterdam Tried to Halt Infestation 



The Coming of the Jews to America 



The first 23 Jews to settle in 
what is now the United States 
landed as a group in 1 654 at a 
small trading village at the tip of 
Manhattan Island. It is fitting that 
from the outset the destinies of 
American Jewry and of the little 
town that grew to be New York, 
America's greatest city, should be 
linked, for it was through the 
portals of New York harbor that 
the great majority of the later 
Jewish immigrants to America 
would pass, and it was in New 
York that their children and 
grandchildren would amass the 
power which has made them the 
most influential minority in 20th- 
century America. 

No subsequent band of Jewish 
immigrants had a rougher jour- 
ney, or a more difficult time in 
being admitted, than that first 
group of 23, who were refugees 
from Brazil. They were chiefly 
Sephardim, the Biblically derived 
name for the Jews of the Iberian 
peninsula, descendants of those 
Jews of the eighth century who 
had stealthily thrown open the 
gates of the Visigothic cities to the 
Moorish invaders and then, over 
the course of nearly eight cen- 
turies, battened on the glittering 
Islamic civilization of Toledo and 
Granada, Cordoba and Valencia. 

The recrudescence of Spanish 
and Portuguese power on the 
peninsula, spearheaded by the 
crusading descendants of the 
Germanic Visigoths and Suebians 
who had fallen before the Moor- 
ish storm in the 700's, placed the 
Jews of Iberia in a precarious 
position. As city after Moorish 
city, redoubt after redoubt, capi- 
tulated to the Christian onslaught, 
the worldly and wealthy Sephar- 
dim were forced to throw them- 
selves on the mercies of their 
Christian conquerors. 

At first they enjoyed no small 
favor with the Spanish and 
Portuguese kings, who esteemed 
the Jews' financial acumen and 
their uncanny ability to sweat 
money from their Christian sub- 
jects. Yet their power, and 
increasingly their very presence, 
grew ever more odious to the 
ordinary Spaniards and Portu- 
guese. The people chafed under 
the onerous regime of Jewish tax 
collector and Jewish usurer. For a 
century before 1492 the tide of 
popular discontent swelled to full 
flood: mobs sacked the opulent 
Jewish districts, Jews were 
beaten, Jews were killed. 

In 1492 Ferdinand and Isabella, 
who had joined their realms of 
Aragon and Castile to form the 
first unified Spanish kingdom 
since the days of the Visigoths, 
acceded to the heartfelt demands 
of their subjects and decreed that 
the Jews of the land must depart. 
Five years later the king of 
Portugal followed suit. A great 
swarm of Jews departed Iberia 
forever, most of them fleeing to 
the African domains of the 
Muslims who had been their 
patrons in the Spain of the Moors. 

Ominously for the West, not all 
the Jews who fled from Iberia 
went to Africa. A substantial 
minority headed north, where 
they found a ready reception in 
the Netherlands. Over the course 
of the 16th century, as the 



Reformation made progress in the 
land and as the Dutch embarked 
on their epic 80-year struggle for 
freedom from Spain, the Sephar- 
dic Jews of Amsterdam and other 
Dutch cities became increasingly 
influential. 

Spain and Portugal, to their 
later regret, failed to drive all 
Jews from their territory. The 
Achilles heel of the anti-Semitism 
of the time was the notion that the 
Jews might be cleansed of their 
ancestral vices by the regenerating 
flow of baptismal water. Upwards 
of 50,000 Jews in the two 
countries were allowed to feign 
conversion to Christianity (al- 
though doubtless a few of the 
conversions were genuine). 

Not a few of these converted 
Jews (the polite usage for them 
was converses or "new Christ- 
ians"; their opponents called 
them Marranos, i.e., pigs) made 
their way to the Spanish and 
Portuguese colonies in the New 
World, as soon as the commercial 
possibilities of these territories 
became evident. It was in Brazil 
that the ancestors of the immi- 
grants to New York found a 
center for profitable activity. 

In Recife, in the province of 
Pernambuco, on the northwest 
coast of Brazil, a large number of 
"new Christians" established 
themselves as merchants and 
businessmen. There were only two 
industries of note: the raising of 
sugar on large plantations and the 
importation and sale of Black 
African slaves. The Jewish con- 
verts to Christianity played a large 
part in each of these businesses 
and were prominent as tax 
farmers as well. For over a 
century they plied their various 
trades in Recife, unvexed by the 
Inquisition which had been insti- 
tuted in Spain and Portugal to 
ferret out secret Jews in the ranks 
of the conversos. 

The rise of the Netherlands as a 

maritime power at the start of the 
17th century soon brought a 
change in the affairs of Brazil. 
During the course of their war 
with the Spanish, the Dutch had 
begun to resort to piracy on the 
high seas. Their successes encour- 
aged the doughty burghers of 
Amsterdam and Rotterdam to 
embark on a more ambitious 
policy by which they would 
displace the Spanish and Portu- 
guese as merchants to the Indies 
and to the Americas. 

They made little headway 
against Spain's overseas posses- 
sions, but Portugal, exhausted by 
its heroic efforts of the preceding 
two centuries, vitiated by an 
influx of Negro genes, and 
overrun by Spain, was an easy 
prey. One by one Portugal's 
overseas possessions and trading 
factories fell to the Dutch: Java, 
Mauritius, the South African 
Cape, India's Malabar and Coro- 
mandel coasts. 

The Dutch followed up their 
conquests with a vigorous trade 
conducted by the Dutch East 
India and West India Companies. 
A good number of Sephardic Jews 
who had come from Spain and 
Portugal participated in these 
joint-stock companies. The Jews 
of Amsterdam and the other 




PIETER STUYVESANT 

Dutch commercial centers brought 
more than capital to their ven- 
tures: through their ties to their 
Marrano kinsmen scattered 
around the world in Spanish and 
Portuguese colonies, they had 
access to commercial and military 
intelligence as well. 

In 1630 the forces of the Dutch 
West India Company launched an 
invasion against Pernambuco. 
The Jewish "new Christians" 
promptly sided with the invaders, 
acting as a fifth column to 
frustrate the Portuguese defend- 
ers. During the subsequent 25 
years of Dutch rule Recife's 
Marranos returned openly to 
Judaism, practicing in public 
what they had hitherto practiced 
in private. 

The Jews of Recife maintained 
their activity in the slave trade, 
buying slaves imported by Dutch 
carriers and reselling them, at 
exorbitant profits, to the sugar 
planters. They also continued as 
tax farmers, collecting 63 per cent 
of Dutch-ruled Pernambuco's 
revenues, and pursued their vari- 
ous other commercial interests. A 
synagogue was built, and the 
Jewish community flourished. 

The Portuguese were not easily 
reconciled to the loss of Pernam- 
buco and its capital city, Recife. 
They waged a bitter guerrilla war 
against the Dutch invaders and 
their Jewish allies which culmi- 
nated in the Portuguese recon- 
quest of Pernambuco in 1654. 

While one might have expected 
a condign and merciless settling of 
accounts with the Jewish false 
Christians of Recife, the Portu- 
guese viceroy was most mild. 
Although he decreed that the Jews 
must depart Pernambuco, he 
allowed them to sell their property 
at good prices and to leave with 
their liquid assets. The Jews of 
Pernambuco disposed of their 
sugar plantations and slave pens, 
and set sail for the Netherlands, 
where their coreligionists would 
assure them a friendly reception. 

All but one of more than 20 
boatloads of Jews to sail from 
Brazil reached Holland. The Jews 
aboard one ship, however, were 
plundered by pirates in the 
Caribbean and then rescued by a 
French privateer, the St. Cather- 
ine, whose captain was bound for 
New Amsterdam. When the St. 
Catherine, with its 23 Jewish 
passengers, reached Manhattan 



Island sometime in early Septem- 
ber 1654, the Jews applied lor 
permanent residency in the little 
trading village. 

Although the bourgeois Dutch 
were in general favorably dis- 
posed to the Jews, the governor of 
New Amsterdam, Pieter Stuyve- 
sant, was an exception. Hardkop- 
pige Piet (Hard-headed Pete), as 
he was known, had opposed Jews 
settling on the Caribbean island of 
Curacao when he was the Dutch 
West India Company's governor 
there several years before. He was 
no less opposed to Jewish settlers 
in New Amsterdam. 

In a long communication to his 
superiors in Amsterdam, Stuyve- 
sant wrote: "The Jews who have 
arrived would nearly all like to 
remain here, but learning that 
they (with their customary usury 
and deceitful trading with the 
Christians) were very repugnant 
to the inferior magistrates, as also 
to the people having the most 
affection for you; the Deaconry 
also fearing that owing to their 
present indigence they might 
become a charge in the coming 
winter, we have, for the benefit of 
this weak and newly developing 
place and the land in general, 
deemed it useful to require them 
in a friendly way to depart." 

The little company of Jews was 
not so easily gotten rid of, 
however. While Stuyvesant await- 
ed the directors' permission to 
send the Jews on their way, the 
leaders of the would-be immi- 
grants drafted their own letter to 
the directors of the West India 
Company, vaunting their sympa- 
thy for the Dutch in Pernambuco 
("It is well known to your honors 
that the Jewish nation in Brazil 
has at all times been faithful and 
has striven to guard and maintain 
that place, risking for that 
purpose their possessions and 
their blood."). A more potent 
talking point, however, was the 
position of some of their fellow 
Jews in the Company: "You 
should also please consider that 
many of the Jewish nation are 
principal shareholders in the 
Company." 

The response from the directors 
of the Dutch East India Company 
arrived at New Amsterdam the 
next spring. It is a classic of 
cowardice and equivocation, first 
conceding the threat posed by the 
Jewish presence to the colony, but 
then going on to justify that 
presence on the basis of the 
Jewish financial power in Amster- 
dam: "We would have liked to 
effectuate and fulfill your wishes 
and request that the new territory 
should be no more allowed to be 
infected by people of the Jewish 
nation, for we foresee therefrom 
the same difficulties which you 
rear, but after having further 
weighed and considered the mat- 
ter, we observe that this would be 
somewhat unreasonable and un- 
fair, especially because of the 
considerable loss suffered by the 
nation, with others, in the taking 
of Brazil, as also because of the 
large amount of shares which they 
[the wealthy Jews of Amsterdam] 
still have invested in the Com- 
pany." 

For two years thereafter Stuy- 
vesant fought a rearguard action 



against the alien interlopers, 
attempting to deny them citizen- 
ship as well as the privilege of 
plying their various trades in the 
colony. In a letter to the Company 
directors dated October 25, 1655, 
Stuyvesant pointed out that "to 
give liberty to the Jews will be 
very detrimental here, because the 
Christians here will not be able at 
the same time to do business' ' — a 
misgiving that has been borne out 
in so many fields of endeavor in 
America over the subsequent 
three centuries. 

Stuyvesant's efforts were all in 
vain. The directors of the Dutch 
East India Company granted the 
Jews of New Amsterdam one 
liberty after another, until by 1660 
they were on an equal footing, in 
every respect, with the colony's 
Dutch citizens, One of their 
number, Asser Levy, soon became 
one of New Amsterdamls weal- 
thiest traders and landowners. 
The Jews of what was to become, 
a few years later with the British 
conquest, New York, were on 
their way. 

(Issue No. 77, 1980) 

Pope Wants Blacks, 
Not Voodoo 

The recent tour of Pope John 
Paul II through Africa and Latin 
America, during which the Pope 
repeatedly emphasized that the 
Catholic Church is shifting the 
focus of its recruiting from the 
White to the non- White world, 
has greatly encouraged the one 
million Black Catholics in the 
United States. 

At the same time he is 
attempting to consolidate the 
Church's Third World support, 
however, the Pope is trying to 
restrain the non-Whites already in 
the Church from mixing voodoo, 
polygamy, and other non- 
approved elements into their 
practice of Catholicism, but this 
effort is not meeting with much 
success. The following account 
from the New York Times of a 
Sunday sermon in Brooklyn's Our 
Lady of Charity Roman Catholic 
Church indicates what the Pope is 
up against: "Father Goode . . . 
took to the aisle, flapping his 
arms, jiggling his body, and 
speaking faster and faster, until 
his voice grew hoarse. Then came 
the beat of drums and tambour- 
ines, the choir started clapping 
rhythmically, and Father Goode 
ended his sermon in an ecstatic 
transport, writhing on his back in 
the middle of the aisle." 

(Issue No. 77, 1980) 




THE BESTOF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



195 



Rembrandt: Interpreter of Nature 



There is a difference between a 
"painter" and an "artist" who 
paints. A painter, simply put, is 
one who physically places pig- 
ments on a canvas. An artist, on 
the other hand, is an individual 
who has captured and interpreted 
the spirit of his age. The reckless, 
flawed Picasso will forever be a 
painter, just as the meticulous, 
consummate Rembrandt will al- 
ways be an artist. 

There is also a common miscon- 
ception about the so-called "artis- 
tic life" popularized by such 
works as Puccini's La Boheme 
and Pasternak's Doctor Zhivago. 
The "artist" is seen as a destitute, 
suffering, naive creature strug- 
gling unrecognized to manifest his 
creations, and fated to suffer an 
artistic fall and an anonymous 
death. The 1936 Charles Laugh- 
ton film of Hollywood's interpre- 
tation of Rembrandt's life had all 
of the above ingredients and, as 
such, was a classic exercise in 
historical inaccuracy and misin- 
formation. 

Rembrandt van Rijn (1606- 
1669) was not uneducated, nor 
was he a peasant, nor did he ever 
have an artistic downfall. He was 
born in Leiden, a thriving Dutch 
city about 25 miles south of 
Amsterdam. As his surname, van 
Rijn, signifies, his family had 
lived by the Rhine for many 
generations. Harmen, his father, 
was a successful miller, and his 
ihother Neeltgen was the daughter 
of a prosperous baker. Rem- 
brandt was the eighth of nine 
children and certainly not an only 
child, as some accounts would 
have him be. There is absolutely 
no evidence that the family was 
poor, and it probably enjoyed the 
prosperity typical of the solid 
Dutch middle class of that era. 

Rembrandt showed his intel- 
lectual gifts while still young, and 
his parents sent him to the Latin 
school in Leiden to prepare him 
for the university. Rembrandt 
became well versed in the Classics 
and was familiar with both 
Biblical and Greek mythology. 
After seven years at the Latin 
school he graduated at age 14 and 
for a brief period attended the 
University of Leiden, leaving with 



.tttiNAIitft 





THE ANATOMY LESSON OF DR. NICHOLAAS TULP: The original, painted with oil on canvas In 1632, measures 165 x 220 cm. 



REMBRANDT: This self-portrait 
was etched In 1636, when the 
artist was 30 years old. 



his parents' blessings to take up 
the honored trade of painter. 

The role of the painter in 
17th-century Dutch society was 
quite different from that in 
20th-century American society. 
Today it is common to view 
painters as alienated, somewhat 
flaky nonconformists producing 
works that few understand and 
fewer buy. In Rembrandt's time 
this conception would have been 
totally false. The average Dutch 
painter was an esteemed member 
of society who produced an 
appreciated item, just like any 
other craftsman. 

Truly great painting, of course, 
like all great art, has always 
involved more than craftsman- 
ship. And just as the great painter 
must be more than a craftsman, 
so must he necessarily be alienated 
to some extent from his fellows; 
the act of true creation has always 
been a lonely act. Nevertheless, 
the bond between the Dutch 
painter and the ordinary Dutch 
burgher of the 17th century was a 
much closer one than exists in our 
society today. 

Dutch popular tastes in paint- 
ing tended toward detailed, na- 
tural scenes from everyday life. 
The Dutch were proud of their 
society and wanted their art to 
mirror their life-style. The average 
Dutchman bought an astounding 
amount of original art and had a 
high regard for its beauty. This 
wholesome and rare marriage 
between the painter and the public 
is illustrated by a passage from the 
journal of Peter Mundy, an 
English traveler who visited Am- 
sterdam in 1640 and reported: 

"As For the art off Painting 
and the affection off the people to 
Pictures, I thincke none other goe 
beeyond them there [the Dutch 



people] having been in this 
Country Many excellent Men in 
thatt Facullty [Dutch painters] 
some att present, as Rimbrantt, 
etts., All in general striving to 
adorne their houses, especially the 
outer or street room, with costly 
peeces, Butchers and bakers not 
much inferior in their shoppes, 
which are Fairely sett Forth, yea 
many tymes blacksmithes, Cob- 
lers, etts., wilt have some picture 
or other by their Forge and in 
their statle ....*' 

This passage suggests that the 
Dutch harbored no fanciful illu- 
sions about artistic production or 
artistic appreciation. The painter, 
the painting, and the patron were 
all healthy, integral parts of 
society. 

Rembrandt's work exemplified 
all of the best qualities of Dutch 
life and is important to us for two 
reasons: it was created out of 
direct observation and abiding 
reverence for nature, and this 
natural element was then inter- 
preted by an acute intelligence 
which amplified nature's key 
features for the edification of 
man. 

Rembrandt is at his best with 
his portrait paintings and his 
landscape etchings. Many por- 
traits tend to be stilted likenesses 
designed for simple flattery. Rem- 
brandt's portraits are not merely 
renderings, but supreme examples 
of naturalistic observation. For 
example, in Two Negroes (1661), 
Rembrandt caught the puffy lids, 
the protruding lips, and the 
splayed nostrils so characteristic 
of the race, even though Negroes 
were a rarity in the Netherlands at 
that time. The popular wisdom of 
our day has it that there is no such 
thing as a "Jewish" face, but 
Rembrandt both knew and paint- 



ed very accurate Jewish physiog- 
nomies. In such works as his 
Portrait of a Jew and Portrait of a 
Rabbi, the elongated nose, weak 
chin, rounded shoulders, and 
swarthy coloration typical of the 
race can be seen. Rembrandt's 
rendition- of Saul and David 
changed the Biblical account of 
the "fair," harp-playing David 
into a more probable portrait of a 
dark, brooding Semite who lusted 
after the throne of Israel. 

One of Rembrandt's most 
famous paintings is a group 
portrait commissioned by eight 
prominent physicians of Amster- 
dam entitled The Anatomy Les- 
son of Dr. Nicholaas Tulp (1632). 
In group portraits of the time, 
each person to be depicted paid a 
part of the painter's fee, and each 
demanded to be represented in a 
favorable pose. Usually the paint- 
er solved this organizational prob- 
lem by placing the subjects in 
unaesthetically pleasing rows, like 
students posed for a class picture. 
In Dr. Tulp Rembrandt chose to 
place the patrons in a roughly 
triangular composition, with the 
white of the cadaver and the red 
of the lacerated arm aggressively 
contrasted against the dark clo- 
thing of Dr. Tulp. Thus, Rem- 
brandt not only accurately por- 
trayed the likeness of his patrons, 
but he solved the problem of 
group portraiture with a visually 
superb composition. 

In 1643, one year after the 
completion of his highly success- 
ful painting Night Watch, Rem- 
brandt executed one of his most 
famous landscape etchings, Three 
Trees. Etching was a popular 
medium of expression in the 
17th-century Netherlands. The 
etching process itself involves 
taking a blank copper sheet, 



covering it with an acid-resistant 
coating, cutting a design in this 
coating with a needle to expose 
the copper, and then subjecting 
the plate to acid which eats into 
the exposed metal and perma- 
nently affixes the design. The 
etched lines then are filled with 
ink, and a press is used to print 
the design on paper, This medium 
is both delicate enough to accent 
subtleties of line and bold enough 
to render strong compositions 
when executed with the skill of a 
Rembrandt, the foremost etche- 
in Western art. 

In Three Trees Rembrandt 
recognized that nature's majesty 
can be found in a grouping of 
gnarled oaks just as it can in the 
pose of a care-weathered face. 
Rembrandt did not simply copy 
nature; he interpreted and im- 
proved its composition. In the 
actual etching, details are added 
to complement the dynamic na- 
ture of the trees. There are 
farmers and cattle on the far 
plain, a man in the foreground is 
fishing, a carriage with passengers 
creaks behind the right-hand tree, 
and, obscured in the bushes, a 
couple cavorts. 

Rembrandt's work was never 
gaudy, like so much of the French 
and Spanish Baroque, and never 
simply ornate or sensational, like 
so much of today's work, because 
he gave precedence to decorum, as 
opposed to mere decoration. 
Rembrandt was an especially 
brilliant beam in the sunburst that 
was 16th- and 17th-century Dutch 
art. 

J.H. 

(Issue No. 77, 1980) 



196 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



197 



Dying Out of Germans Is Warning to Other White Nations of West 



Birth Figures Show White World Aboard Suicide Express 



by Lewis Callahan 

One fateful day during the 19th 
century, a world distracted by 
economic scares, rumors of war, 
and the latest ball game scores 
failed to take note when two 
trains hurtled past each other 
along parallel tracks, metaphori- 
cally speaking. The first train 
carried an extraordinarily dis- 
tinguished body of men and 
women, who were so preoccupied 
with revolutionizing every field of 
endeavor in hopes of achieving 
higher modes of existence that few 
passengers took time to notice 
that their train's destination, 
printed plainly on the side of each 
car for all to see, read "Obli- 
vion," 

The second train carried a 
profoundly contented people 
who, with the rarest exceptions, 
could not even glimpse the 
frontiers of understanding reached 
by the riders on the first train — 
upon whose handouts they relied 
for most of the improvements in 
their material living standard. 
Benighted as they were, these 
simple passengers also had not 
bothered to note the destination 
printed on their train. It read: 
"Conquest." 

America viewed the two meta- 
phorical trains with great interest, 
for the first was Germany and the 
second Mexico. Though they have 
long since passed each other, and 
both are now attaining their 
destinations, the incongruous be- 
havior of their occupants conti- 
nues unabated. 

In 1875 the women aboard tlK 
great German train gave birth to 

1,724,000 live babies, while the 
Mexican total was under 400,000. 
In 1975 new German mothers 
(now divided between East and 
West) numbered scarcely 700,000, 
while the Mexican total had 
soared to 2,800,000 (not counting 
many more of their babies now 
being born on American soil). 
Thus, a birth ratio which, in 1875, 
favored the Germans by more 



than four to one now ran more 
than four to one against them. In 
the scant space of one century the 
breeding ratio between the passen- 
gers on the two trains had 
changed by a factor of 16. 

The single most important 
lesson which history teaches is 
that lasting conquest is always 
biological, never economic or 
political. Yet, during much of this 
critical century, America's lead- 
ers, failing to grasp this simple 
truth, regarded faraway, geneti- 
cally similar Germany as the great 
threat to U.S. national security, 
and adjacent, genetically different 
Mexico as inconsequential. 

Of course, the two trains really 
have many portentous names. 
One might with equal justification 
call the first "France" and the 
second "Algeria"; or "Britain" 
and "Pakistan." The first train, 
plummeting down a steep grade 
toward near-certain doom, really 
represents all industrious, fair- 
skinned populations of Northern 
European ancestry; the second 
signifies most of the non-White 
peoples of the Third World. 

Surprisingly few educated 
Whites, aware of the revolution- 
ary demographic changes of the 
past century, are alarmed. Satura- 
ted with egalitarian propaganda 
and the notion of the infinite 
malleability of man, they seem to 
believe that what the world loses 
with the dying out of the Germans 
it will gain through an explosion 
of Mexicans, Some prominent 
writers have noted happily that 
the infant mortality rate for 
Mexico in 1975 was only one- 
fourth the rate for Germany in 
1875, as if to say: "See, the 
Mexicans are making wonderful 
progress. They are already ahead 
of where the Germans were a 
century ago, and by the time the 
Germans are all gone the Mexi- 
cans will be just as advanced as 
the Germans." 

The hard truth, of course, is 
evident on any Mexican college 



campus, where spare-time, inde- 
pendent reading consists of the 
ubiquitous comic book, and any 
semblance of an innate and 
passionate drive to comprehend 
and master reality is largely 
lacking. Mexicans are not trans- 
planted Spaniards. Mexico has the 
highest murder rate in the world, 
Spain one of the lowest. The great 
majority of Mexicans are of 
predominately Amerindian blood. 
Would any illuminated spirit 
prefer life among today's Mexi- 
cans to the vibrant, questing, 
bright-eyed world of 1875 — or 
1275, for that matter — in 
Germany? 

When the German and French 
and White American trains finally 
crash at the bottom of their 
inclines, the happy-go-lucky 
Mexican passengers who long ago 
passed them in the opposite 
direction will be mystified to see 
their own train suddenly jumping 
its track. But by then it will be too 
late for everyone. 

Niger, one tiny stretch of the 
vast African desert, now produces 
more than 250,000 Black babies 
each year; in the 1700's, when it 
was much less a desert than now, 
it produced almost none. Ger- 
many, with barely three times as 
many births as Niger today, is the 
heartland of an immense, fruitful 
plain filled with vigorous, re- 
sourceful people. And Germany 
produced as many babies in the 
1700's as it does today. 

Between 1966 and 1974 the 
West German birthrate has plum- 
meted from 17.8 births per 1,000 
people to 10. 1 . The drop has been 
especially bad in the largest cities. 
In Hamburg the birthrate was 
down to 7,8 in 1974, and half of 
that was due to non-German 
residents. In Frankfurt and Berlin 
half the births in 1974 were also to 
foreigners, mostly Gastarbeiter. 
The figure for Munich was 
one-third. 

Toy sales throughout central 
Europe fell so low in the late 



Year 


Births 


Deaths 


Net Gain 


1841 


1,152 


829 


+ 323 


1870 


1,517 


1,074 


+ 443 


1901 


2,032 


1,174 


+ 858 


1913 


1,839 


1,005 


+ 834 


1918 


927 


1,606 


- 679 


1921 


1,581 


870 


+ 711 


1933 


971 


738 


+ 233 


1939 


1,413 


854 


+ 559 


1946 


922 


901 


+ 21 


1964 


1,357 


870 


+ 487 


1974 


800 


975 


- 175 



GERMAN BIRTHS AND DEATHS (thousands). The first year for 
which reliable statistics are available Is 1841; 1870 was the eve of the 
Franco-Prussian War; 1901 is the all-time high for births; 1913 was the 
last good year before demographic disaster occurred. The low point of 
1918 corresponds to the lost year of World War I, while In 1933 
Germany was In the throes of the Great Depression. By 1939, under 
Hitler, the Germans had regained their strength and self-confidence. In 
1946 the Western and Soviet occupation armies were deliberately 
starving the German civilian population, and most babies born (hat 
year perished in infancy. A minor "baby boom*' occurred in 1964, but 
by 1974 it had become a bust. Approximately one-sixth of the 800,000 
births in 1974 were to non-German residents. 



1970's that the toymakers were 
forced to redesign many of their 
products for people in the 25-to- 
50 age bracket . While these barren 
men and women played with 
trains and dolls, they were 
reminded over and over by their 
government and their news media 
of an "irresponsible" man named 
Hitler who had almost led Ger- 
many to her doom. 

Even the bit of eugenic con- 
sciousness Germans have retained 
from a healthier era is being 
turned against them. By 1974 fully 
one in 10 West German couples 
was succumbing to medical advice 
to forego having natural children, 
because of minor hereditary 
flaws, such as fallen arches. Since 
most of them still desire the 
fashionable child-and-a-half, they 
are forced to send off to places 
like Korea, Colombia, and Sri 
Lanka for adoptees. 

As bad as the German birthrate 
is today, it is likely to be much 
worse a score of years hence. The 



number of German girls in the 
0-to-5 age bracket is actually less 
than the number of women 
between 70 and 75 years old. 

Meanwhile, tens of thousands 
of Pakistanis, Jordanians, Turks, 
and other Third Worlders are 
taking advantage of the liberality 
of West Germany's refugee laws. 
Illegal aliens merely have to set 
foot on West German soil in order 
to claim refugee status. If chal- 
lenged by the authorities, their 
cases may take as long as seven 
years to be called for possible 
deportation. Until then the alien 
can go on. welfare — and have as 
many babies as he wants. 

{Issue No. 77, 1980) 



So far as human genetic quality 
is concerned, Dark Ages dogma- 
asm dominates the views of the 
intellectual community. 

— William Shockley, 

March 18, 1980. 



The Core of Western Music 



A reader has asked me to 
recommend a list of recordings of 
Western music performed by 
Western musicians. During long 
and hard cogitation I have made 
lists of the Ten Greatest Record- 
ings and the Hundred Greatest 
Recordings, but these lists are too 
personal and include too many 
recordings that are out of print. A 
music lover who has already 
become a passionate collector, 
searching for the elusive perfect 
recordings, might find such a list 
suggestive, but such persons are 
few compared to those who want 
advice on where to begin to 
acquire what may later become a 
deep appreciation of Western 
music. 

It is to the person who has 
begun to explore our musical 
accomplishments that I will direct 
my advice. Begin at the very top. 
Get a rock-solid basis in the 
Masters, and Jo the branching 
and exploring later. 

The best course I ever had in 
college was a reading of the 



masterpieces of European litera- 
ture from Homer to Dostoyevsky. 
At the time I wondered why many 
of these works are so highly 
regarded. The Divine Comedy, 
say, has been picked apart and 
analyzed until it has become so 
familiar that it almost seems to be 
formula literature, obvious and 
easily imitated. It is only when 
one reads literature of the second 
rank that one gains an under- 
standing, even if one cannot 
articulate it, how distinct is that of 
the first. A solid grounding in the 
greatest achievements makes such 
judgments possible. The same is 
true of music. 

The massive, grave organ works 
of Johann Sebastian Bach (1685- 
1750) may be considered repre- 
sentative of the foundation of 
Western music. Though Western 
music began several centuries 
before Bach, no other music has 
such confidence and solidity. 
Each work is complete, with 
nothing superfluous. 

His chorale preludes (except for 




J.S. BACH 



the so called Schuebler set) are 
not as good as his free-form 
preludes and fugues, and it is the 
latter that should be acquired. 
The blind organist Helmut Wal- 
cha (whose recordings of pre- 
Bach organ music were reviewed 
here in January) is the only 
performer worthy of the Master, 
and his is the set to choose. If you 
can locate a used copy of the 
monophonic set, buy it — but the 



LUDW1G VAN BEETHOVEN 



current stereo set is almost as 
good. 

There are four other Bach 
compositions that rank alongside 
the organ works, The wonderfully 
inventive set of six sonatas and 
partitas (three each) for solo 
violin constitute the purest of 
absolute music. Of the out-of- 
print recordings, those of Adolf 
Busch (who recorded only two of 
the works) and Joseph Szigeti 



BELA BARTOK 



(who did all six) bring incisive, 
analytic interpretations which are 
rivaled by no other violinists save 
the Hungarian Sandor Vegh, 
whose set is still available. 

The Goldberg Variations are 
Bach's great accomplishment in 
this form (get Glenn Gould's 
recording, above all others). 
Another late chamberwork, the 
Musical Offering, was built 
around a theme by Frederick the 



Great and presented to him. 
Nicholas de Harnoncourt's ver- 
sion is the best available, but look 
also for Wilfried Boettcher's. 

The last of Bach's works, the 
uncompleted Art of the Fugue, is 
also their culmination. It is not 
known on which instruments this 
collection of fugues was to be 
played, but the most effective 
realizations are Gould's (who did 
only the first half) and Walcha's, 
both on the organ. 

If Bach laid the foundation of 
Western music, Ludwig van Beet- 
hoven (1770-1827) gave us the 
West's deepest expression of the 
Faustian spirit. We all know his 
Eroica ("heroic") Symphony, but 
a more intimate expression is to be 
found in the string quartets that 
followed, which show us what 
J.W.N. Sullivan described as "the 



hero when he is alone,'* These are 
the so-called Middle Quartets, 
and the Late Quartets press into 
an unknown world that leaves the 
rest of art behind. The superb Vox 
recordings of the Loewenguth 
Quartet, an Alsatian group, are 
no longer generally available. Of 
the current versions, the decep- 
tively tranquil and straightfor- 
ward Hungarian Quartet set is 
most recommended. 

The introspective side of the 
Faustian hero is also revealed in 
Beethoven's 32 piano sonatas. 
Indeed, the full range of Beetho- 
ven's art, except for the Late 
Quartets, is to be found in them. 
Of the monophonic performances 
by Wilhelm Backhaus and Wil- 
helm Kempff , only a few'from the 
Kempff set are still in print. 
However, a complete, new stereo 



set by Kempff is now the best 
choice. Also, the Backhaus stereo 
remake may 1 still be found in 
remainder houses. 

The other necessary work of 
Beethoven is his last piano 
composition, the Diabelti Vari- 
tions. This and Bach's Goldberg 
Variations are complete micro- 
cosms, and the Backhaus record- 
ing brings an authority to the 
work no other performer can 
come close to matching (Kempff 
hasn't yet tried it). Fortunately, it 
has been reissued in Japan and 
should be available on import 
from Tower Records (2525 Jones 
Street, San Francisco, CA 94133). 

Western music might have 
ended with its finest Faustian 
expression in Beethoven, but the 
troubled, dissonant, ambiguous 
century of transition in which we 



are now living has stirred the 
Western soul in new ways. The 
musical expression of the groping 
and anguish of this century 
(though not without its exhilara- 
tion and promise) is to be found in 
the six string quartets of Bcla 
Bartok (1881-1945). This difficult 
music is not to be heard once, or 
ten times, but is to become a 
staple in one's musical diet until 
one knows it well enough to reach 
a proper judgment. I am so 
familiar with the Vox box of 
recordings by the Ramor Quartet 
I grew up on that L find it hard to 
listen to any other, but it is no 
longer in print, and I can vouch 
for the currently available Hun- 
garian Quartet recording as a fully 
worthy one. 

it is painful to limit my list to 
these works, leaving out the piano 



concerti of Mozart and the 
chamber music of Brahms, not to 
mention a hundred other master- 
pieces. Any random dozen from 
this unlisted list would be more 
than adequate for the everyday, 
even for most Special days. But on 
very special days, when one seeks 
the outer limits of our race's art in 
order to get at its essential 
foundations (Bach), its Faustian 
drive (Beethoven), or its spirit of 
searching and experiment (Bar- 
tok), it is to the greatest works of 
these three that one must turn. 

G.T. 

(Issue No. 78, 1980) 



Jan Vermeer: Artist of Light 



The first half of the 17th 
century saw the zenith of Dutch 
history. It was a time of great 
material prosperity for the Dutch, 
who enjoyed the preeminent 
position in world maritime and 
commercial power. Dutch settle- 
ments spanned the globe: the East 
Indies, Brazil, South Africa, 
Ceylon, and New Amsterdam in 
North America. 

Dutch arts and sciences also 
flourished in this era. Christian 
Huyghens (1629-1695), one of the 
greatest Dutch scientists, worked 
in physics and mathematics, im- 
proved the telescope (which was a 
Dutch invention), pioneered pen- 
dulum clock movements, dis- 
covered the rings of Saturn, and 
launched the wave theory of light. 

Many fine Dutch dramatists 
and poets wrote in the early 17th 



century and helped to elevate the 
literary language from a provin- 
cial Low German dialect to one of 
international prominence, Hugo 
Grotius (1583-1645) set forth the 
fundamental theories of interna- 
tional law in his Law of War and 
Peace (1625), and Balthasar Bek- 
ker struck a blow for clear 
thinking against the prevailing 
dogma of witchcraft with his 
anti -superstition tract, World Be- 
witched (1691). 

It seems only natural that a 
society founded on such principles 
of structure and purpose should 
produce art that exemplified these 
qualities. As was stated in an 
earlier article, Dutch tastes tended 
toward the representational. The 
solid middle class was proud of its 
accomplishments and wanted this 
represented in its art. It was as if 



the steady, clear light of the 
Netherlands permeated not only 
the ordered life of the Dutch 
burgher, but also was captured by 
the pigment and canvas of Jan 
Vermeer. 

Jan (Johannes) Vermeer (1632- 
1675) was born in Delft, the son 
of Reynier Jansz, a silk worker 
and middle-class art dealer, who 
later took the surname "Ver- 
meer". ("from the sea"). At the 
time of Vermeer's birth Delft was 
a prosperous trading center and 
site of the world-famdus Delft- 
ware china, with its characteristic 
blue-and-white glazes. 

Information is scarce about the 
artist's early years. He is known 
to have been an apprentice of 
Rembrandt's most promising stu- 
dent, Carel Fabritius, who died in 
the 1654 explosion of the Delft 




powder magazine, which des- 
troyed a large part of the city. 
Although Vermeer did paint 
some stunning outdoor scenes 
(most notably his View of Delft), 
he is best known for his interior 
settings, such as can be seen in 
The Geographer (1669). Pale light 
streams in from the left windows 
to illuminate an immaculate 
Dutch interior. The globe, the 
map, the scholar's deeply thought- 
ful look, the dividers in his right 
hand all mesh in a composition 
that denotes scientific reflection 
and intellectual control, 

The Oriental drapery in the 
foreground is a visual reminder of 
Dutch maritime prowess. The 
geographer is plotting fresh dis- 
coveries and opening, new hori- 
zons available to a vibrant culture 
in the full bloom of spiritual 
harmony. The man, like the 
culture he represents, is in control 
of his nature and his destiny. 

But as is the case with so many 
great cultures, decline followed 
quickly on the heels of prosperity. 
The 17th century and the start of 
the 18th saw the Netherlands bled 
fatally by war. Three English sea 
wars, the Thirty Years' War 
(1618-1648), and the wars of 
Louis XIV, especially the long 
War of the Spanish Succession 
(1702-1713), were devastating to 
Dutch prosperity. 

The Netherlands' economy was 
also showing signs of decay. As is 
so typical of capitalistic econo- 
mies, speculative panics periodi- 
cally rocked fiscal order. One 
example of this was the tulip craze 
of 1633-1637. Turkish tulips had 
been imported for some time into 
the Netherlands when demand for 
the frail commodity far exceeded 
supply, especially for the more 
exotic varieties. Greed outstripped 
common sense as the lure of large 
profits drove prices on individual 
bulbs into the equivalent of 
thousands of dollars. The inevi- 
table crash came early in 1637 
and, as in America's similar crash 
of 1929, vast savings were des- 
troyed, leaving the country in 
financial despair. 

By the first part of the 18th 
century, the ordered, rational 
world that Pieter Bruegel, Rem- 
brandt van Rijn, and Jan Vermeer 
had known and represented was 
gone. 

J.H. 

(Issue No, 78, 1980) 



Fighting Back 

How many times have you had 
to listen to some Jewish "survi- 
vor," attempting to milk a bit 
more sympathy for Israel from 
the public, make the claim on one 
TV "documentary" or another 
that his or her whole family was 
gassed at Auschwitz or Dachau or 
some other German concentration 
camp? 

In West Germany recently one 
former member of the SS, the 
organization which provided 
guards for the camps, decided 
he'd heard that line once too 
often. After a Jewish journalist, 
Mrs. Renate Harpprecht, in a 
discussion of the so-called "Holo- 
caust" on German TV, made the 
offhand remark that she too was a 
"survivor" whose family had died 
in the gas chambars, the SS man 
hired an attorney to sue her for 
defaming the SS unless she could 
substantiate her claim. 

The attorney, Eberhard Engel- 
hardt, demanded that Mrs. Harp- 
precht name the camp, the date of 
the supposed gassing, and her 
source of information. The 
Jewess, of course, could not 
comply. Instead she went howling 
to a German court, claiming the 
attorney was attempting to 
"coerce" her. The court, which, 
like all governmental institutions 
in West Germany since World 
War II, is subject to the control of 
the Occupying Powers, obediently 
fined Engelhardt 1,500 marks and 
dismissed the suit against Mrs, 
Harpprecht! 

Power of Controlled 
Media Unequalled 

Frank Capra, the noted Holly- 
wood film producer (You Can't 
Take It With You), and one of the 
few Gentiles in his profession, 
gave a startlingly frank Interview 
to U.S. News & World Report 
which was printed in the August 
25 edition of that magazine. Mr. 
Capra said: 

"Films have the power to 
inspire, educate, and mold minds 
more effectively than anything 
else. This is true of films on movie 
screens as well as TV. . . . 

"TV is so powerful that it could 
probably start a war overnight — 
or bring a war to an end. Look at 
what happened in Vietnam. It's 
also interesting that the great 
excitement about the hostages in 
Iran began to fade after the net- 
works no longer had their cameras 
trained every day on those mili- 
tants outside the embassy in 
Teheran." 

(Issue No. 78, 1980) 



The Geographer (53 x 46.6 cm. Now in Staedelsches Kunstinstltiit, Frankfort.) 






198 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



199 



Clever Jew Made Millions from Dead Daughter 



Anne Frank Hoax Exposed 



Learning to Get Along 



Tucked away on pages 1 19 and 
122 of the October 6 issue of Der 
Spiegel, a weekly German news 
magazine comparable to Time or 
Newsweek, was a news item of 
considerable significance: a scien- 
tific analysis of the manuscript 
purported to be the original diary 
of Anne Frank, a Jewish girl who 
died in a German concentration 
camp during the Second World 
War, has revealed that the 
manuscript could not have been 
written before 1951, six years 
after the end of the war. 

The significance of Der Spie- 
gel's revelation of this fraud is 
twofold. First, the printing of the 
story in a mass-circulation publi- 
cation constitutes a major break 
with past treatments of similar 
news. The German news media, 
though not under the Jewish 
monopoly control which blights 
the media in this country, general- 
ly follow a pro-Jewish line, a 
heritage from the immediate 
postwar years when the Allied 
occupation forces gave publishing 
licenses only to those Germans 
who had proved their disloyalty to 
their country during the war. 
Consequently, most news tending 
to cast doubt on Jewish stories 
about gas chambers and the like 
from the World War 11 era has 
either been blacked out altogether 
or downplayed and given very 
unsympathetic treatment. The 
present article, though accom- 
panied by copious apologies and 
held back for six months after it 
became news, would not have 
been printed at all a year or two 
ago. 

Beyond this, the exposure of 
the Anne Frank forgery is impor- 
tant because of the sheer magni- 
tude of the fraud and the key role 
it has played in underpinning the 
entire Jewish scenario of the war. 
What is known as a fact is that 
one Otto Frank, a Jewish mer- 
chant, formerly of Frankfurt, 
who had been arrested in the 
Netherlands and interned in the 
Auschwitz concentration camp 
during the war, began visiting 
publishers in 1946 with what he 
claimed was a diary written by his 
young daughter during the time 
the Frank family was hiding frpm 
tire German police in occupied 
Holland. The girl later perished at 
Auschwitz, Frank said. 

The diary, filled with touching 
adolescent reveries and homely 
little anecdotes, was exactly what 




written by a little 
named Anrle Frank. 



Jewish girl 



OTTO FRANK, father of Anne, displays what he says is his daughter's 
diary, written In 1942-1944 while hiding from the Gestapo. Recent 
scientific tests have proved the alleged diary could not have been written 
before 1951. Frank made millions from his forgery before his death this 
year. 



the Jewish "Holocaust" propa- 
gandists were looking for: a 
highly effective piece of ammuni- 
tion to generate a maudlin, 
emotion-iaden sympathy for the 
poor, persecuted Jews — as 
typified by Anne Frank —• and 
generate hatred against the wicked 
Germans, who had killed her and 
six million other Jews. 

Otto Frank cashed in on the 
diary in a big way. Not only did he 
find a publisher, but he found 
people hot to buy stage and film 
rights as well. Shortly after its 
appearance in book form, the 
diary had been translated into a 
score of languages and printed in 
rriillions of copies, from all of 
which Frank received royalties. 
The English version alone, under 
the title Anne Frank: the Diary of 
a Young Girl, has sold more than 
4,000,000 copies to date. A 
television dramatization based on 
the diary was aired in this country 
last month, accompanied by the 
usual ballyhoo . 



Almost from the beginning 
there were charges that the diary 
was a hoax. Some of these charges 
were based on the gross inconsis- 
tencies between various transla- 
tions and editions of the diary in 
book form; it was clear that the 
text had been heavily edited to 
help it sell well in different 
markets. Other charges were 
based on internal inconsistencies 
and credulity-straining elements 
in the diary itself. 

And then there was the matter 
of the script for the film version 
of the diary: Otto Frank was sued 
by a New York scriptwriter, 
Meyer Levin, who claimed that 
Frank had taken large portions of 
a script he, Levin v had written and 
had not paid Levin for his work. 
The court ordered Frank to pay 
Levin $50,000. One can easily 
understand why some observers 
began to wonder how much, if 
any, of the content of the various 
Anne Frank books, films, and 
plays in circulation was actually 



In Germany, however, it was 
not wise to speculate about such 
matters publicly. The Hne laid 
down by the government and the 
media is that Anne Frank is 
gospel, and anyone who suggests 
otherwise leaves himself open to 
criminal charges ("defaming the 
victims of Nazi persecution") as 
well as to civil suits. Otto Frank 
himself made a regular habit of 
hauling Anne Frank detractors 
into German courts, which invari- 
ably decided in his favor — until 
recently, that is. 

When Hamburg pensioner 
Ernst Roemer, 76, began spread- 
ing the accusation that Otto Frank 
had himself written what he was 
passing off as his dead daughter's 
diary, Frank sued him. As usual, 
the court upheld the authenticity 
of the diary. Handwriting experts 
testified that the entire diary, 
including loose notes and inser- 
tions, had been written by the 
same hand, and that hand was 
Anne Frank's. 

Roemer appealed the court's 
decision against him, and more 
handwriting experts were called 
in. Their conclusion was the same: 
Everything in the diary was in the 
same handwriting; there was no 
forgery , 

Roemer appealed again, and 
this time the court asked for the 
technical services of the Federal 
Criminal Office {Bundeskrimi- 
nalamt, similar to our FBI), which 
carried out a careful analysis of 
the original manuscript of the 
diary with microscope and ultra- 
violet illumination in order to 
confirm its authenticity — in 
particular, to determine when it 
was written. 

The report of the technical 
experts was given to the court in 
April of this year, and it 
contained a bombshell: large 
portions of the alleged "diary" 
were written in ball-point pen ink 
— which was not manufactured 
prior to 1951! 

Were it not for the previous 
testimony of the handwriting 
experts that the entire diary, 
including the portions written 
with ball-point pen, is In the same 
hand, the father might have 
claimed that he only "edited" his 
daughter's work, "clarifying" 
passages here and there. But the 
evidence was quite unambiguous. 




ANNE FRANK 

She died of typhus in 1945 — but 
she didn 't write a diary. 



For example, the testimony of 
Hamburg graphologist Minna 
Bekker in an earlier trial was: 
"The handwriting of the diary in 
the three bound volumes — 
including all notes and additions 
on the glued-in pages as well as 
the 338 pages of loose material — 
including all corrections and 
insertions is identical ..." 

Otto should have been more 
careful in his choice of writing 
instruments. It is now quite clear 
that he finished hoking up the 
"original" of the diary after he 
had found a publisher for what, in 
1946, was nothing more than 
some rough notes and an idea in 
his head which seemed to have 
prospects for making him a lot of 
money with little effort. First a 
typescript for the publisher, and 
then, as sales of the book began to 
mount, a completed handwritten 
"original" to show to doubters. 

Just after the report of the 
Federal Criminal Office was given 
to the court, Otto Frank con- 
veniently died — before he could 
be asked a number of very 
interesting questions. Meanwhile, 
the worldwide Jewish propaganda 
apparatus has continued its pro- 
motion of the Anne Frank myth 
as if nothing had happened. Der 
Spiegel seems to be the only 
mass-circulation news periodical 
to have exposed the fraud to date. 

{Issue No. 79, 1980) 



Keeping Christians in Line: ''People for the American Way 



M 



The people who control our some of the Fundamentalist Jead- 

fiews and entertainment media ers are clearly loose cannons on 

and just about everything else) deck: Bailey Smith, president of 

have mixed feelings about the the 13-million-member Southern 

recent political muscle*flexing of Baptist Convention, still hasn't 

:he born-again Christian crowd, retracted his assertion that "God 



On the one hand the media 
masters have gleefully noted that 
most of the Fundamentalist prea- 
jhers keep their flocks- so thor- 
oughly doped up on the "chosen 
people" baloney of the Old 
Testament that the thumper vote 
is a factor 'of growing importance 
in maintaining total Israeli control 
over U.S. foreign policy. 

On the other hand, despite their 
generally Judeophile tendencies. 



Almighty does not hear the prayer 
of a Jew," despite enormous 
Jewish pressure on him to do so 
(see NATIONAL VANGUARD 

No. 78), and others have also 
gotten out of line from time to 
time. One of the things Lhat makes 
the Jewish leaders nervous about 
the whole business is that born- 
againism is largely a working-class 
phenomenon, and they just don't 
have the same empathy with 



working people that they do with 
the cocktail-circuit liberals and 
the international capitalists. 

Heading the nervous element is 
none other, than Norman Lear, 
TV's chief brainwasher {All in the 
Family, Maude, Sanford and Son, 
The Jeffersons, etc.). In order to 
counteract what he sees as the 
threat of uncontrolled Christiani- 
ty, Mr. Lear has launched a series 
of TV spots, under the name 
"People for the American Way." 
Cleverly done, like all of Mr. 
Lear's propaganda, the new spots 
use a pseudo-folksy approach to 
convince television viewers that 
the only "real" Christianity is the 



spineless, guilt-ridden, love-thy- 
nigger' variety — and that it is 
un-Christian for Fundamentalist 
preachers to tell the members of 
their congregations how to vote. 

Mr. Lear's presumptiousness is 
truly breathtaking, exceeding even 
the norm for his race, Imagine 
the screams of outrage which 
would ensue if a White person 
(with Mr. Lear's financial re- 
sources) tried to air a series of TV 
spots designed to convince Jews 
that Zionism is not good Judaism 
and that Jewish leaders should 
stay out of politics! 

(Issue No. 79, 1980) 




I spoke recently with an Alliance member just back from a year in 
Zaire (the former Belgian Congo). He is a government scientist who is 
obliged to spend most of his time in rather odd places: African jungles, 
Arabian deserts, polar icecaps, and the like. While in Zaire he took 
advantage of every opportunity to avail himself of White company, 
which is all too scarce there, and he became intimately familiar with the 
attitudes and ways of thinking of the permanent White residents of that 
country. The story he told me about his experiences chilled my blood — 
the more so because it had the solid ring of truth and agreed with 
reports from other places, such as Rhodesia (now "Zimbabwe"). 

What our member said, in essence, is that the Whites in Zaire have 
"gone native." After two weeks of work in the bush, our member 
would return to Kinshasa hungry for the sight of a White face. But the 
Whites, in the part of Kinshasa which used to be Leopoldville, 
outnumbered now more than 100 to one by Blacks, have managed to 
blend into the landscape so thoroughly that one can only pick them out 
of the Black crowds by the color of their skin; nothing else distinguishes 
them. One of them will pass another White on the sidewalk — perhaps 

the only other White he has 



NORMAN LEAR 



encountered all day — without 
even a glance. To accost one of 
them is almost an affront; the 
attitude is, "Why should I stop to 
talk with you? You are nothing 
special to me." 

I suggested that, perhaps, this 
was merely an affectation em- 
ployed to avoid arousing the 
suspicion or hostility of the Blacks 
all around them. Unfortunately, 
that is not so, he replied; the 
Whites who live permanently in 
Zaire have not only convinced the 
Blacks that they are no longer 
"White racists," they have also 
convinced themselves. A common 
sight in the restaurants of Kinsha- 
sa is a blond Belgian with a 
coal-black African wife and a 
sickeningly multihued assortment 
of offspring; no one even looks up 
when racially mixed couples enter. 

No Black country in Africa can 
operate without the presence of a 
White minority. By themselves, 
the Blacks cannot keep elevators 
or telephone systems operating, 
buses or taxis running, sewage 
systems or roadways in repair, 
Many of the Black countries have 
had a whole generation of politi- 
cal independence now, and they 
have sent tens of thousands of 
their citizens off to European or 
American universities for techni- 
cal training. But they have learned 
the bitter lesson that, no matter 
how many diploma-holding 
Blacks an African country may 
boast of, it very rapidly sinks, back 
into the jungle unless there is a 
tiny minority — often less than 
one-tenth of one per cent of the 
population — of Whites present 
to keep things running, do the 
planning, and solve the problems 
which inevitably arise. 

A Black may come back to 
Zaire from a White university 
with a degree in electrical engi- 
neering, but unless there is a 
White to tell him to do it, he 
seems incapable of so much as 
replacing a blown fuse on his own 
initiative. Even at such relatively 
non-technical occupations as 
farming, the Blacks are dependent 
on Whites. More than one-third 
of the agricultural output of 
Zambia (the former Northern 
Rhodesia), for example, is the 
product of White farmers there, 
who make up much less than one 
percent of the population. Be- 
cause of this, every Black nation 
— even those which have indulged 
in mass raping and throat-cutting 
orgies against their White minori- 
ties in typically Black celebrations 
of independence, as was the case 
with the Belgian Congo/Zaire — 
tolerates a White minority. And 
because even a second-rate White 
man, who would be at the bottom 



of the social ladder in a White 
country, can live well and easily in 
an African country, the Whites 
who fled from the Congo during 
the bloody, anti-White paroxysms 
of the early 1960's have come 
trickling back. 

But now there is a new social 
contract between Black and 
White. Before, the White was the 
undisputed master everywhere, 
and the Blacks — all of them — 
addressed him as such. They may 
or may not have loved the White 
man, but they thoroughly res- 
pected and feared him. Now the 
White man has voluntarily sur- 
rendered both his position as 
master and his claim to respect. 
He asks only to be tolerated, in 
return for the services he can 
perform. 

The Blacks, however, have 
demanded one thing else of him; 
that he cease being a member of a 
race apart. They have demanded 
that he sleep with their women 
and give them his, that he give up 
his racial pride altogether, that he 
cut all his ties to his own race and 
sink down into theirs, that he 
accept them as brothers and 
equals. In Zaire that is what he 
has done. 

And the White man is in the 
process of doing the same thing in 
Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. In April of 
this year the United States, Great 
Britain, and other Western coun- 
tries forced the White Rhode- 
sians, outnumbered 20 to one by 
Blacks, to accept a Black govern- 
ment headed by the Black Marxist 
leader of a terrorist band which 
had spent years raping White 
women and butchering White 
children. Within days after the 
change of government the Whites 
who chose to stay in Rhodesia and 
submit to Black rule were obse- 
quiously addressing their new 
president as "Comrade Mugabe." 

What has taken place in the 
Congo and Rhodesia is frighten- 
ing not so much because it proves 
that some Whites are willing to 
crawl for their supper — we've 
known that to be the case for a 
long time — but for two other 
reasons: First, as our member 
observed during his year in Zaire, 
the Whites there are not just 
pretending to have forgotten their 
Whiteness and to have cut them- 
selves off from their race; they 
have actually done it. Approach- 
ing them on the basis of shared 
blood and a common heritage not 
only frightens them, it also 
offends their new sensibilities. 
They want nothing to do now with 
anything which smacks of "ra- 
cism." Their conversion is com- 
plete. They have become White 
niggers. 



Second, the phenomenon re- 
veals a general characteristic of 
man's nature. What has already 
happened in Kinshasa and is well 
underway in Salisbury is also 
beginning to happen in Johannes- 
burg — and in every city in 
America as well. Americans who 
were adults during the 1960's. and 
who have kept their equilibrium 
since then are aware of the 
enormous shift in White public 
opinion which has taken place in 
the United States in the past two 
decades. 

In 1959 or 1960 an announce- 
ment by the Federal government 
that henceforth the racial compo- 
sition of the students at all public 
schools in the country would be 
"balanced" by forced busing; 
that all employers must give 
preference to "disadvantaged" 
minorities in hiring and pro- 
moting; that White neighbor- 
hoods were to be broken up by the 
mass resettlement of welfare 
Blacks and non-White immigrants 
in them — would have caused an 
armed uprising in every region of 
the country and among all classes 
of the White population. Today, 
although such a program still 
causes a bit of grumbling, White 
politicians are able to campaign 
for office on platforms incor- 
porating similar measures and 
entertain reasonable hopes of 
being elected. 

In 1960 there were relatively 
few parts of the country where a 
racially mixed couple could ap- 
pear in public without arousing 
open hostility. A daughter who 
brought a Black boyfriend home 
risked being disowned by her 
family — if her father restrained 
his urge to shoot her and the 
Black on the spot. In the last few 
years, however, miscegenation 
has spread like a metastasizing 
cancer throughout the nation, and 
few now raise their hands or their 
voices against it. 

In part, of course, these 
Changes have been brought about 
by armed compulsion. There has 
been resentment and resistance 
against them every step of the 
way, and were it not for the 
Federal government's awesome 
firepower and massive use of 
police agencies, they would not 
have been accomplished — at 
least, not so quickly. But the fact 
remains that the White public has, 
by and large, adapted itself to the 
new order of things, A conversion 
has i taken place — not as 
thorough a conversion as in the 
Congo yet, but a conversion of 
the same sort, nevertheless — in 
which many Whites who formerly 
regarded the old order as right 
and proper now regard the new 
order in that light. 

I gave a speech in New York 
last summer in which I illustrated 
the tendency of people to adapt 
morally and spiritually to changed 
circumstances by using a rather 
far-fetched and hypothetical ex- 
ample: Suppose, I said, the Soviet 
Union launched a lightning inva- 
sion of the United States and, 
after a few weeks of fighting, 
subdued our armed forces. Sup- 
pose the Soviet victors, having set 
up a Marxist regime here, then 
brought two or three million 
English-speaking Russians over 
and settled them among the 
conquered Americans, for the 
purpose of spying on any malcon- 
tents or overt anti-communists 



and reporting them to the secret 
police, 

Suppose further that, after 
three months or so of taking down 
the names and addresses of all 
potential troublemakers, the au- 
thorities rounded up all these 
people and put them into concen- 
traion camps, They might amount 
to as many as a couple of million 
Americans altogether: perhaps 
five per cent of the adult, male 
Whites in the country. 

The point I then made with my 
example was that it would not be 
necessary for the Soviet rulers to 
shoot these Americans or even 
keep them locked up in order to 
quell all resistance. The Soviets 
could instead proceed as follows: 
After explaining to the Americans 
that the old life they had known 
was gone forever, that there was 
no way for them to escape 
communist rule, nowhere left for 
them to flee, and no one to come 
to their aid, 100,000 sturdy 
Russians, each armed with a 
stout, oak table leg, would take 
the prisoners aside and beat each 
of them to within a quarter inch 
of his life, while those not yet 
beaten watched. 

A good, five-minute beating, 
administered scientifically, should 
cause perhaps 10 per cent of the 
prisoners to die from their 
injuries. Perhaps another five per 
cent would turn out to be 
recalcitrant and would eventually 
have to be shot. But the remaining 
85 per cent of the pick of 
America's manhood would see the 
error of their ways. Before they 
were even out of their bandages 
and casts they would be asking 
themselves how they could have 
failed to see that anti-communism 
(just like "racism") is not only a 
thing of the past but is morally 
indefensible, wicked, and the 
mark of a loser. Within another 
month they would be enthusiasti- 
cally parroting Marxist slogans — 
and believing them. 

As I said, that example is rather 
far-fetched, but the phenomenon 
it illustrates is all too real. Indeed, 
physical violence is not necessary 
to bring about the type of 
conversion described. The mere 
threat of violence, provided it is 
credible and is combined with 
sufficiently intense moral pres- 
sure, works quite as well. What is 
happening in the Republic of 
South Africa today provides an 
excellent example of this. 

Whites have been living in 
South Africa since the 17th 
century — approximately as long 
as they have been living in North 
America. The aboriginal inhabi- 
tants of the land which became 
South Africa were Hottentots and 
Bushmen, members of the yellow- 
skinned Capoid race, who now 
constitute only a small minority 
there. The ancestors of most of 
the Blacks (Bantus) in South 
Africa, who now outnumber the 
Whites five to one, entered that 
area during the 19th century. For 
nearly 300 years the Whites rulea\ 
the land as masters, first over the 
Capoid s and then over their Bantu 
successors. Now the Whites are 
questioning their own right to 
rule, and, step by fatal step, they 
are abandoning all their former 
prerogatives. 

White South Africans have 
suffered no physical violence to 
speak of, but the threat is clearly 
there, as Black terrorist groups 



launch their occasional raids from 
neighboring, Black-ruled areas or 
stir up local Black workers and 
students to stone-throwing riots. 
Even without the riots and 
bombings, the mere physical 
presence of the Black majority is 
threatening. It is a regrettable fact 
that most soft, city-bred Whites, 
whether they pretend to like 
Blacks or not, fear them. 

The moral pressure in South 
Africa (as in America) is provided 
by the Christian churches and the 
"Jewish media working in tandem. 
The Dutch Reformed Church, 
Calvinist in doctrine, has always 
had an extraordinarily strong 
influence over the Whites of 
Boer, or Dutch, stock, while the 
Whites of English origin have 
allowed virtually all their news 
and entertainment media to slip 
into Jewish hands. (South Africa 
has twice as many Jews per White 
inhabitant as the United States.) 
From the earliest days of White 
settlement in southern Africa, 
Christian missionaries have played 
a destructive role there. Virtually 
every Black terrorist leader in 
Africa has been educated in a 
Christian mission school and 
incited by priests or parsons to 
demand "equality" for Blacks. 
Today the White Rhodes ians who 
remain in Black-ruled Zimbabwe 
are being told by their preachers 
that it is "the will of God" for 
them to be ruled by Blacks, while 
the White citizens of the Republic 
of South Africa read each day in 
their newspapers a slightly differ- 
ent variation on a single theme: 
they must "change their ways 
before it is too late," meaning 
they must accept Blacks as equals 
or terrible things will happen to 
them. 

Already there are South Afri- 
can student organizations, busi- 
nessmen's organizations, and 
church-related organizations act- 
ing on this threat by working to 
undermine the nation's system for 
keeping Blacks and Whites from 
mixing {apartheid) while the 
government either gives its bless- 
ing or looks the other way. 
Judging from these groups' public 
statements, some of them seem to 
believe that if they're sufficiently 
generous and apologetic toward 
the Blacks now, when the Blacks 
eventually get the upper hand the 
latter will be grateful for past 
favors and will tolerate the 
continued presence of Whites in 
Africa — perhaps even allowing 
them to keep their wealth and 
continue their comfortable life 
styles. Others, especially the 
church-related groups, seem al- 
most to hope the Blacks won't be 
grateful, but will allow Whites to 
remain anyway, perhaps as meni- 
als, The thought of being pun- 
ished for their past "racism" 
brings on a delicious shiver of 
anticipation. 

The worldwide sickness of the 
White race — the loss of pride, of 
virility, of honor, and of contact 
with reality — is rooted in several 
things, In part it comes from 
ignorance, which in turn is the 
consequence of the breakdown 
and subversion of our educational 
systems, so that they no longer 
provide White men and women 
with historical roots; and in part it 
is merely an aspect of the general 
spiritual malaise of the times — in 
particular, of the prevalent ego- 
ism and materialism, which lead 






200 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



201 



our people to place prosperity, my hypothetical stofy of the? 

comfort, and immediate personal Soviet invasion, and that is an 

safety ahead of all else. important fact for jus to keep in 

fiut it also has a distinctly mfnd, 

Pavlovian aspect, as illustrated by The meaning of this fact for "the 



short term is that our race is in minority of the White population 

evffln greater peril than wo might has any absolute sense of direc- 

otfytrtyfse. have realized. tion, of right and wrong. The 

The long-term significance is majority can be conditioned to do 

this; Only a relatively small or to approve of anything. 



That's just one more reason 
why democracy is such a catas 
troche,. 

[(Issue No. 79, 1980) 







The Torchbearer 



Victoria 



Art 



Arno Breker: 20th-century Michelangelo 



by Frithjqf HaUman 

When the German sculptor 
Arno Breker celebrated his 850th 
birthday on July 19th of this year, 
in his native Duesseldarf, the 
occasion went unreported by the 
coritrolled media of the Western 
world. For, although the n6ted 
American illustrator and pioneer 
of kinetic sculpture, Andrew 
CaKer, described Breker in 1974 
as "the most important sculptor 
of the classical tradition In our 
time," and the late philosopher 
Martin Heidegger, of worfd re- 
nown for his existentialist studies, 
wrote that "Arno Breker set the 
standard of sculpturing beyon4 
the dimensions of time," white 
others have seen him m a modem 



Michelangelo, Breker committed 
what is an unforgivable sin iri the 
eyes of the masters of the media: 
he worked for Adolf Hitler. He 
has, as punishment, been declared 
an "'unperson." 

Because of Breker's outstand- 
ing talent and the eminence he had 
already achieved in the 1930's, 
Hitler commissioned the young 
sculptor to design and execute a 
number of pieces of monumental 
art for the adornment of public 
buildings, squares^ and fountains 
in the German capital, Berlin. At 
the end of the Second World War, 
not only was Breker's name 
excised from textbooks of art and 
history, but most of his' art was 
deliberately destroyed. American 
GI's discovered the warehouse 



where many of his statues were 
stored, and they spitefully re- 
duced them to rubble with 
sledgehammers and hacksaws. 
Other groups of U.S. and Soviet 
troops attacked his public works 
with chisels and dynamite. Fortu- 
nately, the democratic and com- 
munist victors failed to find a few 
of'Breker'-s statues. 

£ven had Breker not been given 
Hitler's commission, he would 
still have incurred the undying 
hatred of the media masters and 
their kin. For all pf Breker's work 
epitomize^ the Aryan spirit of 
heroism — of strength, beauty, 
and light — in an age in which 
superficial Jewish modernism and 
the cult of ugliness have been held 
up asr-models. And whether any of 



the 292,000 Americans who were 
killed in that conflict realized it, or 
not, the Second World War was 
fought to insure the victory of ■ ,'ie 
latter oyer the former. 

The American public has been 
less informed of Breker's life and 
work than the people of England, 
France, and Germany — although 
even in Europe only a handful of 
persons in the generation born 
since the war have heard his 
name. Such obscurity has been the 
fate of a still-living artist who 
possesses both the craftsmanship 
and genius- of the ancient Oreeks 
and who has been able to create 
humiri figures as a Phidias or 
Praxiteles once did! 

It is astounding to observe the 
variety and manysidedfless-. of 





BREKER (left) during the war, working on a bust of armaments 
minister Albert Speer. 



Breker's art. In his work one 
encounters elements of the ancient 
Egyptian, Classical Greek, and 
Italian Renaissance schools, as 



well as that of Auguste Rodin — 
and yet all of it, whether his 1934 
portrait of a young Pole, with a 
profile suggesting the Greek chari- 



oteer of Delphi, or his 1939 head 
of Richard Wagner, now decor- 
ating the main entrance of the 
Music Hall at Bayreuth and 
testifying to the influence of 
Rodin, belongs to the school of 
one great sculptor alone: Arno 
Breker. 

The same is true of his 
monumental statuary: his heroes, 
thinkers, torchbearers, and war- 
riors. His Prometheus t created in 
1937, clearly depicts in its face 
willpower combined with a certain 
sorrow: sorrow about the dark- 
ness in which man lives. The 
French sculptor Charles Despiau 
wrote in his 1942 book on 
Breker's work that Prometheus, 
in fact, reveals the artist's whole 
mastery; that it is illuminated by 
"a superhuman light," while his 
Dionysos, set up in the Olympic 
Stadium for the 1936 Berlin 
Olympic Games, "proclaims the 
nobility of a human body, the 
sovereignty of a calm force." 

And one may see in the features 
of Breker's The Force, a sword- 




ARNO BREKER (1974) 

bearing youth formerly at Nurem- 
berg, a depth and strength of 
character rarely displayed in any 
sculpture since the days of Michel- 
angelo. 

In recent years Breker has 
produced portrait sculptures of 
the Spanish painter Salvador Dali 
and of Winifred Wagner, the late 



daughter-in-law of the great musi- 
cian. 

It is most regrettable that the 
destruction of the German capital 
in the last war prevented Breker 
from finishing his magnificent 
group for the Apollo Fountain, 
with the Greek sun god in the 
center, behind a quadriga of 
gigantic horses. This piece of art 
with its luminous ideal — Apollo 
with his hand raised toward the 
sun — would undoubtedly have 
been comparable to Michelan- 
gelo's David and the most out- 
standing creations of the Greek 
masters. 

May posterity some day judge 
the master of all this eminent and 
powerful art in a more positive 
and objective spirit than his 
narrow-minded and intolerant 
contemporaries and grant him the 
aura of eternity! 

(Issue No. 79, 1980) 



Albrecht Duerer: Nuremberg Master 



Wagner Bust 



It is strange indeed that artistic 
genius seems to ebb and flow 
throughout Western history, to 
gather in pools of greatness in 
certain centuries, only to trickle 
away and disperse during others. 
Why is it that, for example, the 
1 5th and 16th centuries were so 
full of artistic talent and the 1 9th 
and 20th centuries so barren? 

Why could Renaissance Italy 
produce a Botticelli, a da Vinci, a 
Michelangelo, a Titian, and a 
Raphael; and Germany at the 
same time produce a Holbein, a 
Cranach, and a Duerer; while our 
contemporary society produces no 
one approaching their greatness? 

A partial answer to these 
questions may be found in 
looking at the life of the man 
who, in some ways, was the 
greatest of all the artists named 
above: Albrecht Duerer 0471- 
1528). 

Born in the imperial Frelstadt 
of Nuremberg, Albrecht Duerer 
was the third of 18 children in the 
family of a master goldsmith and 
respected town official. After the 
usual elementary schooling, the 
young Duerer became his father's 
apprentice, as was the custom for 
children of the time. 

He remained in his father's 
workshop for several years, until 
it became increasingly evident that 
his propensities lay in painting, 
not goldsmithing. To change 
apprenticeships was no small step 
in the rigid guild system of that 
day, but, nevertheless, with his 
father's blessing, young Albrecht 
joined the house of the very 
respected artist Michael Wohlge- 
muth to learn oil painting and the 
then innovative media of wood- 
block and metal-plate printing. 
These printing media played a 
major role in the aesthetic devel- 
opment of Europe, and both 
Duerer and his city of Nuremberg 
were leaders in the movement. 

Duerer's world came between 
the waning Middle Ages, charac- 
terized by its calcified Church 
control, and a growing Renais- 
sance humanism, which in north- 
ern Europe resulted in the Refor- 
mation with its revolt against 
Italian Papal authority. Duerer, 




SELF-PORTRAIT (1498, oil on wood, 52 x 41 cm.) 



MELENCOLIA 1(24 x 19 cm.) 



in fact, became a devoted follower 
of Martin Luther, the architect of 
the Reformation. Nuremberg, 
with a relatively large population 
of 20,000 in 1500, stood as the 
hub of the Hapsburg Empire and 
the center of the major trade 
corridor from Antwerp in the 
north to Venice in the south. 

In 1471, the year of Duerer's 
birth, Anton Koberger, the 
"prince of booksellers," a close 
friend of the elder Duerer and 
godfather of Albrecht, set up 
extensive printing facilities in 
Nuremberg. Koberger oversaw 
more than 100 apprentices, as his 
house's reputation grew until it 
gained for Nuremberg a reputa- 
tion as the printing capital of 
Europe. Through the Spittler 
Gate of the old, walled city passed 
the learned men of Europe, 



products of an era that was ripe 
for the artistic direction Duerer 
was destined to give. 

Among Duerer's other Nurem- 
berg contemporaries were the 
woodcarver Veit Stoss, the brass 
founder Peter Vischer, the sculp- 
tor Adam Kraft, the cobbler-poet 
Hans Sachs, and the scholar and 
educator Philipp Melanchthon. 

Duerer was prolific for an artist 
of his time, producing more than 
a hundred paintings and ten times 
that many prints and drawings 
that have survived the destruction 
of the years. He also exhibited 
absolute mastery over an exten- 
sive variety of media, such as 
silverpoint, engraving, drypoint, 
etching, charcoal drawing, water- 
color, oil on canvas, oil on wood, 
etc., and he was the foremost 
woodblock artist of all time. As 



was typical of the age, religious 
subjects predominated in his work 
but they were always accurate 
renditions of the subject matter 
and not idealized Church propa- 
ganda. His paintings are superb, 
but it was through black-and- 
white prints that Duerer gained 
his fame. 

In a woodblock print the artist 
carves the block so that the design 
or positive area to be printed is 
left in relief after the negative or 
scrap area has been removed. The 
raised areas are then covered with 
ink, and the block is applied to the 
paper. A metal engraving is 
somewhat like a woodblock in 
reverse: a burin is used to gouge 
shallow grooves in the metal 
plate; the grooves are then filled 
with ink, and they produce the 
image when the plate is pressed 



against a sheet of paper. Both 
woodblock and metal engraving 
are exacting media that demand a 
high degree of technical as well as 
artistic skill. But Duerer had such 
consummate skill that Erasmus of 
Rotterdam wrote of his prints: 

"He [Duerer] observes accur- 
ately proportions and harmonies. 
Nay, he even depicts that which 
cannot be depicted: fire, rays of 
light, thunder, lightning ... all 
the sensations and emotions; in 
such, the whole mind of man as it 
reflects itself in the behavior of 
the body, and almost the voice 
itself." 

Melencolia I (1514) is an 
example of Duerer's engraving 
skills at their height. Allegory was 
a common artistic ploy of the 
time, with each symbol standing 






202 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



203 




NUREMBERG as it appeared In Duerer's time. Americans deliberately bombed tbe city, wltlt its many 
medieval buildings, to nibble during World War II, because it was ■ favorite meeting place of the National 
Socialists. (This print b not by Duerer.) 



for a specific concept, such as a 
book for learning and an hour- 
glass for passing time. But many 
of the symbols that are packed 
into Melencolia I have remained 
enigmatic. The best interpretation 
seems to be that the brooding 
woman represents artistic talent 
waiting for inspiration — a 
common problem of the creative 
temperament. 

Like his contemporary Leonar- 
do da Vinci, Duerer did not 
concern himself only with paint- 



ing, printing, and other graphic 
arts, but he also was a consum- 
mate writer on everything from 
the technical aspects of his craft to 
basic human anatomical propor- 
tions. He wrote, among other 
works, Introduction to the Art of 
Measurement with Compasses 
and Ruler (1525), Instructions for 
the Fortification of Towns, 
Castles, and Places (1527), and, 
before his death cut them short, 
two of the proposed four volumes 
of Treatise on Human Propor- 



tions (1528), all of which he 
profusely illustrated. 

Traveler, writer, artist to such 
powerful patrons as Frederick the 
Wise, Elector of Saxony, and 
Maximilian I, Holy Roman Em- 
peror, Albrecht Duerer was a 
major creator of our race's artistic 
heritage. 

(Issue No. 80, 1981) 



Blond TV Actress Is Example of Religious Misguidance 

Churches Misdirect 
Young Americans 



What happens to a pretty, 
blond, Christian girl who is 
robbed of her natural, healthy 
racial feelings by preachers, 



teachers, 
sent out 
world? 



and parents and then 
to cope with the real 



FflLdre 



All too often she ends up like 
Sally Struthers, the actress who 
became a familiar figure to 
millions of America's television 
viewers as Gloria, Archie Bunk- 
er's daughter in the popular sefies 
"All in the Family." Today Sally 
is married to a Jew, is the mother 
of a mongrel child, and spends her 



time urging other White Ameri- 
cans to "adopt" non-White 
children in Third World coun- 
tries. 

The 32-year-old actress pro- 
vides a nearly perfect example of 
the way in which racially sound 
Americans — in particular, at- 
tractive young women — can be 



Please 
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Dr.Verent ]. Mills 

CHRISTIAN CHILDREN'S FUND, Inc. 

Box 26511, Richmond, VA 23261 

I WISH TO SPONSOR A CHILD IN: 

Bolivia girl D 

Guatemala girl □ 

India girl □ 

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PLEASE SEND MY INFORMATION PACKAGE TODAY. 
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child, I'll send my first sponsorship payment of $15 within 10 days. Or 
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□ I prefer to send my first payment now, and I enclose my first 
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□ I cannot sponsor a child but would like to contribute S 

Name 

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Christian Children's Fund/ Inc. 

MISDIRECTED ALTRUISM, one of the gravest dangers to our race 
today, is largely the fault of false religious teachings. The proper role of 
White religious Institutions is the strengthening of the sense of racial 
identity and of racial mission in young men and women, so that they 
will devote their lives to the service of their own race. Magazine 
advertisements such as this one featuring celebrity Sally Struthers are 
symptomatic of a basic sickness in White America. 

based on a strong sense of racial 
consciousness. 



alienated from their own people 
by clever, alien mind-molders, if 
they have not been given a sound 

spiritual and moral upbringing 



The seduction, Judaization, 
and eventual destruction of 





^ 



WELL.JOV- 

IF YOU LOVE EACU OTHER 

AS MUCH AS YOU SAY- 

I'D SAY VOUR CUILbREM SHOULD S£ 

ABOUT TRE SAME COLOR AS 

JCSOS? 




■_'■- -■ - ■■■■ 



CHURCH PROPAGANDA favoring racial mixing, undermining White racial 
consciousness, and instilling a sense of racial guilt in young Whites with normal raclaJ 
feelings has become much more blatant in recent years. The comic strip above, carrying 
[he message (hat race should not be a factor In marriage, appeared a few weeks ago in the 
Catholic Standard, a newspaper published by the Archdiocese of Washington, D..C Ail 



the major Christian denominations, Protestant and Catholic, have expressed sentiments 
similar to those in the Baptist poster and Catholic comic strip shown here, with only a few, 
tiny, independent churches dissenting. There is clearly an Increasing emphasis on the race- 
denying doctrines of the New Testament. 



':■["■ '"■ ; ':""^:iK ■'■: .'.'.. r< 











-■ 



OBSERVE 
ACE RELATIONS SUNDAY 

FtBHUARV 11, 1079 



$ifet»roi9r<*4l fcy ih*> ChMi.ii.io Life Commission 
of tti# &otith«rn gMt»tt*tt €<mv«niton 



sexually attractive White motion 
picture actresses by predatory 
Jewish media moguls has a long 
and depressing history. Two of 
the best known victims of this 
genre were Marilyn Monroe, who 
played a blond Trilby to her swart 
Svengali, of a husband, Jewish 
scriptwriter Arthur Miller; and 
Jean Sebring, the small-town 
Iowa girl who, entranced by the 
prospect of Hollywood stardom, 
was passed from one cinema 
Semite to another before being 
wedded to Jewish author and 
scriptwriter Romain Gary. Intro- 
duced to drugs and . trie under- 
world of Black nationalism, the 
naive Sebring became a bedmate 
for assorted Black Panther lead- 
ers, until her nude, drug-laced 
corpse was found in the rear seat 
of her car on a Paris street last 
year. 

At a less glamorous level are the 
hundreds of teenaged Minnesota 
farm girls who are picked up every 
year by Black pimps in bus and 
train stations, pumped full of 
narcotics, and shipped off to New 
York City to walk the streets as 
prostitutes. Raised by parents 
liberal enough to send the likes of 
a Hubert Humphrey or a Walter 
Mondale to the U.S. Senate, 
exposed to the teachings of a 
Lutheran church which actively 
boosts racial mixing, they are easy 
marks. To refuse the friendly 
offer of a ride or a meal from a 
Black stranger in a bus station 
would seem to one of them not 



only un-Christian but tantamount 
to "racism." 

Sally Struthers was a timid, 
insecure 22-year-old who had 
been raised in a Christian home 
and sent regularly to Sunday 
school when Jewish TV producer 
Norman Lear grabbed her for a 
role in his series, "All in the 
Family." After eight years of 
television stardom, the blond, 
Scandinavian-descended actress 
was no longer timid or insecure — 
but spiritually she was no longer 
White either. The task of deraci- 
nation begun by liberal parents 
and preachers in Portland, Ore- 
gon, was completed by the 
Hollywood "smart set." 

Sally married a Jewish psy- 
chiatrist who was introduced to 
her by the wife of a fellow TV 
actor. Today she has a Wt -year- 
old child by him. 

For several years Sally has been 
the star of ads for the Christian 
Children's Fund, Inc., which 
collects money from soft-hearted 
White Americans to feed under- 
privileged children in such coun- 
tries as India, Thailand, and 
Uganda, virtually all of them 
non-White. 

(Issue No. 81, 1981) 



Jewish Antisemite? 

The late Walter Lippmann, 
who died in 1974 at the age of 85, 
is considered by many know- 
ledgable persons to have been the 
most influential journalist in 
America during the critical, 
watershed years of the 20th 
century, in the 1930's and 1940's. 
He wrote regular political col- 
umns for The New Republic^ the 
New York World, the New York 
Herald Tribune, The Washington 
Post, and Newsweek, 

He was, of course, a Jew. 
According to a new biography of 
him published this year (Walter 
Lippman and the American Cen- 
tury, by Ronald Steel), however, 
his fellow Jews regarded him as an 
anti-Semite. One of Lippmann's 
statements, quoted in his biogra- 
phy, which most rankled other 
Jews was: "You need not expect 
me to subscribe to the myth of an 
innocent Jewish people unrea- 
sonably persecuted the world 
over. The guilt is not as onesided 
as most Jews would like to 
believe." 

Which is just one more bit of 
proof that all a person must do to 
become an "anti-Semite" is tell 
the truth about the Jews, 

(Issue No, 78, 1980) 



One of Them Points out the Full Depth of Their Guilt 



A Real Case Against the Jews 



Many Americans have the naive 
idea that religion and politics can 
and ought to be kept separate 
from one another. Such an 
arrangement is neither natural 
nor, in the long run, feasible. 
Sophisticated people who pretend 
to believe otherwise generally 
have an ulterior motive, and they 
are able to persuade large num- 
bers of the less-sophisticated only 
in times when either religious 
belief or politics has lost its 
vitality. 

The fact is that, for any healthy 
people — which is necessarily a 
physically and psychically homo- 
geneous people — both religion 
and politics are inseparable, or- 
ganic components of a cultural 
whole. This has been the case at 
most times and places in the past, 
and it will be the case again when 
a new order eventually rises from 
the present decay. 

Whatever else may be said for 
or against the people associated 
with the Moral Majority, we 
should be grateful to them for 
bringing this fact to the surface of 
public consciousness. In the poli- 
tical and racial struggles of the 
coming decades, religion will 
inevitably play an increasingly 
significant role. Indeed, its role is 
already far from insignificant, as 
the recent rerun of the Scopes 
"Monkey Trial" in California, 
the new legislation in Arkansas 
requiring the Old Testament 
creation-myth to be taught in high 
school biology classes, and the 
political muscle exhibited by the 
anti-abortion zealots in the last 
election have shown. 



For racially conscious White 
Americans the key to a correct 
evaluation of the religious aspect 
of the coming struggle is a 
knowledge of the spurious origins 
of a substantial portion — though 
not all — of what is usually 
thought of as "White" religion: 
i.e., the religion -of the God- 
fearing folk in the struggle against 
atheistic communism; the religion 
of the forces of decency battling 
against homosexuality, pornogra- 
phy, and drugs; the religion of the 
freedom-loving working men and 
women of America who oppose 
forced busing, income taxes, and 
the tyranny of the Federal judi- 
ciary. 

Because their religion is, to a 
large extent, not an organic 
expression of the White race soul, 
the struggle of those in the Moral 
Majority or on its fringes will be 
drastically hampered. They may 
be right (i.e., in accord with the 
long-range interests of our race) 
on some issues, but they will be 
dead wrong on many others. 
Three examples should suffice to 
illustrate the extent of the prob- 
lem: 

First, they have a fundamental 
blindness in the realm of inter- 
national affairs, in that they 
fiercely oppose Soviet commu- 
nism but utterly refuse to recog- 
nize the evil of Israeli Zionism and 
the damage to American interests 
which has been caused by U.S. 
support for Zionist aggression. 

Second, they complain about 
the decline of moral standards in 
America and about the negative 
influence on American life of the 
controlled media — but they will 



not criticize the men who control 
the media and who are largely 
responsible for the decline in 
standards, because their religion 
tells them that those men belong 
to a tribe chosen by their deity to 
rule the world. 

Third, their racial views are 
dangerously confused; for in- 
stance, they are just as vehemently 
opposed to abortions for Black 
welfare mothers as for healthy, 
productive White women. The 
most hotly debated abortion issue 
of the past year was that of 
government payments for abor- 
tions for welfare recipients. 

Beyond these specifics is the 
broad, general area of Christian 
ethics. In an era of growing 
inter-racial strife, White men and 
women obedient to the moral 
injunctions to turn the other 
cheek and to "love thy nigger" 
cannot be expected to deal with 
their racial enemies with the 
resoluteness required for racial 
survival. 

The root of the problem, as 
alluded to above, is that the 
religion of the Moral Majority is 
of alien origin. It grew out of a 
Jewish sect, and it was exported to 
Europe from Asia. This is a point 
on which many Christians prefer 
not to dwell, but the Jews 
themselves have often reminded 
them of it. Time and again, 
caught red-handed at some bit of 
nastiness or other, the Jews have 
excused themselves with indignant 
cries of, "But we gave you your 
God," or, "We gave you your 
Savior; Jesus was one of us," and 
more often than not the Christ- 



ians have backed off in confusion 
and let the guilty ones go on about 
their nefarious business. 

Hardly any Jew has used this 
excuse more brazenly or elo- 
quently than Marcus Eli Ravage, 
a journalist and author who wrote 
several books and contributed 
numerous articles to Harper's, 
New Republic, Nation, Saturday 
Evening Post, and other popular 
magazines during the 1920's and 
1930's. Ravage, born in 1884, 
immigrated to this country from 
Rumania as a youth, graduated 
from the University of Missouri in 
1909, and spent the rest of his life 
telling Gentile Americans what 
was wrong with them. 

In 1928 two of his articles 
appeared in the January and 
February issues of The Century 
Magazine. The January 1928 
article is reproduced here in its 
entirety. Titled "A Real Case 
Against the Jews," with the 
subtitle "One of Them Points Out 
the Full Depth of Their Guilt," it 
is a too-too-clever attempt to 
counter the social anti-Semitism 
which was much more prevalent 
in moneyed Gentile circles then 
than today. It was written in an 
era when Henry Ford was finan- 
cing The Dearborn Independent, 
which lambasted the Jews in every 
issue, and most country clubs 
would not accept Jews as mem- 
bers. 

Ravage's article goes a bit 
beyond the customary "we gave 
you Christianity" claim; he gives 
the Jews credit for our whole 
civilization, as well as for what- 
ever sense of social justice we 



have. Despite this flight of 
egotism and the arrogant, taunt- 
ing tone of the article, it is clear 
that Ravage expects the great 
majority of his Christian readers 
to react in the customary manner: 
he expects them to be so grateful 
for their Bible, their Savior, and 
their rescue by the wise and 
benevolent Jews from a life of 
pagan savagery and an afterlife of 
eternal fire arid brimstone that 
they will consider whatever they 
gave up for these things trifles in 
comparison and will be filled to 
overflowing with contrition and 
guilt for the way they have treated 
their Jewish benefactors. In 1928, 
when Christianity was much more 
the de facto established religion of 
the United States than today, his 
expectations were undoubtedly 
realized . 

The article deserves a few other 
comments. It is, of course, slyly 
misleading in several places: for 
example, in laying the blame for 
the crucifixion of Jesus on the 
Romans and in characterizing the 
Christianization of Europe as 
peaceful and bloodless. 

Beneath the deception and the 
word trickery, however, is a core 
of truth. Ravage is correct in 
noting that most Gentiles do not 
have the gumption or the courage 
to dislike Jews for the correct 
reasons. (Friedrich Nietzsche, 
interrestingly, made the same 
observation.) 

Ravage's most tantalizing 
pseudo-confession — namely, 
that Saul of Tarsus (St. Paul) was 
a Jewish patriot who only Faked 
conversion to Christianity in 






204 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



205 



order to inject Christian doctrines 
as a spiritual poison into the hated 
Roman Empire — is given short 
shrift in the article reproduced 
here, but it is the entire substance 
of his February 1928 article in the 
same magazine, titled "Commis- 
sary to the Gentiles." 



(i 



f course, you do resent 
us. It is no good telling 
me you don't. So let us 
not waste any time on denials and 
alibis. You know you do, and 1 
know it, and we understand each 
other. To be sure, some of your 
best friends are Jews, and all that. 
1 have heard that before once or 
twice, I think. And I know, too, 
that you do not include me 
personally — "me" being any 
particular individual Jew — when 
you fling out at us in your 
wholesale fashion, because 1 am, 
well, so different, don't you 
know, almost as good as one of 
yourselves. That little exemption 
does not, somehow, move me to 
gratitude; but never mind that 
now. It is the aggressive, climb- 
ing, pushing, materialistic sort 
you dislike — those, in a word, 
who remind you so much of your 
own up-and-coming brethren. We 
understand each other perfectly. 1 
don't hold it against you. 

Bless my soul, I do not blame 
anybody for disliking anybody. 

The thing thai intrigues me about 
this anti-Jewish business, as you 
play at it, is your total lack of grit. 
You are so indirect and rounda- 
bout with it, you make such fan- 
tastic and transparent excuses, 
you seem to be suffering from 
self-consciousness so horribly, 
that if the performance were not 
grotesque it would be irritating. 

It is not as if you were 
amateurs: you have been at it for 
over fifteen centuries. Yet watch- 
ing you and hearing your childish 
pretexts, one might get the 
impression that you did not know 
yourselves what it is all about. 
You resent us, but you cannot 
clearly say why. You think up a 
new excuse — a "reason" is what 
you call it — every other day. You 
have been piling up justifications 
for yourselves these many hun- 
dreds of years and each new 
invention is more laughable than 
the last and each new excuse 
contradicts and annihilates the 
last. 

Not so many years ago I used to 
hear that we were money-grubbers 
and commercial materialists; now 
the complaint is being whispered 
around that no art and no 
profession is safe against Jewish 
invasion. 

We are, if you are to believed, 
at once clannish and exclusive and 
unassimilable because we won't 
intermarry with you, and we are 
also climbers and pushers and a 
menace to your racial integrity. 

Our standard of living is so low 
that we create your slums and 
sweated industries, and so high 
that we crowd you out of your 
best residentiaJ sections. 

We shirk our patriotic duty in 
wartime because we are pacifists 
by nature and tradition, and we 
are the arch-plotters of universal 
wars and the chief beneficiaries of 
those wars (see the late "Dear- 
bom Independent," passim, and 
"The Protocols of the Elders of 
Zion Jt ). 



We are at once the founders 
and leading adherents of capital- 
ism and the chief perpetrators of 
the rebellion against capitalism. 

Surely, history has nothing like 
us for versatility! 

And, oh I I almost forgot the 
reason of reasons. We are the 
stiffnecked people who never 
accepted Christianity, and we are 
the criminal people who crucified 
its founder. 

But I tell you, you are 
self deceivers. You lack either the 
selfknowledgc or the mettle to 
face the facts squarely and own up 
to the truth. You resent the Jew 
not because, as some of you seem 
to think, he crucified Jesus but 
because he gave him birth. Your 
real quarrel with us is not that we 
have rejected Christianity but that 
we have imposed it upon you! 

Your loose, contradictory char- 
ges against us are not a patch on 
the blackness of our proved 
historic offense. You accuse us of 
stirring up revolution in Moscow, 
Suppose we admit the charge. 
What of it? Compared with what 
Paul the Jew of Tarsus accom- 
plished in. Rome, the Russian 
upheaval is a mere street brawl. 

You make much noise and fury 
about the undue Jewish influence 
in your theaters and movie 
palaces. Very good; granted your 
complaint is well-founded. But 
what is that compared to our 
staggering influence in your chur- 
ches, your schools, -your laws and 
the very thoughts you think every 
day? 

A clumsy Russian forges aset 
of papers and publishes them in a 
book called "The Protocols of the 
Elders of Zion," which shows 
that we plotted to bring on the late 
World War. You believe that 
book. All right. For the sake of 
argument we will underwrite every 
word of it. It is genuine and 
authentic. But what is that beside 
the unquestionable historical con- 
spiracy which we have carried out, 
which we have never denied 
because you never had the cour- 
age to charge us with it, and of 
which the full record is extant for 
anybody to read? 

If you really are serious when 
you talk of Jewish plots, may I 
not direct your attention to one 
worth talking about? What use is 
it wasting words on the alleged 
control of your public opinion by 
Jewish financiers, newspaper 
owners, and movie magnates, 
when you might as well justly 
accuse us of the proved control of 
your whole civilization by the 
Jewish Gospels? 

You have not begun to appre- 
ciate the real depth of our guilt. 
We are intruders. We are dis- 
turbers. We are subverters. Wc 
have taken your natural world, 
your ideals, your destiny, and 
played havoc with them. We have 
been at the bottom not merely of 
the latest great war but of nearly 
all your wars, not only of the 
Russian but of every other major 
revolution in your history. We 
have brought discord and confu- 
sion and frustration into your 
personal and publie life. We are 
still doing it. No one can tell how 
long we shall go on doing it. 

Look back a Little and see what 
has happened, Nineteen hundred 
years ago you were an innocent, 
carefree, pagan race. You wor- 
shipped countless gods and god- 
desses , the spirits of the air, o f the 
running streams and of the 
woodland. You took unblushing 



pride in the glory of your naked 
bodies. You carved images of 
your gods and of the tantalizing 
human figure. You delighted in 
the combats of the field, the arena 
and the battle-ground. War and 
slavery were fixed institutions in 
your systems. Disporting your- 
selves on the hillsides and in the 
valleys of the great outdoors, you 
took to speculating on the wonder 
and mystery of life and laid the 
foundations of natural science 
and philosophy. Yours was a 
noble, sensual culture, unirked by 
the prickings «of a social con- 
science or by any sentimental 
questionings about human equali- 
ty. Who knows what great and 
glorious destiny might have been 
yours if we had left you alone. 

But we did not leave you alone. 
We took you in hand and pulled 
down the beautiful and generous 
structure you had reared, and 
changed the whole course of your 
history. We conquered you as no 
empire of yours ever subjugated 
Africa or Asia. And we did it all 
without armies, without bullets, 
without blood or turmoil, without 
force of any kind. We did it solely 
by the irresistible might of our 
spirit, with ideas, with propa- 
ganda, 

"We made you the willing and 
unconscious bearers of our mis- 
sion to the whole world, to the 
barbarous races of the earth, to 
the countless unborn generations. 
Without fully understanding what 
we were doing to you, you became 
the agents at large of our racial 
tradition, carrying our gospel to 
the unexplored ends of the earth. 

Our tribal customs have be- 
come the core of your moral code, 
Our tribal laws have furnished the 
basic groundwork of all your 
august constitutions and legal 
systems. Our legends and our folk 
tales are the sacred lore which you 
croon to your infants. Our poets 
have filled your hymnals and your 
prayer books. Our national his- 
tory has become an indispensable 
part of the learning of your 
pastors and priests and scholars. 
Our kings, our statesmen, our 
prophets, our warriors arc your 
heroes. Our ancient little country 
is your Holy Land. Our national 
literature is your Holy Bible. 
What our people thought and 
taught has become inextricably 
woven into your very speech and 
tradition, until no one among you 
can be called educated who is not 
familiar with our racial heritage. 

Jewish artisans and Jewish 
fishermen are your teachers and 
your saints, with countless statues 
carved in their image and in- 
numerable cathedrals raised to 
their memories. A Jewish maiden 
is- your ideal of motherhood and 
womanhood. A Jewish rebel- 
prophet is the central figure in 
your religious worship. We have 
pulled down your idols, cast aside 
your racial inheritance, and sub- 
stituted for them our God and our 
traditions. No conquest in history 
can even remotely compare with 
this clean sweep of our conquest 
over you. 

How did we do it? Almost by 
accident. Two thousand years ago 
nearly, in far-off Palestine, our 
religion had fallen into decay and 
materialism. Money-changers 
were in possession of the temple. 
Degenerate, selfish priests mulc- 
ted our people and grew Fat. Then 
a young patriot-idealist arose and 
went about the land calling for a 
revival of faith. He had no 
thought of setting up a new 



church. Like all the prophets 
before him, his only aim was to 
purify and revitalize the old creed, 
He attacked the priests and drove 
the money-changers from the 
temple. This brought him into 
conflict with the established order 
and its supporting pillars. The 
Roman authorities, who were in 
occupation of the country, fearing 
his revolutionary agitation as a 
political effort to oust them, 
arrested him, tried him and 
condemned him to death by 
crucifixion, a common form of 
execution at that time. 

The followers of Jesus of 
Nazareth, mainly slaves and poor 
workmen, in their bereavement 
and disappointment, turned away 
from the world and formed 
themselves into a brotherhood of 
pacifist non-resisters sharing the 
memory of their crucified leader 
and living together communisti- 
cally. They were merely a new sect 
in Judea, without power or 
consequence, neither the first nor 
the last. 

Only after the destruction of 
Jerusalem by the Romans did the 
new creed come into prominence. 
Then a patriotic Jew named Paul 
or Saul concerned the idea of 
humbling the Roman power by 
destroying the morale of its 
soldiery with the doctrines of love 
and non-resistance preached by 
the little sect of Jewish Christians. 
He became the Apostle to the 
Gentiles, he who hitherto had 
been one of the most active 
persecutors of the band. And so 
well did Paul do his work that 
within four centuries the great 
empire which had subjugated 
Palestine along with half of the 
world, was a heap of ruins. And 
the law which went forth from 
Zion became the official religion 
of Rome. 

This was the beginning of our 
dominance in your world. But it 
was only a beginning. From this 
time forth your history is little 
more than a struggle for mastery 
between your own old pagan spirit 
and our Jewish spirit. Half your 
wars, fought over the interpreta- 
tion of one thing or another in our 
teachings. You no sooner broke 
free from your primitive religious 
simplicity and attempted the 
practice of the pagan Roman 
learning than Luther armed with 
our gospels arose to down you 
and reenthrone our heritage. Take 
the three principal revolutions in 
modern times — the French, the 
American and the Russian. What 
arc they but the triumph of the 
Jewish idea of social, political and 
economic justice? 

And the end is still a long way 
off. We still dominate you. At this 
very moment your churches are 
torn asunder by a civil war 
between Fundamentalists and 
Modernists, that is to say between 
those who cling to our teachings 
and traditions literally and those 
who are striving by slow steps to 
dispossess us. In Dayton, Tennes- 
see, a Bible-bred community 
forbids the teaching of your 
science because it conflicts with 
our ancient Jewish account of the 
origins of life; and Mr. Bryan, the 
leader of the anti-Jewish Ku Klux 
Klan in the Democratic National 
Convention, makes the supreme 
fight of his life in our behalf, 
without noticing the contradic- 
tion. Again and again the Puritan 
heritage of Judea breaks out in 
waves of stage censorship, Sunday 
blue laws and national prohibition 



acts. And while these things are 
happening you twaddle about 
Jewish influence in the movies I 

Is it any wonder you resent us? 
We have put a clog upon your 
progress. We have imposed upon 
you an alien book and an alien 
faith which you cannot swallow or 
digest, which is at cross-purposes 
with your native spirit, which 
keeps you everlastingly ill-at-ease, 
and which you lack the spirit 
either to reject or to accept in full. 

In full, of course, you never 
have accepted our Christian 
teachings. In your hearts you still 
are pagans. You still love war and 
graven images and strife. You still 
take pride in the glory of the nude 
human figure. Your social con- 
science, in spite of all democracy 
and all your social revolutions, is 
still a pitifully imperfect thing. 
We have merely divided your 
soul, confused your impulses, 
paralyzed your desires. In the 
midst of battle you are obliged to 
kneel down to him who com- 
manded you to turn the other 
cheek, who said ''Resist not evil" 
and "Blessed are the peace- 
makers." In your lust for gain 
you are suddenly disturbed by a 
memory from your Sunday- 
school days about taking no 
thought for the morrow. In your 
industrial struggles, when you 
would smash a strike without 
compunction, you are suddenly 
reminded that the poor are blessed 
and that men are brothers in the 
Fatherhood of the Lord. And as 
you are about to yield to 
temptation, your Jewish training 
puts a deterrent hand on your 
shoulder and dashes the brimming 

cup from your lips. You Christ- 
ians have never become Christian- 
ized. To that extent we have failed 
with you. But we have forever 
spoiled the fun of paganism for 
you. 

So why should you not resent 
us? If we were in your place we 
should probably dislike you more 
cordially than you do us, But we 
should make no bones about 
telling you why. We should not 
resort to subterfuges and trans- 
parent pretexts. With millions of 
painfully respectable Jewish shop- 
keepers all about us we should not 
insult your intelligence and our 
own honesty by talking about 
communism as Jewish philoso- 
phy. And with millions of hard- 
working impecunious Jewish ped- 
dlers and laborers we should not 
make ourselves ridiculous by 
talking about international capi- 
talism as a Jewish monopoly. No, 
we should go straight to the point. 
We should contemplate this con- 
fused, ineffectual muddle which 
we call civilization, this half- 
Christian half-pagan medley, and 
— were our places reversed — we 
should say to you point-blank: 
"For this mess thanks to you, to 
your prophets, and to your 
Bible." 

{Issue No. 81, 1981) 



World's Deadliest Threat: the Race Bomb 



White Americans are con- 
fronted with many problems 
today: three sources of worry for 
a growing number of people are a 
falling standard of living, rising 
crime, and the increasing likeli- 
hood of being dragged into 
another war by Israel. There is 
another problem, however, which 
intrudes all too seldom on the 
average American's conscious- 
ness, yet it looms far larger in its 
ultimate consequences than all the 
others combined. It is the problem 
of an exploding non-White popu- 
lation everywhere in the world, 
including the United States. 



Consider these numbers: At the 
beginning of this century, less 
than 81 years ago, the total world 
population of H. sapiens — 
including everything without fea- 
thers that walked on two legs and 
talked — stood at 1,625 million. 
Of that total 485 million, nearly 
all in Europe (including Russia) 
and North America, were Whites. 
Today, with a total world popula- 
tion of 4,492 million, approxi- 
mately 884 million are Whites. 

Thus, in 1900 for each living 
White man, woman, or child there 
were two and one-third non- 
Whites on the planet. Today each 



living White person is confronted 
by four non- Whites, 

By the end of this century, only 
19 years hence, the total world 
population will stand at 6,095 
million — barring a cataclysm and 
assuming that present growth 
rates remain unchanged. Under 
the same assumptions, the White 
population can be projected to be 
953 million in the year 2000 — 
which means that there will be 
nearly five and one-half non- 
Whites on earth for every White 
person. 

Longer-range projections are 
very uncertain, because present 



A Little Racial Arithmetic 



The population growth rate of 
a given racial or ethnic group 
depends on a number of para- 
meters: the average number of 
babies born to each woman, the 
average age at which birth is 
given, the average life span, the 
age distribution (i.e., the relative 
numbers of people of different 
a^ges), etc. 

For a typical White group, 
with a reasonably high standard 
of medical care, the group may 
be able to just maintain its 
numbers, neither gaining nor 
losing population, if the average 
woman bears about 2.1 children 
in her lifetime (the extra tenth of 
a child makes up for those who 
fail to live to the age of 
reproduction). Exactly as many 
people are born each year as die 
each year: the birthrate is equal 
to the death rate, and the 
population is stable. 

For a typical non-White group 
in Africa or Latin America, with 
lower health standards and a 
consequently higher infant mor- 
tality rate, it might be necessary 
for the average woman to bear 
somewhere between 2Vi and 
three children in order for the 
group to maintain its numbers at 
a constant level. 

If either of these typical 
groups suddenly doubles its 



birthrate — if the average White 
woman begins having 4.2 child- 
ren, or the average non-White 
woman begins having five or six 
children — and the group's 
death rate remains unchanged, 
then twice as many people will 
be born in the group each year as 
die, and the size of the group 
will begin increasing. The group 
will double in size in a number 
of years equal to about 0.69 
(i.e., the natural logarithm of 2) 
divided by its original birthrate 
(number of births per person per 
year). And it will double again 
each time that many years have 
gone by. Thus, if the doubling 
time is 50 years, after 100 years 
there will be four times as many 
people, and after 300 years there 
will be 64 times as many. 

Now consider an actual White 
country and an actual non- 
White country: East Germany 
and Kenya, each of which has a 
population of 16.5 million. Not 
only is there the same number of 
Black Kenyans and White East 
Germans in the world today, but 
the same number from the two 
groups is also dying each year: 
namely, about 231,000 indivi- 
duals. The death rate in each 
country is 14 deaths per 1,000 
persons per year. 

In East Germany this last 



figure is also the birthrate: that 
is, about 231,000 East German 
babies are being born each year, 
or about 14 per 1,000 persons. 
That works out to about 2.1 
babies born to each East Ger- 
man woman in her lifetime. 

In Kenya, on the other hand, 
the birthrate is 53 per 1,000 
persons per year, corresponding 
to ah average of 8.1 babies born 
to each Kenyan Negress in her 
lifetime. Kenya, having had the 
benefit of many years of colo- 
nial rule by the British before the 
bloody Mau-mau uprising in 
1953 and independence a decade 
later, consequently has an infant 
mortality rate which is much 
lower than that of most Black 
African countries, and the high 
birthrate gives the country a net 
growth rate of 4,0 per cent per 
year. At that rate the population 
of Kenya will double in just 18 
years. 

Thus, 18 years from now, in 
1999, there will still be 16.5 
million "White East Germans, 
but there will be 33 million Black 
Kenyans. And a century from 
now, in 2081, there will still be 
16.5 million East Germans — 
but there will be 776 million 
Kenyans! (Provided, of course, 
that the Kenyan birthrate and 
death rate remain unchanged.) 



growth rates will undoubtedly 
change. Furthermore, it becomes 
more and more difficult to bar .a 
cataclysm. Nevertheless, it is 
worth while to look ahead another 
century, to the year 2100, just to 
get a more impressive picture of 
where our world is headed. 

Using the current figure of 34 
years as the average time required 
for the world's non-White popu- 
lation to double itself, we can 
calculate that it will increase by a 
factor of approximately eight 
during the 21st century. The 
doubting time for the world's 
White population is a bit more 
uncertain, ranging from 630 years 
for Western Europe at the current 
growth rate to 95 years for North 
America (which, of course, is not 
an all-White continent). 

Taking a weighted average of 
200 years for the White doubling 
time, - we can estimate that the 
world's White population will 
increase by only about 40 per cent 
in the 2lst century. Thus, in the 
year 2100 each of our great-great- 
grandchildren will be surrounded 
by more than 30 non-Whites. In 
the 200 years from the beginning 
of this century to the end of the 
next century, the world racial 
balance will have fallen from 30 
per cent White to 3 per cent 
White. 

Miscegenation 

Actually, that's an overly opti- 
mistic assessment, for the follow- 
ing reasons: 

• In 1900 the 30 per cent of the 
world's population which was 
White was largely isolated; that is, 
nearly all the Whites either lived 
in all-White nations or in nations 
where (like the United States) 
Whites and non-Whites were 
socially segregated, so that very 
little miscegenation occurred. 

Today social structures are 
disintegrating throughout the 
White world; a heavy flow of 
non- White immigrants into most 
White countries and the social 
mixing of Whites and non-Whites 
assure that miscegenation will 
reduce the 3 per cer.: estimate for 



the year 2100 very nearly to zero. 
What one can realistically ex- 
pect instead of any unmixed White 
remnant at all (except, perhaps, in 
places like Iceland) is a mulatto/ 
mestizo hierarchy of the sort 
found in many Latin American 
countries today, with a few 
almost-Whites at the top and 
increasing admixtures of non- 
White blood as one goes down the 
socioeconomic scale. 

• As mentioned above, it is 
unrealistic to assume that present 
growth rates will remain un- 
changed. They are, in fact, 
changing today: the White rates 
are falling, and the non-White 
rates are, with a few notable 
exceptions (such as China and 
Japan, which are making progress 
toward keeping their birthrates in 
check), still increasing. 

• The racially most valuable 
White areas are, on the average, 
those with the lowest birthrates. 
While the average growth rate in 
Northern Europe (Scandinavia 
plus the British Isles) is somewhat 
less than 0.2 per cent per year 
(equivalent to a population 
doubling time of 433 years), it is 
more than 0.6 per cent per year in 
Southern Europe (Albania, 
Greece, Italy, Iberia, and Yugo- 
slavia). 

In several White countries of 
especially valuable stock, the 
growth rate is negative: the 
populations of both Austria and 
West Germany are declining; and 
Sweden, with a present growth 
rate very nearly zero, is expected 
to have a negative growth rate 
soon. For the sake of comparison, 
the present population growth 
rate in Africa is 2.9 per cent per 
year (equivalent to a population 
doubling time of only 24 years), 
and in Central America it is 2.7 
per cent per year. 



World Without Whites 

Unfortunately, such figures 
make very little impression on the 
average White person — even on 
the educated White person accus- 
tomed to working with numbers. 



European man s Faustian urge 
says to him: "Thou must strive all 
the days of thy life; thou must 
discover aff things, know aU 
things, master aU things. '» 

— WUUam Pierce, First Gener- 
al Convention of the National 
Alliance, Sept. 2, 1978 




INDIAN VILLAGERS: today there are five times as many of them as there were when the starvation, is doubling every 30 years. The only salvation that Indians see Is emigration to 
British conquered the Indian subcontinent. The population, perpetually on the edge of Britain or other White countries. 



206 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 




700 



600 



NIGERIA'S 80 million Blacks are among Africa's more prosperous residents. Yet even they depend For 
survivaJ upon a continually increasing flow of assistance from the White world. The Nigerian children are 
waiting for a food handout by UNICEF, which Is funded almost entirely by White countries in the United 
Nations. 

Non-White Minorities Everywhere 
Are Outbreeding White Majorities 



It is too difficult to translate the 
cold arithmetic into personal 
terms. What will a world with 
almost no Whites be like? The 
question asks too much of the 
imagination. 

Only in the last decade have a 
few White Americans begun to 
have a feeling for what the figures 
mean. They are those fixed- 
income Whites, most of them 
elderly homeowners in urban 
areas, who have seen the neigh- 
borhoods in which they have lived 
all their lives transformed from all 
White to mostly Black within the 
course of a few years, as newly 
affluent Blacks have broken out 
of their traditional residential 
areas*. 

They are those White shop- 
keepers in a number of American 
cities who have, almost overnight, 
seen the signs in all the shop 
windows around them change 
from English to Korean or 
Vietnamese, as entire business 
districts are- bought up by Asian 
immigrants. 

They are those Whites of all 
ages and incomes in parts of the 
Southwest and California who 
have seen their communities 
switch, both linguistically and 
racially, from Anglo to Chicano, 
as an unchecked flood of immi- 
grants continues to pour north- 
ward across the U.S. -Mexico 
border, regardless of whether a 
conservative Republican or a 
liberal Democrat occupies the 
White House. 



Maithusian Limit 

These relatively rapid (and, 
therefore, noticeable) changes are 
aJl due primarily to migrations (an 
interna! migration, in the case of 
the Blacks) rather than natural 
increase — but, in fact, it is 
primarily through the migration 
of non-Whites into previously 
White areas that the darkening of 
the world's population will come 
about in the future. 



[f the 30 per cent of the world 

which was White in 1 900 had been 
rigidly segregated Trom the non- 
White 70 per cent — and if the 
barriers to migration were main- 
tained — then the non-Whites, 
could not grow to 97 per cent of 
the total by 2100. Long before 
that they would reach a Maithu- 
sian limit; the land they occupied 
would be supporting its largest 
possible population, and their 
death rate would rise to meet their 
birthrate. 

Only by dumping their surplus 
populations into predominantly 
White areas can non-White areas 
maintain the present large dif- 
ferential between birthrate and 
death rate during the next cen- 
tury. 

Sealing Borders Not Enough 

Even were rigid barriers to 
non-White immigration to be 
erected at the borders of all 
predominantly White countries 
within the next decade, however, 
that move by itself would not 
prevent the extinction of the 
White race; it would only post- 
pone the final disappearance of 
Whites, except in those few 
countries where there are no non- 
Vhites today. That is because, 
just as the population growth rate 
in non-White countries is larger 
than that in predominantly White 
countries, so is the growth rate of 
non-White minorities in White 
areas nearly everywhere substan- 
tially larger than that of the White 
majority. 

In the United States, for 
example, the average White wo- 
man gives birth to 2.25 children 
during her lite. For Blacks the 
figure is 3.49, and for Chicanos 
(Mexican-Americans) it is 4.22. 
Taking the present White popula- 
tion of the United States to be 175 
million, the Black population to 
be 25 million, and the Chicano 
population to be 15 million, and 
ignoring all other minorities 
(Jews, Amerinds, Japanese, etc.), 



500 



400 



one can calculate that the Btack- 
Chicano population will pull even 
with the White population shortly 
after the end of the next century. 
After that Whites will be an 
increasingly small minority in the 
United States. 

Gastarbeiter 

Similar situations exist in other 
predominantly White countries. 
In West Germany, where the 
White population is actually 
declining in size, the rapidly 
breeding Turkish Gastarbeiter 
(guest workers), 1.5 million of 
whom were brought into the 
country by profit-hungry indus- 
trialists to increase the size of the 
labor pool, are accounting for 
more than half the total births in 
some areas, and Turkish children 
are crowding German children out 
of the elementary schools. 

Likewise, Sweden is saddled 
with a horde of immigrant guest 
workers from the Middle East and 
the Balkans, and France has a 
growing number of Negroes and 
Arabs from her former colonial 
empire in Africa. In Britain a 
fast-growing population of Blacks 
from the Caribbean and Asians 
from India-Pakistan, now at 2 
million, has literally taken over 
many urban areas and driven the 
British population out. 

Russians Threatened Too 

This grim demographic picture 
is not confined to the capitalist 
West, either. The Soviet Union, 
which incorporates not only Euro- 
pean Russia, with a present White 
population of about 150 million 
and a non-White population of 
almost 20 million, but also a vast 
Asian realm of 100 million, where 
various Mongoloid strains out- 
number Whites by about five to 
one. The growth rate of the 
population in the Asian part of 
the U.S.S.R. is twice that in 
European Russia. 

The basic demographic facts to 
be remembered are two; first, 




o o 
o o 

o o 



1975- 



AFRICAN POPULATION GROWTH illustrates the racial danger 
inherent in the sort of economic colonialism practiced by Europeans in 
the 19th century. In the three centuries prior to 1800, (be population 
growth of the continent averaged about 15 per cent per century, as 
cultural advances slowly penetrated from the outside and gradually 
raised the Maithusian limit. Contact with European colonial empires 
during the 19th century resulted in vast improvements In agriculture, 
trade, and transportation. In addition, White medical missionaries 
worked tirelessly to curtail disease and lower the infant mortality rate, 
while other missionaries set up schools and taught the Blacks not only 
about Jesus but also about the White man's methods. The consequence 
was a 65 per cent jump in population. As Whites penetrated further into 
Black areas during the early years of the 20th century, the Black 
population climbed even more steeply, nearly doubling in 50 years. 
Today the African population is growing so fast that It will double in 
just 24 years. 



that, wherever two racial groups 
occupying the same territory have 
different growth rates, the faster- 
growing group will always over- 
whelm the slower-growing group 
numerically, given sufficient time, 
no matter how much larger the 
latter may be in the beginning. 

Second, with very few excep- 
tions racial groups with a lower 
state of cultural development 
breed faster — that is, produce 
more offspring per female (and 
from younger females) — than 
more highly developed groups. 

More than Culture 

Part of the difference is un- 
doubtedly a matter of education 
and economics: despite the high 
rate of reproduction of Chicanos 
in the United States, it is still 
substantially less than that of 
Mexicans who remain Ln Mexico. 
Likewise, Blacks in the United 
States have a -smaller growth rate 
than Blacks in Africa. 

Nevertheless, there is more than 
culture involved. Equal educa- 
tional and economic opportunities 
have not brought the Black 
breeding rate in the United States 
anywhere near the White rate. 
Blacks mature, both mentally and 
sexually, at an earlier age than 
Whites, making earlier reproduc- 



tion natural for them. Further- 
more, they are clearly deficient in 
those frontal-lobe mental func- 
tions associated with planning and 
self-restraint, and so voluntary 
birth-control measures will never 
be as effective for them as for 
Whites. 

Background of the Problem 

How did the present world 
racial crisis arise, and what can be 
done about It7 

It is easy to answer the first part 
of that question. Under natural 
conditions a racial group will 
expand to fill the territory avail- 
able to it, and its numbers will 
increase until the land is sup- 
porting as many individuals as the 
current level of agricultural 
industrial productivity permits. 
Then the death rate will rise to 
meet the birthrate, and the size 
of the population will remain 
constant. 

Until about three centuries ago 
the White race was confined 
almost entirely to Europe, with a 
land area comprising only seven 
per cent of the earth's total 
(excluding Antarctica). Even then 
European Whites outnumbered 
Africans (including those north of 
the Sahara, in non-Black Africa) 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



207 



by two to one, although the 
Africans had three times the land 
area. 

The African population was 
increasing very slowly: about 15 
per cent per century. The Asian 
population, much closer to its 
Maithusian limit, was practically 
stationary at about 3.5 times 
Europe's (with 4.5 times the land 
area). The European population, 
just recovering from the enor- 
mous slaughter of the Thirty 
Years War, was beginning to 
move sharply upward, as new 
gains in productivity took effect. 
Furthermore, Whites were begin- 
ning their colonization of the 
Americas 

Progressive 19th Century 

By the middle of the 19th 
century Whites had gained consi- 
derably on Africans (of all hues), 
outnumbering them by nearly 
four to one. Whites were also 
gaining on Asians, and the Asian/ 
White ratio had dropped from 3.5 
to 2.7. During the quarter-century 
from 1850 to 1875 the worldwide 
White population increased by 25 
per cent, while the population of 
Asia increased by less than four 
per cent. 

Clearly the Whites were on the 
move in the 19th century, and 
they were well on the way toward 
achieving a numerical domina- 
tion of the globe to match the 
political, economic, and techno- 
logical domination which was 
already theirs. Had this 19th- 
century movement continued, 
Whites would have become the 
majority race in the present 
century. 

But Whites were doing other 
things in the 19th century beside 
increasing their productivity and 
expanding into new territory: they 
were, in effect, transferring to the 
non-White world, all the advan- 
tages which a superior White 
culture had made possible. The 
White race was preparing to 
snatch racial defeat from the jaws 
of victory. 

Misdirected Altruism 

The blame falls under three 
general heads (although the rela- 
tive share of blame in each case 
may be a matter for debate). They 
are: misdirected altruism, com- 
pounded by superstition; capi- 
talist greed; and general short- 
sightedness and lack of respon- 
sible leadership. 



The pros and cons of the 
colonization movement of the 
18th and 19th centuries have been 
treated briefly elsewhere in this 
issue, and the subject will not be 
covered again here. Let it suffice 
to say that the consequence of 
White contact with non-Whites in 
areas of White colonization was, 
except where the non- Whites were 
deliberately exterminated, to raise 
the numbers of non-Whites by 
increasing their productivity and 
decreasing their death rate. 

Christian sentiment was in 
favor of this latter consequence, 
and it was strongly against 
extermination. Capitalist senti- 
ment generally lay in the same 
direction: the larger the number 
of non-Whites, the cheaper their 
labor was on the one hand, and 
the bigger the market they consti- 
tuted on the other hand. 

Suicidal Folly 

As White genius was stamping 
out the pestilence and famine 
which had kept the numbers t of 
non-Whites in check throughout 
the ages, very few Whites were 
looking ahead to the long-range 
consequences of this suicidal folly 
— just as few Whites in North 
America and southern Africa 
looked ahead during the 18th and 
19th centuries and saw the conse- 
quences of White dependence on 
Black labor, in either a free or a 
slave economy. 

So here we are, in the last 
quarter of the 20th century, with 
the rising non-White tide up to 
our chins. What can be done? 
Again, the answer is fairly easy — 
but the question is largely irrele- 
vant. The question should be: 
what will be done? 

And it is fairly clear that the 
answer is: little or nothing — 
because the character flaws in the 
White race which brought about 
the present situation remain with 
us. We are as shortsighted and 
lacking in responsible leadership, 
as greedy for immediate gain, and 
as eager to save starving picka- 
ninnies — or their souls — as we 
ever were. 

Human Nature Won't Change 

There is simply no chance that 
White South Africans will soon 
decide to dispense with all their 
Black labor and voluntarily re- 
duce their own standard of living 
by about 50 per cent for a couple 
of decades, until all their indus- 
tries can be adapted to an 




THE CITIES OF BRAZIL, In which a White minority works In air-conditioned, steel-and-glass tower*, are 
surrounded by thousands of acres of stinking fa vtlas, In which a mestizo/ mulatto majority breeds and breeds 
and breeds. Brazil's population of 121 million Is 60 per cent non-White, and it Is doubling every 29 years. 



all-White labor force. 

There is simply no chance that 
White Americans, who have been 
suckers for every maudlin, "love 
thy nigger" appeal from the 
pulpit for the past 200 years, will 
suddenly shed their superstitions 
and begin directing their concern 
toward the flowers in the Garden 
of Life instead of toward the 
weeds. 

There is simply no chance that 
the bulk of the citizenry in Britain 
will henceforth stop voting their 
bellies and commence choosing 
their governments on the basis of 
the long-range racial policies 
espoused by the politicians rather 
than the promises of more wages 
and lower prices. 

And, so long as the West 
remains bound by the notion of 
"one man, one vote," there is 
simply no chance of responsible 
leadership arising -to guide the 
people away from their folly. 



Coming Cataclysm 

The great hope of the White 
race is Mother Nature — and the 
coming cataclysm. Because, whe- 
ther the average White person will 
face the fact or not, it nevertheless 
remains a fact that the population 
of Africa cannot double four 
times in the next century-; the 
non-producers in the United 
States cannot continue multiply- 
ing faster than the producers for 
another hundred years; Kenyans 
may slaughter the last of their 
magnificent animals and cut down 
the last of their forests, but they 
cannot sustain themselves on the 
diminished resources of their own 
land when the White world is no 
longer able to help them; and the 
magicmachinery of ever-increasing 
White productivity cannot feed 
even our own race with very much 
more of the sand in its gears which 
is being poured in with every new 
Black baby born to a welfare 



mother in the United States and 
every additional Chicano who 
wades northward across the Rio 
Grande. 

The fact is that a great dying 
out is coming — a wolf age, an ax 
age — and after that a rebirth. 



Most of the numerical data in 
this article were obtained from 
Atlas of World Population His- 
tory, by Colin McEvedy and 
Richard Jones (Penguin Books, 
1978); and from 1981 World 
Population Data Sheet, published 
by the Population Reference 
Bureau, 1337 Connecticut Av., 
Washington, D.C 20036. 

{Issue No. 82, 1 98 J) 



A Rite of Summer 



The beauty contest! That fa- 
miliar, warm-weather ritual will 
take place hundreds of times this 
summer across the length and 
breadth of the land, just as it has 
for decades, stretching back to 
around World War 1 and the 
beginning of the so-called "flap- 
per" era. 

From Miss Cotton to Miss 
Cotton Candy, Miss Paducah to 
Miss Pennsauken, Miss America 
to Miss Nude America, countless 
young ladies will hopefully exhibit 
their charms with the aim of being 
declared the fairest of the fair. 
Despite the noisy feminist hostili- 
ty toward these "meat market 
displays" and "cattle calls," the 
American beauty contest seems to 



be showing no decline in popu- 
larity. Any number of industries, 
products, services, and tourist 
areas use the contests as vital parts 
of their promotional schemes. 

The interesting question is this: 
How is it, in an age of "libera- 
tion," when females arc encour- 
aged, and indeed expected, to 
become physicists, pilots, and 
soldiers — how is it that girls still 
flock to enter these contests, vying 
with each other to parade about in 
clinging beach wear and high heels 
and inviting all present to make 
appraisal of their physical attri- 
butes? For, to be truthful, the 
prizes in most contests are rela- 
tively paltry: a TV set, season 
tickets to the local cinema, the use 
of a rental car for a month. Nor is 



there much in the way of lasting 
prestige to be gained by a comely 
lass who is fortunate enough to be 
chosen the winner; a girl who lets 
it be known in an employment 
application that she was Miss 
Pizza Topping of 1981 would 
probably be considered a practical 
joker, if not an outright crank. 

Such is the mystery. If I may 
hazard a guess at a solution, I 
might suggest that public accla- 
mation of good looks is one of the 
headiest brews known to thinking 
bipeds. Despite a couple of 
millennia of propaganda decrying 
the physical, denigrating strength 
and beauty {". . . God hath 
chosen the weak things of the 
world to confound the things 
which are mighty; and base things 



of the world, and things which are 
despised, hath God chosen, yea, 
and things which are not, to bring 
to nought things that are: that no 
flesh should glory in his pre- 
sence." — I Corinthians 1:27-29), 
proclaiming a totally false dicho- 
tomy of the physical and spiritual 
in the unity known as Man — 
despite this propaganda, the 
strong arid the beautiful are yet 
magnificent to behold, a powerful 
spur to Life itself, and a breathing 
triumph over death and decay. 

Little wonder that Nietzsche 
called those who deny the body 
the "preachers of death." For- 
tunately, there are still those who 
would agree instinctively with the 
"English writer Richard Jeffries, 
who said: "To be shapely in form 



is so infinitely beyond all wealth, 
fame, power, all that ambition 
can give, that these are dust 
before it." 

So there are more than a few 
young women who do, indeed, 
glory in the things of the flesh, 
and who are willing to put their 
flesh up for judgment, reasonably 
confident that they are of the 
lucky minority favored by an 
inscrutably stingy god of Nature. 
Beauty of body, symmetry of 
face: these are not things to be 
acquired by long years in study 
halts nor by the most steadfast 
knee-bending piety, but solely by 
a fortunate genetic stroke, by 
having handsome and healthy 
forebears, (In this regard, inciden- 
tally, the cosmetic surgeon per- 



208 

forms a dysgenic function by 
altering Nature's designs and 
allowing non-heritable beauty to 
serve as a lure for an unsuspecting 
mate.) 

The Pauline Church would 
have us believe that harmony of 
physical form has no relation to 
nobility of spirit; rather, they tell 
us, the opposite is true: the true 
saint goes off to mortify his body, 
so that his spirit can better glory 
in the presence of God. One's 
body and features may be a 
tragicomedy, but if one's "soul" 
is pure, then all is right. 

Obviously, this is not a philoso- 
phy formulated by healthy and 
handsome youths, But it does 
have allies in some rather strange 
quarters; anyone who has ever 
had some personal experience 
with ''revolutionary left" groups 
of any description will be well 
aware of the misshapen and 
distorted physiognomies that 
adorn those who people such 
movements. For here, too, the 
physical is of little import; if your 
"ideology" is correct, your points 
of dogma sound, it matters not 
that you carry the face of a rat on 
the body of a weasel. Your 
ugliness, Comrade, is forgiven. 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



209 



But Christian or Communist, the 
ugly themselves will never forgive 
Life for the nasty trick it played 
on them. They revenge themselves 
constantly, everywhere, on every- 
one. 

(Of course, of course, there are 
exceptions: the homely person 
with a noble heart, the handsome 
rake, and the beautiful whore. 
But they stick in our memory, and 
thereby seem more numerous than 
in reality they are, precisely 
because they are the exceptions. 
And more power to those rare 
folk of disharmonious features 
who, by dint of strong will and 
convictions, can truly surmount 
all feelings of envy, recognize the 
importance of good looks, and 
then work to create a White world 
where the well-bred and good- 
looking outnumber the ill-bred 
and botched.) 

Beauty contests for women are 
much more popular than those for 
men (in the form of body-building 
contests.) Not necessarily, I think, 
because the male is more voyeur- 
istic, or because females have 
been culturally conditioned not to 
publicly appreciate the male body, 
but rather because a normal 
woman of sound instinct will, 
quite naturally, view herself as a 



sex object, and will trust to her 
physical charms to attract a pool 
of admirers from which to choose 
her mate and her offsprings' 
father. Never mind the poisoned 
ravings of Steinem, Friedan, and 
Company; there is nothing "op- 
pressive" about this. The real 
oppression would be to deny this 
right to an attractive young 
woman. 

The refreshing emphasis on the 
physical at beauty contests should 
not by any means imply that these 
affairs are to be uncritically 
applauded. As noted, they are 
more often than not used as 
vehicles to promote some absurd 
product or other, or to provide 
Chamber of Commerce adver- 
tising for some undistinguished or 
unpleasant locale that any ra- 
tional person might not wish to be 
caught dead in. 

Worse, perhaps scenting the 
corrupt temper of the times 
(females have extraordinarily sen- 
sitive noses in this regard), and 
apologizing in advance for hold- 
ing the winning tickets in the 
genetic lottery, the girls will often 
— all too often — gush out more 
pro-minority tripe than you'll 
hear this side of a Quaker prayer 
meeting. While at the New Jersey 



seaside last summer, 1 betook 
myself to a couple of local 
contests. One event was cooked 
up to promote a boat race, which 
in turn was sponsored by a chain 
of Japanese restaurants. The day 
before the contest, about 30 girls 
were selected from a much larger 
group to compete. The affair 
itself consisted of a swimsuit and 
evening gown promenade, as well 
as the standard question-and- 
answer period, where the girls 
tend to make fools of themselves 
by fishing for the "right" answer 
to some absurdly nonsensical 
query. 

Ten girls made it to the finals. 
My own favorite was a 17-year- 
old blond beauty, a student out by 
Trenton. Observing closely her 
deportment, I envisioned myself 
20 years younger, dashing 
through the surf and moonlight 
with this shining Valkyrie. I 
rooted for her when her turn came 
to answer the obligatory question, 
which had to do with her career 
goals. With openmouthed incre- 
dulity I listened while she earnest- 
ly affirmed that when she got out 
of school she intended to become 
a social worker in the Camden 
ghetto, "in order to help those 
less fortunate than I." 



My heart sank. Black clouds 
passed overhead and eclipsed that 
romantic, moonlit scene. Contem- 
plating the selective breeding over 
burdensome eons that had gone 
into producing this delicious 
White female, I prayed to Thor 
that she was just being an 
opportunistic liar — that she 
really and truly was not in fact 
going to one day parade her lovely 
face and form through a steam- 
ing, aboriginal jungle. 

A few seconds later my mood 
was lightened a little when an 
Italian girl, Nancy I think her 
name was, was asked about her 
favorite fictional characters. She 
started off gamely enough, but a 
few moments later had become 
completely lost in a tangle of 
words and impressions. Finally 
she threw up her hands and 
brought the whole, pompous 
show down to earth for a while. 
"Well, 1 really blew that one," 
she said. "I'll go home and study 
a better answer for next time!" 
Atta girl, Nancy, you got my vote, 
at least. 

(Issue No. 82, 1981) 



New Phenomenon Signals Rising Vote of "No Confidence" in System 



Survivalism: Response to Racial Chaos 



There's an interesting psycho- 
social syndrome which has been 
quietly growing in America for 
the past two decades or so and has 
finally caught the attention of the 
controlled mass media: it is "sur- 
vivalism." 

Actually, that term covers a 
fairly wide range of phenomena. 
The end of the survivalist spec- 
trum the media have seized on 
recently is the grab-your-guns- 
and-head-for-the-hills end, be- 
cause it lends itself most easily to 
a sensationaJistic treatment. 

At the other end are the timid 
folks who wouldn't dream of 
grabbing a gun, under any 
circumstances, and are far too 
citified to survive in the hills 
anyway, but who have quietly laid 
in a two-year supply of dehy- 
drated foods. And there are all 
sorts of marginal offshoots: for 
example, the retired couple who 
have made up their minds to sell 
the family home and move into a 
condominium, but who are only 
looking at ads for places which 
offer a high wall all around with 
electronically controlled gates, 
closed-circuit TV surveillance, 
and an armed security patrol on 
the grounds. 

Of course, many people are 
attracted by real estate advertise- 
ments which stress security fea- 
tures, simply because they are 
aware of the rising crime statistics 
and want to feel secure in their 
own homes. They should no more 
be classified as survivalists than 
the fellow who keeps a sock full of 
Krugerrands hidden under his 
mattress — just in case. 

For many, however, it goes 
deeper than that. Among the real 
estate customers who wouldn't 
consider buying a place which can 
be broken into with anything less 
than an M-60 tank are a few — a 
growing few — who feel a sick 
fear in the pits of their stomachs, 



the consequence not only of the 
soaring burglary statistics but also 
of the conviction that burglaries 
will keep on increasing, year after 
year, and that the police and the 
government will never again be 
able to offer any real protection to 
law-abiding citizens. These few 
have concluded that, if they want 
to be safe in their homes, they're 
going to have to find virtually 
impregnable places to live, where 
they don't have to count on the 
government to keep burglars or 
rioters out. They are survivalists. 

And among those who arc 
laying in a long-term supply of 
dehydrated foods or converting 
half of each paycheck into gold 
coins there are also a growing few 
who are convinced that some day 

— they don't know exactly when, 
but some day in the next few years 

— they're actually going to have 
to eat their dehydrated larder, 
because the supermarket shelves 
will have been stripped bare by 
hungry mobs, or they're going to 
need those gold coins in order to 
purchase the necessities of life, 
because Federal Reserve notes will 
be worthless. They, too, are 
survivalists, of a sort. 

There is one element which is 
common to the entire survivalist 
spectrum. It is a loss of faith in 
the System. 

There has always been a certain 
amount of paranoia in the 
population, a certain number of 
people who deeply distrust the 
government and are sure some- 
thing awful is bound to happen 
soon. The survivalist syndrome is 
much more than that, however. It 
affects more than right-wing gun 
nuts and elderly cranks with 
funny theories about money. 
More and more perfectly normal 
people are simply looking very 
carefully at what is going on 
around them in America, and the 
sight is raising the hairs on the 



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SURVIVALIST publications have been sprouting up like mushrooms 
after a summer rain. They range from sikk, multicolor magazines for 
the newsstands to mimeographed newsletters with tips on edible roots, 
knife fighting, and homemade explosives. Readership — Just as 
Involvement in survivalism — is almost completely White, as a glance at 
the advertisements reveals, although Jews are moving into the sale of 
survival equipment and supplies. 



backs of their necks. 

They are schoolteachers and 
truck drivers and physicians and 
government clerks who have to 
work in America's cities among 
hostile, undisciplined Blacks, 
Levantines, Orientals, and Chi- 
canos who are noticeably more 
numerous and noticeably more 
aggressive with each passing year, 
and they have said to themselves 
in a tone of rising panic, "My 
God, things can't go on this 
way!" 

Having also observed that their 
government not only is not doing 
anything to stem the non-White 
flood but is leaving no stone 
unturned in its efforts to increase 
it, they don't waste their time 
writing letters to Congress. In- 



stead they begin thinking seriously 
about the relative merits of 5.56 
mm semiautomatic rifles with 30- 
round magazines, and 12-gauge 
pump-action shotguns loaded 
with No. 4 buckshot for fending 
off dusky hordes of frizzy-headed 
marauders. 

Even liberals are beginning to 
take note of what the policies they 
have mindlessly advocated for the 
past 50 years have done to the 
world, and it scares the hell out of 
them. Although they would never 
admit it to the other liberals they 
rub elbows and snort coke with at 
fashionable cocktail parties in 
Washington and New York, a few 
of them have also been quietly 
laying plans for a quick getaway 
when the day of reckoning comes. 



Some readers with long 
memories may recall the fallout- 
shelter debate of the 1950's: the 
"cold war" era when the govern- 
ment was at least dabbling in civil 
defense preparations, and many 
citizens were taking the idea of a 
nuclear attack on the United 
States by the Soviet Union quite 
seriously. Cellars were stocked, 
geiger counters were purchased, 
and much hand wringing was 
wasted on the ethical problem of 
the grasshopper and the ant. 
Many of the "ants" — those who 
had prepared and stocked fallout 
shelters for their families — 
indicated that they would not 
hesitate to shoot any improvident, 
grasshopper-type neighbors who 
came pounding on the doors of 
their shelters after an attack. 
Predictably, the media pundits 
were horrified and were very 
much on the side of the grass- 
hoppers. 

Some of the "ants" of the 
1950's may properly be consi- 
dered survivalists, but the majori- 
ty of them were by no means 
alienated from the System. Many, 
in fact, were political conserva- 
tives, who liked things the way 
they were and thought of the 
System as a bulwark against 
communism and chaos. That was 
before JFK, LBJ, and the "civil 
rights" revolution of the 1960's, 
of course. 

Today the all-out survivalist 
recognizes the government as the 
primary threat to his survival. Far 
from wanting to keep things as 
they are, he finds conditions 
increasingly intolerable. He is 
intelligent enough, or has good 
enough instincts, to realize that 
the policies the U.S. government 
has been following -for the last few 
decades are inevitably leading to a 
total disaster. He finds himself in 
a surrealistic, almost nightmare 
situation, in which he sees the 









Coming Collapse of Society, Gov H Seen by Many 



people all around him blithely 
marching to their own destruc- 
tion. 

He does not know whether or 
not he is the only sane person in a 
world gone mad, but he does 
know that he does not intend to be 
destroyed along with everyone 
else, if he can help it. He has 
become totally alienated from the 
suicide-bent society in which he 
lives, and he is looking des- 
perately for a way to get off the 
boat and far enough away from it 
so that he won't be sucked under 
when it goes down. 

So, one can recognize three 
distinguishing traits in the survi- 
valist: a sturdy sense of personal 
identity, which allows him to 
think independently and choose a 
course separate from that of the 
herd; a strong will to survive; and 
alienation from the present soci- 
ety and the System which rules it. 
In addition, many survivalists 
have a fourth trait: an intuitive- 
spiritual rejection of modern 
society which goes beyond mere 
political alienation. 

This last trait — which many 
who are not survivalists also share 

— manifests itself in various 
ways. In some it is expressed as a 
desire to "get back to Nature"; in 
others it takes the more negative 
form of hostility to modern 
technology^ It is based on an 
Intuition that the modern, urban- 
industrial life-style is. unnatural 
and unhealthy, as well as per- 
sonally unsatisfying and even 
repugnant. 

Thus, one finds among survi- 
valists many with unusual dietary 
notions and a prejudice in favor 
of "natural" foods; a strong 
interest in useful, pioneer-type 
arts and crafts, such as the 
preservation of meat and other 
foods without refrigeration, or 
home weaving or home cobbling; 
an itch to build windmills, 
water wheels, and other gadgets 
typical of an earlier and less 
interdependent era; a tendency to 
distrust the medical profession, 
with all its modern paraphernalia, 
and to rely instead on "home 
remedies," including home child- 
birth. 

Part of this is rationally related 
to the survivalist's interest in 
enhancing his own survivability 
by making himself more self- 
sufficient, but part of it is often a 
confused rationalization of a 
deep-seated — even subconscious 

— feeling having more to do with 
instinctive behavior patterns than 
with modern technology. At root 
it is not the jet engine, the 
transistor, or penicillin which the 
"back to Nature" streak in the 
survivalist is rebelling against; 
rather it is the laws, regulations, 
customs, and constraints of a 
modern mass-society. 

Tools — even very complex 
tools — are not "unnatural" to 
Western man, who has been a tool 
maker and a tool innovator for a 
much longer time than he has 
been man. What is unnatural is 
the way in which his creative 
instinct, his fighting instinct, his 
adventurous instinct, his mating 
instinct, and his territorial instinct 

— to use loose and imprecise 
terminology — have been frus- 
trated or subverted by a society in 
which the population density is 
vastly greater, the rules of beha- 
vior vastly different, and the 



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MEDIA attention is turning increasingly to survivalism as the phenomenon grows. Even Broom-Hilda the 
witch, the popular anti-heroine of a widely syndicated comic strip, Is reflecting this attention. Several recent 
television "documentaries" have also dealt with survivalism, concentrating on its gun-happy aspects. 



channels of expression vastly 
more tortuous than those to which 
his genes have become accus- 
tomed over the several thousand 
generations prior to the last dozen 
or so. 

The fully developed survivalist 
syndrome, then, might be personi- 
fied by a man who Is convinced 
that "very hard times are ahead for 
Western civilization; who believes 
that with a little ingenuity and 
luck — and a lot of determina- 
tion, hard work, and careful 
planning — he can personally 
avoid those hard times and 
survive physically while the blood 
runs ankle deep in America's 
cities; and who really won't be 
sorry to see the blood start 
running (whether he'll admit it or 
not), because he is alienated from 
the present System, feels threat- 
ened by it, and is looking forward 
to being rid of it. 

In real life, of course, there are 
a lot of survivalists who are not 
fully developed. Even among 
those that are, there are still 
relatively few who have carried 
their survivalism beyond the 
hobbying and daydreaming stage: 
a study of the lore, a stash of 
hidden guns, an occasional week- 
end visit to a still-undeveloped 
homesite in the mountains. Their 
survivalism is mostly a mental life 
preserver, something to help 
alleviate the sense of drowning in 
the chaos of today's sinking 
society. 

Nevertheless, it is reassuring to 
see the survivalist phenomenon 
growing by leaps and bounds 
from year to year, just as it is 
heartening to see the booming 
growth of the "underground 
economy." Both are direct conse- 
quences of the growing loss of 
faith in the System by people from 
every socioeconomic level. Both 
are signs — preliminary still, to be 
sure, but nonetheless certain — 
that the Beast is dying. 

What is less reassuring is the 
largely individualist approach to 
survivalism taken by most of 
those presently involved. Family- 
size groups are entirely too small 
to weather what is coming. An 
individual or a family of five or 
six members holed up in a cabin in 
the hills with a well, a vegetable 
garden, a wind-driven generator, 
and a rifle or two may comfor- 
tably ride out a brief period of 
urban rioting, but in the event of a 
prolonged breakdown of govern- 
mental authority they will be 
sitting ducks for marauders. A 
survival group with fewer than 
about 10 adult males organized 
into a structured defensive unit 
will be able to present little more 
than an amusing — and tem- 



porary — challenge to a deter- 
mined gang of armed non-Whites 
roving the countryside. 

Beyond this tactical inadequacy 
is the lack of any long-range 
planning. There are virtually no 
survivalist groups with even tenta- 
tive plans for educating their 
children in any comprehensive 
way, for going on the offensive 
against the cities when the condi- 
tions there have ripened suffi- 
ciently, and for eventually build- 
ing a new society on a sounder 
basis than the old one. 

As the growth of survivalism 
continues, however, one can 
expect to see an evolution from 
the short-range, single-family, 
bomb-shelter approach which pre- 
vails today to the beginning of a 
number of true survival communi- 
ties. Even at this time it is worth 
while to think seriously about the 
factors relevant to the viability of 
such communities. Three of these 
factors are defensibility, indepen- 
dence, and isolation. 

Defensibility entails more than 
manpower and firepower. Natural 
cover for defenders — and lack of 
it for possible attackers; ground 
plan; building construction; 
security of water, fuel, food, and 
electrical power sources: these are 
a few of the physical elements of 
defensibility to be taken into 
consideration. 

None of these is as important as 
careful, intelligent planning and 
well-structured organization, 
however. A community of liber- 
tarians — if one may use the word 
"community" to designate a mere 
geographical grouping of inde- 
pendent individuals — even if 
each were a former Green Beret 
and armed to the teeth, might be 
far less defensible than a strongly 
organized community of half as 
many individuals acting in concert 
under a single authority. 

One of the tasks of defense 
planning is the consideration not 
only of the short-term threat of 
marauders armed with small 
arms, but also of the long-term 
possibility of attack by govern- 
ment-backed forces armed with 
heavy weapons. Community de- 
fense under the latter circum- 
stance assumes altogether new 
and different dimensions, but it 
by no means becomes impossible. 

Independence is also a factor 
with both short-term and long- 
term dimensions. In the short 
term one might be content with 
the ability to survive an interrup- 
tion for a few weeks — or a few 
months, at most — of the supply 
of life's bare necessities from the 
outside world. It might suffice to 
have a store of non-perishable 
food, a few drums of water, an 



underground tank of fuel. A 
community with only such short- 
term capability for self-support 
becomes non-viable in the event 
of a general breakdown of the 
U.S. economy, of course, unless it 
can create its own life-support 
system within a few weeks. 

Much more satisfactory is a 
community which establishes its 
total independence in the realm of 
necessities — food, water, fuel, 
arms and ammunition, tools, 
spare parts, medicine, waste dis- 
posal — from the beginning and 
only depends upon the outside 
economy for nonessential goods 
and services. 

Better yet is a community which 
is self-sufficient in every way, 
although size will certainly play a 
determining role in this regard: a 
community of 20 persons will be 
doing quite well to have one 
capable teacher for the communi- 
ty's children, one physician for its 
ills, and one skilled mechanic to 
keep its tools in repair. Many of 
the products and services avail- 
able in the larger society will 
simply be denied to them. 

With 100 carefully selected 
members, however, the range of 
possibilities increases more than 
proportionately: a blacksmith, a 
machinist, an armorer, an elec- 
tronics technician, a dentist, an 
agronomist, a chemist, a glass- 
blower, a stock breeder, a stone- 
cutter, a tanner, a weaver, a 
miller, an aircraft pilot — even an 
artist, a poet, and a musician or 
two become feasible. These last 
named may be considered fully as 
valuable — i.e., functional — as 
the others, in the long term, when 
it is notju'st the physical life, but 
also the spiritual life of the 
community which must survive. 

Of course, everything depends 
upon planning and selection. A 
community of 100 persons thrown 
together in an emergency and 
without foresight would likely 
have not a single one of the 
specialists mentioned here among 
its members. And it is our race's 
specialization, our division of 
labor, which has given us our 
efficiency and made possible our 
cultural progress. A survival com- 
munity, or any small community, 
has more use for generalists — ver- 
satile people who can do several 
things passably well (or can learn 
to do them) — than does a large 
community, but the specialist, 
who can do one essential, produc- 
tive thing very well, remains an 
extraordinarily valuable asset. 

Taking the very longest view, 
where one considers the most 
fundamental purpose for survival 
and accepts as that purpose not 
only the. preservation of genes 



during a time of racial decay in 
the larger society, but also the 
continued progress of the race, its 
continued ascent of the long and 
slow path toward ever higher 
levels of self-consciousness, one 
sees in the cultural richness of a 
survival community, in the scope 
and depth of its specialization, 
more than functional value; one 
sees a part of the end as well as the 
means. 

For the self-consciousness of 
our race is advanced as much by 
the special genius which allows us 
to peer with growing understand- 
ing into the inennost secrets of the 
atom or the farthest reaches of 
distant galaxies, though in a 
different way, as it is by the 
special genius of a Beethoven or a 
Nietzsche or a Milton. And it is, 
of course, not only our race's 
genes which are under assault 
today, but every aspect of our 
cultural heritage as well. 

In the long term, then, one 
would do well to think of a White 
survival community as an ark and 
to plan it accordingly, to the 
extent possible. 

The foregoing considerations 
accentuate the importance of 
geographical isolation. A mason- 
ry apartment building in New 
York City or Chicago or San 
Francisco might be made defen- 
sible by bricking up the windows 
on the first few floors and 
installing a machine gun nest in 
the lobby (registered with the 
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and 
Firearms, of course). It might also 
be made reasonably independent, 
even in the long term, by drilling a 
well in the basement and erecting 
a wind-driyen generator and 
greenhouses on the roof. 

It is difficult to imagine any 
sort of White life surviving in such 
an urban enclave for more than a 
few years, however, as the life 
outside the walls becomes ever 
more alien and degenerate. Unless 
the building were virtually sealed 
off from the rest of the city, like a 
Trappist monastery, the cultural 
decay outside would inevitably 
penetrate the walls, and racial 
decay would follow. 

The problems would be much 
like those faced by traditional- 
minded parents today, who 
simply cannot cope with the 
influence of television, schools, 
and peers in determining their 
children's- attitudes and behavior, 
no matter how much attention 
they devote to the task. Even the 
Amish and other relatively iso- 
lated communities whose intent is 
to preserve traditional beliefs 
and life-styles are not immune to 
the degeneration which today is 
seeping in from the outside and 
causing an inevitable attrition. 

"In the coming months the 
National Alliance will be ex- 
ploring the aspects of a White 
survival community mentioned 
here, and many other aspects as 
well, with the intention of build- 
ing such a community in the 
future. Inquiries from interested 
readers of NATIONAL VAN- 
GLAitD are invited. 

(Issue No. 83, 1981) 



210 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



211 



Dialogue with a Libertarian Journalist 



Without intending to create a 
false drama, I think you are 
saying that at some time in the 
future, if I don't come around to 
your way of thinking, you'll see 
me offed for the good of the race. 
To tell you the truth, you make 
me a little nervous. In your June 
edition of NATIONAL VAN- 
GUARD, in the short article on 
Rabbi Meir Kahane (I rather 
admire his honesty and courage) 
and his effort to make sex illegal 
in Israel between Gentile men and 
Jewish women, you write that 
death would be a more appropri- 
ate punishment for that crime 
than the five years in prison 
suggested by the rabbi. I already 
feel the blade whistling down. 

The confusion for me here is 
that I am told by almost everyone 
the same things that you seem to 
tell me; that if I don't agree with 
their way of thinking I'll be sent 
to my maker when I least expect 
it. The Soviets, the Maoists, the 
Fidelistas, the Khomeinite? — and 
when push cornea to shov„, even 
the Republicans, Democrats, and 
Socialists, the Christians and 
Moslems, the Right and the Left 
and those in between, the military 
juntas and those wonderful 
people's revolutionaries fighting 
them — all seem to be saying the 
same thing. The one idea every- 
body seems to understand is that 
if the other guy's in your way he's 
intolerable, so you off him. 

The article on Churchill 
["Churchill: the War Criminal 
Who Got Away," NATIONAL 
VANGUARD No. 82, p. 11] de- 
scribes with some accuracy how I 
feel not only about the Great 
British Leader but about the other 
Great Leaders of my lifetime: 
Stalin, Roosevelt, Ho Chi Minn, 
Mao, Castro, Tito, Hitler, Musso- 
lini, Che, Truman, Johnson. 
What is there to choose among 
those men? Each one was a failed 
man, a mass killer, and a disaster 
for the people he pretended to 
serve. 

The great issue of race relations 
might be mightily illuminated in 
these United States if our citizens 
would simply stop following their 
leaders, obeying the laws of their 
leaders, groveling before their 
leaders. It's our leaders who insist 
alien races have the right to cross 
private property, our leaders who 
build the highways from our 
frontiers to the hearts of our cities 
and refuse to see even their own 
laws enforced, our leaders who 



tax us under threat of imprison- 
ment to sustain the alien races, 
our leaders who issue permits and 
thus control all media and educa- 
tional institutions, our leaders 
who create the bureaucratic 
swarming that infests every aspect 
of public and private life in the 
land. 

I have no reason to believe that 
there is not something unclean in 
the mere desire to see oneself as a 
leader with institutionalized 
(governmental) power over 
others. There is certainly some- 
thing unclean about those who 
have it now and those who don't 
but are trying to get it. Where are 
the exceptions? How can I know 
who they are? I think I've had my 
fill of leaders. I've also had my fill 
of those who lust after being 
leaders. 

B.R.S. 

Los Angeles, CA 



Editor 's Reply: 

Actually, you are creating a bit 
of false drama in your mind. The 
National Alliance is not aiming at 
enforcing a total ideological con- 
formity on the population (assu- 
ming we had the means to do so) 
and killing everyone who has an 
independent thought, as you 
suggest. 

What we are trying to do is 
organize a carefully selected 
group of men and women of our 
race into an effective force for 
assuring a future which is both 
White and progressive. In order to 
assure such a future, one docs not 
need to Impose a mental tockstep 
on the White population. It is 
quite sufficient that the basic 
ideas and values which we are 
propagating become firmly rooted 
in the minds of the population, 
and that racially destructive acti- 
vity be ended by whatever means 
are necessary. 

The great bulk of the White 
population has always been 
ideologically neutral and even 
value-neutral; most people simply 
follow the herd without thinking 
about it, always yielding to the 
strongest force. When drugs, 
race-mixing, and permissiveness 
are held up before them as norms, 
that's the way they will drift. And 
when clean living, racial idealism, 
and self-discipline are the norma- 
tive examples, they'll drift in that 
direction instead. 



Spreading the Word 



On Thursday, August 6, I 
obtained a permit to sell 
NATIONAL VANGUARDS on 

Hamilton Mall in AJJentown, PA. 
I sold 50 papers in about three 
hours and met several people who 
were very interested in Finding out 
more about the Alliance. 

After about two hours on the 
mall several Blacks gathered 
around and began harassing me. 
Within no time their numbers had 
grown to eight (two of them with 
White girls), and they were really 
trying to intimidate me. They said 
they were going to "waste" me. 

One of them asked what I 
would do if he "smacked" me in 
the head. I told him I would 
smack his head. (Actually, I 
would have aimed For a vital spot 
instead.) 



Then one Black demanded that 
I give him a paper. I refused. 
Finally he bought one. After a 
while he demanded that I give him 
his money back. I told him, "No 
refunds 1" So he said he would sell 
it to get his money back 

He ran up to every White 
passerby and asked him if he 
wanted to buy a paper "for 
Whites only." His friends stood 
around laughing and flexing their 
muscles. Whites passing by began 
acting as if I were a leper. The 
Black with the paper looked at me 
and said, 'Tm messin' up your 
sales!" 

Then I told them 1 all that I 
would admit that most Whites are 
cowards, but that the National 
Alliance is not made up of 
cowards, and they would only 



1 am sure this will continue to 
be the case for many generations 
to come. One does not have to 
regiment the people; they regi- 
ment themselves, instinctively. 
What one has to do is provide the 
■■iropcr guidelines, so that the herd 
itays headed generally in the right 
direction. One must also keep out 
alien and destructive influences, 
such as the Jews, by whatever 
means are necessary. 

As for the tiny fraction of the 
population capable of truly inde- 
pendent thought and judgment, 
what is essential is not a guillotine 
for deviationists, as you imply, 
but instead a healthy spiritual 
environment, full access to truth 
— especially historical truth, 
which is the accumulated experi- 
ence of the race — and the 
existence of a clear set of 
guldeposts pointing into the future. 
Each new generation of thinkers 
should not be required to re- 
invent the wheel, philosophically, 
although it might be a valuable 
corrective safeguard if a few in 
each generation do exactly that, 

What a guillotine is required for 
is to cut out of the race truly 
diseased elements, so that they do 
not propagate. Taking a non- 
White as a mate, whether with the 
deliberate intent of miscegenation 
or simply as an act of egoistic 
irresponsibility, is clear evidence 
of disease. (I would indeed be 
sorry if your nervousness in 
response to my seconding of 
Rabbi Kahane' s proposal for 
outlawing sexual relations be- 
tween Jews and Whites were 
based on personal guilt.) 

Being a free spirit, of course, 
has always entailed a certain 
danger, and 1 believe it is best that 
way, because it encourages cau- 
tion and stability. The safe thing 
to do is to follow the herd. Don't 
insist on moving the guidelines 
about or setting a new example 
for others for frivolous reasons or 
through whimsical self-indul- 
gence. 

If you must strike out on your 
own, think first and then tread 
carefully — and responsibly. A 
responsible and non -destructive 
free spirit need have no fear of the 
National Alliance or of a govern- 
ment based on our principles. 

As for leaders, I must admit 
that I share some of your 
misgivings, although I hesitate to 
lump all leaders together, and I try 
to take a longer view of their 
effects on the race. 

scare away Whites who are useless 
anyway. 

After about 30 minutes of all 
this they gradually lost interest 
and drifted down the street. 

I then found myself surrounded 
by three tough-talking Jews, who 
demanded that I leave the area, 
because I "offended" them and 
their customers. I told them that 
was too bad, but that I wasn't 
going anywhere. 

One Jew said that the depart- 
ment store behind us was his, and 
that if I did not move he would 
move me. 1 told him that if he 
assaulted me he might end up 
having to take me in as a business 
partner. After that the three 
"never again" commandos 
moved to the side and just 
watched me, but they looked as if 
they were busy developing ulcers. 

Usually one doesn't have so 
many hassles selling NATIONAL 



You say that each of the leaders 
you list is a failed man and was a 
disaster for the race. It is true, of 
course, that all of them except 
Castro are dead, and that some of 
them came to violent ends. Death 
is an inevitable failure we must all 
face, regardless of our effect on 
the race, and I cannot agree with 
those who see Hitler and Musso- 
lini (even Che) as less successful 
than Stalin, Roosevelt, and Tito, 
just because the former met death 
at the hands of their enemies, 
while the latter succumbed to 
physiological degeneration. 

It may be worth while to 
remember that Jesus was in the 
former category, while the head 
rabbi of the sanhedrin which 
ordered his death was presumably 
in the latter. It may also be worth 
while to remember that even a 
couple of centuries after his death 
there was not much in the way of 
visible accomplishment on the 
part of Jesus, and he might well 
have been judged a failed man. 
After another 10 centuries had 
passed he seemed to have been 
quite successful indeed. As we 
continue to move into the post- 
Christian era in the next century, 
historians will undoubtedly revise 
their opinions of him again. 

It seems to me that whether a 
leader is a success or not. must be 
judged in terms of his ultimate 
effect on his race. At any finite 
time after his death we still cannot 
be certain what the ultimate effect 
will be, but we should be able to 
make a better guess as rime 
passes. My guess is that of all the 
leaders you mention Hitler will 
ultimately turn out to be the most 
successful, in that his efforts will 
do more to advance our race to 
higher levels than any other. 

Many Germans who remember 
the horrors of the Eastern Front 
and the democratic-communist 
Occupation in the postwar years 
might agree with your assessment 
that he was a disaster for his 
people, but I would refer them 
again to the example of Jesus: the 
horrors of the Christian religious 
wars between-Catholics and Pro- 
testants in the Middle Ages 
exceeded even those of the rape of 
Berlin by the Red Army in 1945. 

All those people had to die 
anyway, of course, if not in the 
battle of Stalingrad or tied to a 
stake in Seville, then at home in 
bed. What counts is the purpose 
served by their lives: the effect on 
their race they had. 

VANGUARDS on the street. Two 
times during the afternoon I had 
to show my permit to the police. 
For about an hour straight I was 
ready to start swinging. 

The experience of this day, 
however, reinforced what T al- 
ready knew, and that is that the 
best White people are encouraged 
when we openly spread the 
National Alliance message. 

Also, Blacks are great bluffers. 
They nave sharp instincts, but 
they are cowards at heart. Even 
when they have us outnumbered 
they will usually back off, if they 
know we will fight. 

Last but not least, Jews will 
always do better using their 
money behind the scenes than 
risking a cheap nose job In the 
streets. 

This Saturday the whole East- 
ern .Pennsylvania Unit will be sell- 



Which leaders failed and which 
did not may still be a matter for 
debate. What is certain is that 
there will be leaders in the future, 
just as surely as there have been 
leaders in the past. It is inherent in 
the nature of the race. Our 
responsibility is not to try to 
dodge this fact, but rather to do 
everything we can to insure that 
our future leaders are the right 
ones, who not only have leader- 
ship ability and drive, but who 
also share our .values and are 
guided by our principles. 

I cannot help but sympathize 
with you even as I argue against 
you. I began my own ideological 
life as a libertarian. Furthermore, 
my libertarianism was not based 
just on theory, but on my own 
inner nature. 

I can remember well my 
reaction to ROTC, for example. 
Although I loved the weapons 
training and was quite interested 
in the study of military organiza- 
tion and tactics, I despised the 
close-order drill. I rebelled against 
brass polishing and boot shining. 
I found the regimented barracks 
life at ROTC summer camp, with 
its enforced "togetherness" 
around the clock, utterly disagree- 
able. 

Nevertheless, I recognize regi- 
mentation as being an indis- 
pensable element of any effective 
army. I am sure that part of the 
blame for the decline in quality of 
the U.S. Army today must be laid 
to the de-emphasis on regimenta- 
tion and discipline in recent years. 
In other words, just because 
regimentation is disagreeable to 
me does not mean that it is a bad 
thing. And just because you and I 
may instinctively rebel against 
restraints of any kind does not 
mean that restraints are bad for 
society as a whole. Society needs 
leadership, if it is to serve any 
worthwhile purpose. And even 
society's leaders need guiding 
values and principles, if their 
leadership is to be anything other 
than a disaster for their people. 

(Issue No. 83, 1981) 



Permissiveness: America's Moral Rot 




ing NATIONAL VANGUARBs 

on Hamilton Mail in AJlentown. 

The paragraphs above were 
excerpted from a National Alli- 
ance Activity Report submitted by 
Alan Balogh, who is the Local 
Unit Coordinator for the Eastern 
Pennsylvania Unit of the National 
Alliance. 

(Issue No. 83, 1981) 






We want to be able to integrate 
into our organizational structure 
every valuable person who shares 
our convictions; we want to have 
a place for everyone who b 
capable of assuming a useful role 
in our work. 

— William Pierce, First Gener- 
al Convention of the National 
Alliance, Sept. 3, 1978 






Reading, writing, and arith- 
metic in the schoolroom may seem 
far removed from the fire and 
blood of the modern battlefield, 
but one can nevertheless under- 
stand much of the reason for the 
decline in Americans' chances on 
the latter by looking at the causes 
of their declining performance in 
the former; the two grow from the 
same roots, as do also other of 
our current problems, including 
our faltering economy. 

No other nation has a more 
expensive or elaborate system of 
public education than the United 
States, Nowhere else is there more 
opportunity for learning, at all 
levels. 

At the top level America has 
some of the finest, universities in 
the world, where the frontiers of 
knowledge have been pushed as 
far forward as in any other 
nation, and from these universi- 
ties are coming as bright and 
well-trained scientists and engi- 
neers as will be found anywhere. 
Because of them America was 
able to launch the microelec- 
tronics revolution and to take a 
belated lead in the exploration of 
the solar system. 

But white American industry 
still produces the world's most 
advanced computers, and Ameri- 
can astronauts still fly into space 
in the world's most sophisticated 
spacecraft, that vital margin of 
quality which has been ours ever 
since the destruction of Germany 
in the Second World War has now 
shrunk almost to zero, and within 
the next decade leadership in 
technical excellence almost cer- 
tainly will pass into other hands. 

A bit below the top level, 
America has already slipped so far 
that she is no longer even second- 
rate. One indicator of the slippage 
may be seen in the average scores 
on the Scholastic Aptitude Test 
(SAT) administered each year to 
college-bound high school stu- 
dents across the nation: they have 
dropped for 18 out of the last 19 
years, and the cumulative fall is 
frightening. 

Part of the drop in average SAT 
scores can clearly be attributed to 
the frenzied effort to enroll more 
Blacks in American colleges and 
universities, at any cost, in order 
to prove that they are "equal." 
Since 1965 government programs 
have resulted in more than a 
threefold increase in Black college 
enrollment. But this only explains 
the much larger number of 
students scoring near the bottom 
of the SAT scale than before; it 
does not account for the drastic 
falloff in the number of students 
scoring near the top. 

The fact is that, while a very 
few bright and well-motivated 
young Whites are still taking full 
advantage of the opportunity to 
learn and are performing as well 
as they ever did, providing a 
trickle of new mathematicians, 
physicists, computer scientists, 
and engineers at the Ph.D. level to 
do basic research and to keep 
America's increasingly technolo- 
gy-dependent industry running — 
barely — the great bulk of the 
White school-age generation is 
learning substantially less today 
than young Whites did 20 years 
ago. 

Again, part of the reason is the 
criminally insane policy of forced 
racial integration of America's 
schools. This policy, by destroy- 




CONTRAST between American (left) and Russian classroom scenes Is Russian schools far exceeds that in permissive and racially mixed 

revealing. While American children waste as much as half of their time American schools, and the result is thai young Russians enter the work 

in school with frivolous and even pernicious "studies," such as "Con- force or military service with better work habits, better self-control, and 

temporary Issues" or "Black History," young Russians are kept busy healthier attitudes. No amount of additional money spent on fancy 

with language, geography, shop work — and lots of science and buildings or higher teacher salaries in this country can compensate for 

mathematics. Furthermore, the level of orderliness and discipline in these differences. 



ing the racial homogeneity of 
young Whites' learning environ- 
ment, has produced a catastrophic 
rise in alienation. 

The best and brightest White 
students, who know what they 
want and are determined to have 
it, have continued to succeed 
despite racial mixing in the 
schools. But the average White 
student, who sets his goals in 
accord with those of the peers 
around him, rather than accord- 
ing to an internal standard, has 
been substantially affected by 
school integration and the con- 
comitant lowering of performance 
standards necessary to accommo- 
date Blacks. 

There is more to it, however, 
than the inability of Balcks to 
handle intellectually demanding 
courses in the schools, as any 
employer can testify. Good work 
habits; punctuality; initiative; 
neatness and pride in craftsman- 
ship; willingness to tackle diffi- 
cult, unpleasant, or complex tasks 
and see them through to the end, 
no matter what it takes: all these 
qualities, not just scholastic apti- 
tude, are at a new low among 
White high school and college 
graduates, and this is one of the 
major reasons for declining U.S. 
industrial productivity and the 
sagging economy. 

Consider this: In a national 
survey, 75 per cent of last year's 
high school graduating class re- 
ported spending less than five 
hours per week on homework. 
Twent-six per cent of them spent 
four hours or more per day 
watching television. These figures 
should help explain why the U.S. 
Army has to give remedial reading 
courses to so many of its recruits, 
White as well as Black. 

And the heavy diet of tele- 
vision, which now takes up time 
occupied 30 years ago by athletics, 
after-school employment, or 
homework — activity of some 
sort, in other words — may have 
something to do with the pro- 
nounced increase in passivity of 
young Whites. 

If one wants to give a decep- 
tively simple name to the most 
important single cause of the 
decline in scholastic achievement 
among White Americans, then 
one may call it permissiveness: the 
pervasive attitude that discipline, 



order, and structure are "repres- 
sive"; that pain, hardship, and 
struggle are things which no one 
should be obliged to endure; that 
the greatest possible happiness of 
as many citizens as possible is the 
proper goal of government, just 
as the greatest possible happiness 
of their children is the proper 
goal of parents. 

To understand better what 
permissiveness has done to Ameri- 
ca, consider a few differences 
between the American and the 
Soviet educational systems, In the 
first place, it should be noted that 
the Soviet system, more or less 
uniform throughout the U.S.S.R. 
— even to having the same 
curriculum and the same set of 
textbooks in every school in the 
country (with the exception of 
special schools for gifted, univer- 
sity-bound children) — sends 
children to school six days a week 
for 10 years, instead of five days a 
week for 12 years, as in the United 
States. 

During his lOyears of compul- 
sory education the Soviet student 
takes five years of physics, while 
only 9 per cent of U.S. high 
school graduates have as much as 
one year. The Soviet student also 
has 10 years of shop work, four 
years of chemistry, SVi years of 
biology, five years of geography, 
three years of mechanical draw- 
ing, one year of astronomy — and 
10 years of mathematics, inclu- 
ding four years of plane geometry 
and two years each of solid 
geometry and calculus. And, 
remember, this is not the. curricu- 
lum for some small elite. This is 
what every industry-bound or 
Army-bound young Russian takes 
in school. 

In the United Stales only 30 per 
cent of the school districts require 
more than a single year of science 
or mathematics for graduation, 
and that minimal requirement is 
met more often than not be 
something called "Business 
Math," which is hardly more than 
a glorified arithmetic course. 
What the American student takes 
in high school instead of science 
and mathematics courses is all too 
often a trendy collection of 
unfocused, undemanding, cotton- 
candy confections whose osten- 
sible purpose is to help him 
"clarify his values" or "develop 



effective communications" or 
"expand his imagination." 

The consequence is that he's 
not prepared to do much of 
anything in the real world when he 
graduates {//he graduates), and so 
he goes on to college, 54 per cent 
of the time, for more of the same. 
In the Soviet Union, 98 per cent 
of all high school students gradu- 
ate (compared with only 75 per 
cent in the United States), but 
only a carefully selected 20 per 
cent of these go on to universities 
or other institutes for further 
training, where, just as in high 
school, the curricula are devoid of 
the frivolities which pass for 
college courses in the United 
States. 

The average Soviet high school 
graduate is ready to enter the 
industrial work force or the armed 
services and cope with the de- 
mands which the modern tech- 
nology on which both are heavily 
dependent will place on him. He 
can read a blueprint, overhaul a 
tractor transmission, use an oscil- 
loscope, and operate a lathe. He 
can also understand the elements 
of gunnery, has a pretty good idea 
of how a gyrocompass works, and 
can calculate how many liters of 
fuel his tank needs to get from 
Bialystok to Warsaw. 

His average White American 
counterpart, while he may have 
the same 1Q, isn't prepared to 
cope with anything more technical 
than filling his car's fuel tank at a 
self-service station. 

Dr, Jzaak Wirsup, a mathema- 
tics professor at the University of 
Chicago who has spent several 
years studying the Soviet educa- 
tional system, says: "The dis- 
parity between the level of 
training in science and mathe- 
matics of an average Soviet skilled 
worker or military recruit and that 
of a non-college-bound American 
high school graduate, an average 
worker in one of our major 
industries, or an average member 
of our all-volunteer Army is so 
great that comparisons are mean- 
ingless." 

Why has this been allowed to 
happen? Why is the American 
high school student allowed to 
substitute a course in modern 
dance for calculus? Why is the 
average college student in this 
country led to believe that he 



really knows something about 
nuclear physics or computers after 
taking a purely descriptive "sci- 
ence survey" course? 

Completely aside from the 
racial aspect — the need to adapt 
curricula in this country to the 
abilities of the Negro — the 
answer is that calculus isn't 
"fun," except for a very bright 
few. Understanding how a com- 
puter works requires a degree of 
intellectual effort far, far beyond 
that required for a passing grade 
in "Third World Political Sys- 
tems" or something of a similar 
ilk. Geometry proofs demand 
discipline and concentration. Suc- 
cess in a shop course presupposes 
a certain respect for manual 
labor. The ability to read with 
understanding requires enough 
willpower to (urn off the televi- 
sion set. 

The terrible truth is that 
permissiveness has robbed a very 
large number of young White 
Americans of the qualities of 
character required to cope with 
tasks that are difficult, demand- 
ing, or unpleasant: of willpower, 
self-discipline^ and a healthy 
attitude toward work. 

That's why Japan will soon be 
taking away America's lead in the 
computer industry. That's why 
many other American industries 
— especially defense-related in- 
dustries — cannot hire but a 
fraction of the engineers they 
desperately need in order to apply 
new technology to production. 
That's why the Soviet Union is 
now ahead of the United States in 
several very interesting areas of 
military research and develop- 
ment. And that's why America is 
in real trouble. 

(Issue No. 84, 1981) 



When the Assyrians, and after 
them the Medes and Persians, 
were masters of the Oriental 
world, the Jews, of all nations 
then held in subjection, were 
deemed the most contemptible. 

— Publius Cornelius Tacitus, 
Histories, book 5, chapter 8 



212 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



The Holocaust Problem 



A Los Angeles County Superior Court judge ruled last month that 
the so-called "Holocaust" — the alleged extermination of six million 
Jews by Germany's National Socialist government during the Second 
World War — is a historical fact and "is not reasonably subject to 
dispute." The ruling was the outcome of a lawsuit by a Jewish 
concentration camp "survivor," Mel Mermelstein, now a successful 
Long Beach, Calif., businessman, against the publishers of a 
"revisionist" historical periodical, Journal of Historical Review. 

The only real purpose of the periodical — the claims of its publishers 
notwithstanding — was to cast doubt on Jewish Holocaust claims, and 
that purpose has been reflected in the pages of each issue, As a 
promotional stunt Journal of Historical Review rashly offered a 
$50,000 reward to anyone who could prove that a single Jew was killed 
in a gas chamber by the German government during the Second World 
War. Mermelstein accepted the challenge; sued when, he alleged, the 
publishers reneged on their $50,000 offer; and won his case. 

Although Jewish groups are chortling over Mermelstein's courtroom 
victory and will undoubtedly cite it as yet another "proof" of the 
historical reality of the Holocaust, and although Journal of Historical 
Review has been made to look very foolish, nothing, in fact, was 
"proved" in the Los Angeles County Superior Court last month. The 
judge had no business at all ruling as he did, although he certainty 
surprised no one by doing so. After all, everyone knows there was a 
Holocaust, because he's heard so much about it; he's even seen it on 
television. How could there be any doubt? 

Actually, it's very difficult, if not impossible, to determine the truth 
of the matter. There are reckless ' 'revisionists" who assert that no Jews 
were killed, solely for being Jews, by the German government. That is 
almost certainly not true. 

I have spoken with SS men who told me that they shot Jews, and 1 
believe them. They also told me that the claims of mass killings of Jews 
put forth after the war have been greatly exaggerated, and I believe 
them on that score also. 

It seems "not reasonably subject to dispute," for example, that 
Jewish political commissars, who were routinely attached to Red Army 
units at the company level to maintain watch on the political reliability 
of Soviet soldiers, were routinely screened out from groups of Soviet 
POWs and shot by the Germans. Some German Army commanders 
have claimed that they refused to obey the order to shoot captured 
political commissars, but others clearly did shoot them. 

It is also "not reasonably subject to dispute" that Jews were confined 
in concentration camps by the Germans during the Second World War, 
and that toward the end of the war when food supplies became very 
short many of them, weakened by malnutrition, died of typhus and 
other infectious diseases. The unburied, emaciated corpses of 
thousands of them were found by the U.S. Army during the conquest of 
Germany. 

Death is not an uncommon event in concentration camps. It was 
common in the Andersonville camp during the U.S. Civil War, where 
13,000 captured Union soldiers died. It was common in the 
concentration camps in South Africa into which the British government 
herded Boer women and children during the Boer War; more than 
20,000 of them died in 1901 and 1902. 

But just as certainly it is "not reasonably subject to dispute" that 
organized Jewry has engaged in a lying campaign of unprecedented 
magnitude during the past 40 years about their "persecution" at the 
hands oT the Germans. The Jews undisputably lied when they claimed 
they were "gassed" at Dachau, for example. Not only were no Jews 
gassed at Dachau, but the Holocaust propagandists have not yet 
presented a shred of credible evidence to indicate that there were gas 
chambers for the extermination of Jews anywhere on German soil 
during the Second World War, and there is a great deal of credible 
evidence that there were not. 

Likewise, the wild propaganda tales of Jews being boiled down for 
their lard and converted into bars of soap, or being skinned and made 
into lampshades and wallets, have been thoroughly debunked since the 
war. 

That doesn't mean that the Jews have given up telling those tales, by 
any means. The cynical, professional liars, such as head Holocaust 
huckster Simon Wiesemfial, will continue to make claims they know to 
be false so long as they can be reasonably sure that most of the goyirn 
will believe them. And that, unfortunately, will be the case so long as 
the Jews maintain their control over America's news and entertainment 
media and are able to stifle any dissent which might reach a mass 
audience. 

Any reasonable person who takes the trouble to look into the matter 
must conclude that some Jews were deliberately killed during the 
Second World War, and that many more died of disease while confined 
in concentration camps. He must also conclude, however, that the Jews 
have told a great many lies about the Holocaust for the calculated 
purpose of generating sympathy for themselves and for the state of 
Israel. In particular, he must conclude that they have greatly 
exaggerated their losses, perhaps by a factor of 20 or more. 

But, as mentioned above, to pin the facts down precisely — to prove 
whether the Germans gassed Jews outside the territory of the Reich, in 
occupied Poland, for example, or not; or to determine whether the total 
Jewish losses during the war were as low as the 300,000 figure calculated 
by the International Red Cross or were three times that many — is very 
difficult, if not impossible. For those interested in absorbing the facts 
which arc available, there is no better source of information at this time 




BUCHENWALD concentration camp. May 1945: why were there so many "survivors," if the German plan 
was to exterminate all Jews? Jews were put behind barbed wire in Germany during the Second World War for 
exactly the same reason Japanese were locked up in (he United States: because they could not be trusted. 
Many American "liberators" of Germany's concentration camps eventually reached the conclusion that the 
world would have been better off, however, If there had been no survivors, but few had the mors) courage to 
say it. General George Patton was an exception. After becoming well acquainted with the nature of the 
people (officially called "Displaced Persons") his troops freed from Germany's concentration camps, he 
noted in his diary in September 1945: "Harrison [a U.S. State Department official] and his Ilk believe that the 
Displaced Person is a human being, which he Is not, and this applies particularly to the Jews, who are lower 
than animals." 



than Professor Arthur Butz's 
book, The Hoax of the Twentieth 
Century, which is listed among 
the books offered by the National 
Alliance on the last page of this 
newspaper. 

So, how does one answer the 
question, was there a Holocaust? 
If one means by "Holocaust" six 
million gassed and incinerated 
Jews, as claimed by the Wiesen- 
thals and the Mermelsteins, then 
the answer is an emphatic "no." 

If one means, on the other 
hand, the removal of Jews from 
their positions of control in the 
German news and entertainment 
media, the German educational 
system, and other areas of public 
influence i'i Germany by the 
National Socialist government; 
the economic boycott of Jewish 
merchants in Germany by the 
Germans after the Jews in the 
United States and elsewhere had 
launched a boycott of German 
imports; the imprisonment of 
many (though by no means all) 
Jews in Germany and German- 
occupied areas after the outbreak 
of the Second World War (much 
as Japanese-Americans on the 
U.S. West Coast were imprisoned 
after the Pearl Harbor attack); the 
discomfort and death by disease 
of some of the Jews so im- 
prisoned; and the shooting of 
some Jewish partisans, some 
Jewish political commissars, and 
some other Jews in the eastern 
territories during the war — then 
the answer is "yes." 

But, really, why is that such an 
urgent question? It still has not 
been determined how many Ger- 
man women and children were 
killed in the murderous Allied raid 
on Dresden in February 1945, for 
example. The conditions at that 
time were so chaotic, with the task 
of locating and disposing of all 
the corpses in the rubble still not 
completed when the Red Army 
overran the city, that figures given 
for the number of victims vary 
between 130,000 and 250,000, and 
it is very difficult to say which is 
correct. 

Should it not be at least as 
important to uncover all the facts 
of that monstrous crime — which, 
after all, was against people of 
our own race — and even to 
expose and then punish the war 
criminals who perpetrated it, as it 
is to continue haggling over the 
question of exactly how many 
Jewish Soviet commissars were 
shot, or whether or not there may 



have been gas chambers in 
occupied Poland? 

Of course, it should be! And 
the fact that there have been no 
television documentaries or dra- 
matizations about the Dresden 
holocaust, while there have been 
countless grade-B films and 
serialized "docudramas" about 
the Jews' supposed sufferings, 
should tell us something about the 
priorities of the people who 
control the mass media. 

More important, the fact that 
the average American schoolchild 
can parrot back the grossly 
inflated "six million" figure he 
has been taught, when asked how 
many Jews were killed during the 
Second World War, while he has 
not the remotest idea how many 
U.S. servicemen lost their lives in 
that glorious effort to make the 
world safe for Jews again, should 
tell ns something about the 
American educational system and 
about the priorities of the politi- 
cians, educators, and intellectual 
leaders who have lei it get that 
way. It should also tell us 
something about the dangerous 
Jack of self-consciousness on the 
part of the American people — 
and, perhaps, a little about the 
shortcomings of democracy as a 
form of government. 

We understand, of course, why 
the Jews and those Gentiles who 
fawn on them are always harping 
on the Holocaust. We understand 
why they have lied about it and 
exaggerated it and misrepresented 
it, and why they scream with such 
rage and mock indignation when 
anyone contradicts them: they 
have an enormous vested interest 
in all of the mystique and 
mythology of the Holocaust. 

And we also understand why 
there are some Germans and some 
Americans and some White 
people of other nationalities who 
have considered it so important to 
contradict them. One of the 
reasons is the strictly practical 
matter of proving the Jews liars, 
destroying their credibility, ex- 
posing their deceptions, as a 
prelude to getting them off 
Germany's back and America's 
back and everyone else's back, 
forever. That's a good reason, 
and the National Alliance wishes 
everyone well who works at 
exposing the Holocaust lies be- 
cause of it — including Journal oj 
Historical Review, if it survives 
the recent Los Angeles County 



Superior Court ruling, It's the 
reason — the only reason — we 
write about the Holocaust from 
time to time and distribute factual 
material, such as The Hoax of the 
Twentieth Century, dealing with 
it. 

There is, unfortunately, ano- 
ther reason why some White 
people are uptight about the 
Holocaust question. That reason 
is guilt. The thought that their 
racial kinsmen, or people whom 
they have admired or whose 
ideology they share, may have put 
large numbers of Jews to death 
makes them very uncomfortable. 

The same sort of psychology is 
at work as that which makes some 
White people feel guilty because 
their ancestors owned Black 
slaves. Many of these guilt- 
stricken descendants of slave 
owners attempt to ease their 
moral discomfort by being super- 
solicitous of Blacks today, while 
others seemingly find relief in 
punishing other Whites (or even 
themselves) by supporting busing 
or welfare schemes. 

The people who control the 
news and entertainment media are 
experts at manipulating this sort 
of psychology. By keeping the 
Holocaust alive and well in the 
consciences of their Gentile read- 
ers and viewers they evoke from 
most of them solicitude for Jews 
generally — and support for 
Israel, in particular. From the rest 
— from those who simply cannot 
bring themselves to be solicitous 
of Jews or to support Israel — 
they evoke a need to ease their 
consciences by denying the reality 
of the Holocaust. 

There are two things seriously 
wrong with this sort of motivation 
for contradicting the Wiesenthals, 
Mermelsteins, and other Holo- 
caust hoaxers. First, it is nearly 
always a sign of moral inconsis- 
tency, That is, very few of the 
tender-minded souls who are 
tormented by the mental spectacle 
of Jews being herded into gas 
chambers lose any sleep over the 
millions of Ukrainians and Rus- 
sians who were deliberately 
starved to death after the triumph 
of Jewish Bolshevism in Russia 
only a few years earlier, as just 
one example. 

They say they do not believe the 
German people could have 
planned anything so morally 
repugnant as the liquidation of 
Europe's Jews, but they say 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



213 



nothing at all about the Morgen- 
thau Plan or the Kaufman Plan, 
the two Jewish schemes for 
liquidating Europe's Germans. 
(The Morgenthau Plan, which 
was approved by the Roosevelt 
administration and implemented 
by Eisenhower's occupation for- 
ces, cost the lives of tens of 
thousands of Germans — es- 
pecially infants and very young 
children, who succumbed to star- 
vation and disease in the early 
postwar period. Had it not been 
for the later perception of a 
growing communist danger in 
Eastern Europe and the need to 
preserve the Germans as a "buf- 
fer," it would have caused 
millions of German deaths.) 

That's the same sort of morality 
which has allowed U.S. Presidents 
to smile while shaking the hand of 
a Chairman Mao or a Generalis- 
simo Tito — who murdered, in 
the first case, millions of his own 
countrymen and, in the second 
case, hundreds of thousands — 
and then to impose a trade 
boycott on the beleaguered 
Whites of Rhodesia for their 
"immoral" denial of equal rights 
to Blacks. 

It is, in other words, no 
morality at all, but simply fash- 
ionableness: not cynically calcu- 
lated fashionableness, of course 
— except, perhaps, on the part of 
the U.S. Presidents — but the sort 
of unreasoning fashionableness 
which stems from the need to 
conform. 



Why is it that a perfectly 
normal person can wax maudlin 
over the misfortune of some poor 
soul whose plight is in the public 
eye at the moment and who is 
receiving sympathy from thou- 
sands of others; but he can at the 
same time callously ignore the 
suffering of another, whose plight 
may be even worse but who has 
not yet won the fickle favor of the 
crowd? It is because what we call 
morality is, in all except perhaps a 
Francis of Assisi or an Albert 
Schweitzer, nothing more than 
one aspect of herd instinct. It does 
not obey any higher law, or any 
rule of reason or consistency, but 
merely the blind urge to act, and 
even think, in a way which will 
earn the approval of one's 
fellows. 

What all this means is that the 
solution of the Holocaust prob- 
lem for a great many people 
requires nothing mroe than bring- 
ing about a change in fashion, in 
switching the attention of the 
hand wringers from the supposed 
gassing of Jews by the Germans 
during the Second World War to 
the actual slaughter of Croats and 
Cossacks by America's Yugoslav 
and Soviet allies after the war, 
That, of course, will not happen 
so long as the present arbiters of 
fashion are able to retain their 
grip on the White world's mass 
media. 

But there is a more funda- 
mental ill underlying the discom- 
fort which the Holocaust causes 



for many "revisionists," even for 
some of them who are consciously 
anti-Jewish. That ill is their 
implicit acceptance of a morality 
according to which the Germans 
should be condemned, if the 
Jewish Holocaust claims were, in 
fact, true. 

For, although there may be very 
few Francis of Assisis or Albert 
Schweitzers among us, what those 
few believe and feel is of 
surpassing importance. 

As a practical matter the 
behavior and sentiments of the 
common man may be determined 
almost entirely by his perception 
of what is expected of him at the 
moment by his fellows; but the 
values and ideals which a society 
claims, at least, as the determi- 
nants of the behavior and senti- 
ments of its members are never- 
theless of the utmost significance 
for the destiny of the society. 

Indeed, it is hardly possible to 
overstate the urgency of this 
point: the two things of absolutely 
fundamental importance about 
any society are the racial quality 
of its members, and the values 
and ideals which it holds up as the 
proper basis for their thought and 
action. A proper physical basis 
and a proper spiritual basis are 
both necessary for a truly progres- 
sive society. 

The values and ideals claimed 
by Western society today are 
those of a slave morality, a 
love-thy-nigger ethic of Asiatic 
origin. It is a morality of envy, 



which exalts the botched and the 
degenerate and disparages the 
noble, the strong, and the beauti- 
ful. It is a morality which holds 
that everything which walks up- 
right on two legs and talks is 
precious and ought to be pre- 
served. It is a turn-the-other- 
cheek morality which denies a 
people the right of self-defense. 

It is a morality which damns the 
Germans for attempting to rid 
themselves of a pernicious infesta- 
tion which was stifling their 
national life; and it is a morality 
which will equally damn any 
attempt by White Americans to 
disinfect the cesspool of mongreli- 
zation which their own country is 
fast becoming. 

Ultimately it is a morality of 
racial death, and the ultimate 
significance of the current debate 
over the Holocaust is that it is 
inextricably rooted in this 
morality. 

The "revisionist," the conser- 
vative, the right winger, the 
anti-Semite who cannot face the 
Holocaust squarely and judge it 
on the basis of a higher morality, 
according to which it is only the 
upward course of Life which is 
sacred, also cannot solve the other 
moral problems of the day; he 
cannot, for example, cope suc- 
cessfully with the challenges to a 
White future which are presented 
by non-White immigration and by 
a high non-White birthrate. 

His attempts until now to cope 
have been inconsistent with the 



slave morality to which he pays lip 
service — and which exacts its toll 
for every transgression. For it is 
never healthy for a people to say 
one thing and do another; to 
preach the equality of races and 
the brotherhood of all members 
of genus Homo, on-the one hand; 
and to refuse, on the other hand, 
to share everything we have — our 
land, our food, our women — 
with any Mexican or Haitian or 
Vietnamese who wants them. 
America's half-hearted and inef- 
fective immigration restrictions 
are a perfect reflection of this 
fundamental inconsistency. 

The expedient society, the 
society which must often act 
counter to its proclaimed funda- 
mental values and ideals, because 
those values and ideals are 
inconsistent with the survival of 
the society, is sick. Either it must 
find a new set of values and 
ideals, consistent with survival 
and with progress, or it will 
perish. Ultimately, only the soci- 
ety with absolute conviction in the 
rightness of its actions can achieve 
the last and greatest goals on this 
earth. 

The Jewish Holocaust propa- 
gandists understand this, and the 
time has come for us to under- 
stand it also. That is a necessary 
first step to a new and higher 
morality; the spiritual basis for a 
new force which can give new life 
to our race. 

{Issue No. 84, J 981) 



Programmed for Death 



The story from Milpitas, CA, 
last November shocked a great 
many White Americans: A 16- 
year-old high school junior, An- 
thony Broussard, raped and then 
strangled to death his 14-year-old 
girl friend, Marcy Conrad, 
leaving her body in a wooded 
ravine. Then Broussard went back 
to Milpitas High School and 
boasted to his friends about what 
he had done. When one expressed 
doubts, Broussard rounded up 13 
of them and took them to the 
ravine, where he showed them 
Marcy's semi-nude corpse. 

"Neat-o!" was their general 
reaction. They laughed and joked. 
One of them dropped a rock on 
the corpse to see if it was really 
dead. Others covered the body 
with leaves, so that it wouldn't be 
found. No one told the police, 

Marcy's body was found any- 
way, and her boy friend was 
arrested soon afterward. 

In their reports of the crime, the 
news media stressed the bizarre 
behavior of the high school 
students who had viewed the girl's 
corpse or who had heard of the 
rape and murder from those who 
did, but had not reported it to the 
police. Almost as an afterthought 
one or two of the media revealed 
that Broussard is Black, while 
Marcy Conrad and most of those 
who were taken to see her body 
are White. 

So, all across the country 
right-thinking citizens still profess 
to be shocked that no one at 
racially mixed Milpitas High 
School went to the police and told 
them that a Black male student 
had raped and killed his 14-year- 
old White girl friend and was 
displaying her semi-nude body to 




MARCY CONRAD: like millions 
of other young White girls, she 
was deliberately programmed to 
regard Blacks as equals and even 
to accept them as sexual partners. 

all who wished to ogle it. But, 
really, have they any right to be 
shocked? 

Is not the behavior of the 
students at Milpitas High School 
— the White students, that is — 
exactly what we should expect 
from them, in view of what both 
their Sunday-school teachers and 
their public-school teachers have 
been drilling into them about 
"equality," racial "discrimina- 
tion" against Blacks, and White 
"guilt" since they toddled into a 
classroom for the first time a 
dozen years ago? Is it not just the 
way the ingenious people who 
control our television broadcast- 
ing networks have programmed 
young Americans to behave, 
through countless hours of view- 
ing cleverly biased TV entertain- 



ment aimed at combating racist 
attitudes and authoritarian atti- 
tudes and sexist attitudes and all 
the other nasty attitudes that 
American children used to be 
afflicted with? 

The story of Marcy and the 
students at Milpitas High School 
is true. The letter from Kristin to 
her friend Alice which follows is 
fictitious. But has it not also the 
ring of grim, contemporary truth? 
Is it not all too easy to imagine 
that the real Marcy thought much 
the way the fictitious Kristin 
thinks? And is there anyone who 
cannot bring to mind a half-dozen 
or more young White girls he 
knows personally who have been 
taught to think the same way? 

Dear Alice: 

Hi from L.A.I How are things 
back in Orange County? Well, fall 
is nearly here, and, can you 
believe it, I'm still as white- 
skinned as death. Just call me Lily 
White. I'm so pale I'm positively 
disgusting! No matter what I do, I 
just canNOT get a good tan! 

So how's college ? We 're getting 
ready for Black A wareness Month 
here. I bought this really neat 
Swahiii print caftan to wear, but 
my hair looked SO ugly with it. 
Luwanda helped me cut it short 
and perm it. Now it's nice and 
frizzy, like a real "natural. " 
Luwanda said that if I weren't so 
blonde I'd look really great; just 
like one of the "sisters"! 

I've had lots of homework this 
past week. We're getting into a 
unit on the Holocaust. I hate to 
admit it, but I felt pretty guilty. 
My grandparents on my mother's 
side were German. I don't think 
they were Nazis, although Irv 



Schwartz says all Germans are 
Nazis at heart. He's probably 
right. Grandma was always bug- 
ging me about going with "my 
own kind. " She was really a 
racist, I'm afraid. Oh, well, I'm 
not responsible for my grand- 
parents, am I? Anyway, they're 
both dead, and my dad's mostly 
Irish: a cop . . . you could figure, 
huh?! 

So what else is new? I'm still 
into Baha'i and eastern medita- 
tion. I really like it, although I 've 
been starting to go back to Mass 
now and again, just to hear the 
Mariachi chorus at the Spanish 
service. And I've been helping 
Luz Sanchez make up "Viva la 
Raza" sighs for some sort oj 
Chicano protest against the 
Anglos here in L.A. We really 
have given the Chicanos a bud 
deal. You should hear Father at 
church! He says that pretty soon 
this whole area will be Spanish 
speaking and under Hispanic 
control, as it should be! 

Well, I'd best get back to the 
sunlamp before my dad gets 
home. He says I'm using it too 
much and will get skin cancer. 
He's SO dumb, Does he really 
think I want to be as white as he 
is? I'd rather die! 

Do say "hi" to your mom and 
dad and ALL of those little 
brothers and sisters for me. Tell 
them I miss them. Are you still 
going with Yim Kee? I'm still 
making it with Hamud, but his 
parents don 't like him going with 
me. They want him to marry a 
Muslim girl and keep up their 
family traditions. I know he's 
been seeing a lot of that little 
exchange student, Yasmin, and 



will probably end up marrying 
her. Not that I'd mind. I'd 
understand. Really. What have I, 
a European Anglo, got to contri- 
bute to the wonderful culture of 
his people . . . just a lot of old, 
outdated, barbaric, imperialist 
crap, really. Like my parents, for 
example. They are such out-and- 
out BIGOTS! They take one look 
at Hamud and positively freak out 
when they think of me going with 
him, and you should see then 
when I have the nerve to brin± 
Justice around — you knov 
Justice, that nice black kid i wa: 
dating for a while. 

I swear, if I could find an 
apartment at a reasonable rent, 
I'd move out and they 'd never see 
me again, but there are so many 
poor, deprived illegals coming 
from Mexico into L.A. t just try to 
find a place to live! Oh, well, they 
have to have apartments, too, 
right? If Justice wasn't so hot to 
get married and have kids right 
away, I'd move in with him. But 
no kids for me, thanks; I've got 
my career to plan for. You and 
Yim Kee will just have to name 
one of your kids for me. 

Well, before this becomes a 
novel, kisses to all! 

Love forever, 
Kristin 

{Issue No. 85, 1982) 



214 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



How a White Doctor from Tennessee Conquered Nicaragua 



The White Conquest of Nicaragua 



Nicaragua in 1 982: Squalor. 
Poverty. Marxist troops from 
Cuba. The main export is revolu- 
tion. With the Sandinista victory 
in 1979, power has shifted from 
the Latin-White element in the 
population back to the mestizo 
and the Indian. A frowning U.S. 
secretary of state mutters darkly 
to reporters that he cannot rule 
out the prospect that American 
GI's may soon be fighting and 
dying in Central American 
jungles, only seven years after the 
fall of Saigon, in order to contain 
another spreading Marxist threat. 

It didn't have to turn out this 
way. In the I850's Nicaragua was 
actually marching toward U.S. 
statehood. Had the visionary 
conquest of Nicaragua by William 
Walker and his private army not 
been sabotaged, that whole fruit- 
ful and verdant country might 
today (perhaps along with the rest 
of Central America) be teeming 
with White Americans, the des- 
cendants of settlers from the 
North, The recently surrendered 
Panama Canal would never have 
been built, because Nicaragua 
would have provided a far better 
location for the canal. And this 
vital inter-ocean link would be on 
United States soil, defended by 
White Americans protecting their 
own land, 

In place of Central America's 
perennial instability, sloth, and 
backwardness — the consequen- 
ces of a multiracial population 
base and rampant miscegenation 
— millions of hard-working 
Whites could be flourishing. 

Though a German Jew and a 
Yankee railroad magnate were 
able to thwart Walker's under- 
taking, the life of the man from 
Nashville was neither a failure nor 
"a tale of sound and fury, 
signifying nothing." William 
Walker, called "the gray-eyed 
man of destiny" by his contem- 
poraries, truly exemplified that 
Nordic breed which, said Aris- 
totle, "would prefer short, intense 
pleasures to long, quiet ones; 
would choose to live nobly for a 
year rather than to pass many 
years of ordinary life; and would 
rather do one great and noble 
deed than many small ones." For 
Walker, that "one great and 
noble deed" would be to open up 
Nicaragua to what he, along with 
others of the time, called the 
"Anglo-Saxon" or "blue-eyed" 
race. 

Manifest Destiny 

After the I970's, a decade of 
unprecedented retreat from 
strength and confidence, it seems 
hard for Americans today to 
imagine the certainty their White 
ancestors of a little more than a 
century ago felt that it was their 
destiny to conquer and settle all of 
North America — and perhaps 
even South America too. In fact, 
the first 140 years of the American 
Republic saw territorial expan- 
sion, whether by sword or by 
dollar, as the normal state of 
affairs. From the 1780's, when the 
13 former colonies annexed every- 
thing east of the Mississippi, until 
the First World War, when 
Denmark was pressured to cede 
the Virgin Islands, American 
territorial expansion, and with it 



White population growth, seemed 
inexorable. 

But it was during the 19th 
century, especially, that men like 
William Walker could flourish. 
The United States, with a popula- 
tion under five million in 1800, 
increased its land area on the 
North American continent by 
century's end from less than 0.9 to 
more than 3.6 million square 
miles. 

What fueled this gigantic land- 
nama (as the Vikings would have 
called it) was endemic confidence. 
We find Thomas Jefferson boldly 
ushering in the new century with 
the prediction: "Our rapid multi- 
plication will cover the whole 
northern, if not also the southern 
continent," One writer at mid- 
century concurred, suggesting 
that America, with its large White 
birth rate, was "conquering the 
New World from its bedcham- 
ber." OLhers, like Sam Houston, 
the "father" of Texas, knew that 
White power grew as much from 
the barrel of the gun as from the 
bedchamber. The latter was of the 
considered opinion that the 
"Anglo-Saxon race" was destined 
to seize and people all of North 
and Central America, right down 
to the Isthmus of Panama. 

How the mighty have fallen! 
The same Texas which Sam 
Houston and Davy Crockett 
secured for the White race is now 
ordered by a Federal court to 
feed, clothe, and school the 
offspring of "Tex-Mex" illegal 
aliens, who are swarming into the 
state from Mexico at a rate of 
more than a million each year. 

As the 19th century unfolded, 
the expanding frontiers made the 
race question of paramount im- 
portance. East of the Mississippi 
there was the issue of Negro 
slavery, which eventually tore the 
Union apart in fratricidal combat. 
But west of the Mississippi the 
racial problem had to do with the 
Indians, a people of Asian origin, 
and with the Indian-Spanish 
hybrids called "mestizos" (or in 
the American vernacular of the 
times, "Greasers"). 

Except for a few New England 
intellectuals and divines the bulk 
of the population had no desire to 
"civilize" the Indians and mesti- 
zos, and no longing to assimilate 
them either. Representative Roger 
Griswold of Connecticut declared 
unmistakably that the United 
States had not been "formed for 
the purpose of distributing its 
principles and advantages to 
foreign nations," but rather 
"with the sole view of securing 
these blessings to ourselves and 
our own posterity." 

An influential book published 
in 1935, Manifest Destiny, by 
Alfred Kaiz Weinberg, explained 
this racialist attitude, albeit disap- 
provingly: 

"A key was the judgment that 
democratic institutions function 
best among a racially homo- 
geneous and generally intelligent 
population. 

"Another reason was the proto- 
Nietzschean judgment that it is 
more important to develop 'the 
more splendid race' than to lift up 
the inferior. 

"Still another influence was the 
aristocratic exclusiveness (of 







WILLIAM WALKER, like virtually all other Americans of his day, 
was conscious of the natural Inequalities which distinguish the various 
races of man, and neither he nor his contemporaries in that era before 
the advent of the Jewish media masters felt any need to deny or make 
excuses for a self-evident White superiority. Unlike most of the rest, 
however, Walker felt a responsibility to the future generations of his 
race, and he acted accordingly. 



American Whites} which repels 
untouchables with a noli me 
tangere. The exclusiveness was 
not that of an esthete but involved 
the impatience of the hardy 
pioneer with the incompetent." 

It was this deep-felt determina- 
tion not to absorb the incompe- 
tent which led the United States to 
avoid annexing all of Mexico after 
the fall of Mexico City to U.S. 
troops in 1848. 

In fact, there earlier had been 
voices opposed to annexing even 
Louisiana back in 1803 because of 
New Orleans' considerable Latin 
(French and Spanish) population. 
One U.S. Senator, John Bell of 
the 32nd Congress — [ike William 
Walker a Tennessean — insisted 
that all future annexations should 
be pointed north, into Canada. 
There, he said, we find "bone of 
our bone," a kindred White 
people whose addition would add 
"strength and vigor to the body 
politic." 

Mercifully absent from the 
great annexation debates of the 
last century was the gospel of 
"human rights" for our "little 
brown brothers in Christ." A 
distinguished writer for Harper's, 
John Burgess, expressed the 
healthy belief of the times: "The 
Teutonic [White] nations can 
never regard the exercise of 
political power as a right of all 
men." 



What made Whites like Burgess 
convinced that non-Whites had 
forfeited any "rights" to power 
and land was the essentially 
unproductive nature of the 
brown- and red-skinned peoples. 
James Buchanan, later the 15th 
President, in a book published in 
1824 on Indian history and 
customs, let a Pawnee Indian 
chief explain the temperamental 
difference: 

" 'The Great Spirit,' said the 
chief during a visit to Washing- 
ton, 'made us all. He made my 
skin red, and yours white. He 
placed us on this earth and 
intended that we should live 
differently from each other. 

" 'He made the whites to 
cultivate the earth, and feed on 
domestic animals; but he made us 
redskins to rove through the 
uncultivated woods and to dress 
with their skins. He intended that 
we go to war, to take scalps, to 
steal horses and to triumph over 
our enemies.' " 

About the only thing that 
Whites and Indians could agree 
on here was the mutual desire to 
triumph overtheir enemies. But as 
for the rest, the White man had 
not come from Europe to roam 
the woods and steal horses. Proud 
scions of the race which built 
Athens, Rome, London, and 
Berlin, the Whites had come to 



work. Like Doctor Faust, the 
quintessential Homo europaeicus 
in Goethe's drama, the European 
came to North America "ever 
striving, exerting himself." 

Therefore, the productive land 
had to be cleared of its unproduc- 
tive inhabitants. To do this in 
Nicaragua was the chosen task of 
William Walker. 

William Walker 

Walker was born in Nashville, 
Tennessee, on May 8, 1824, to 
prosperous, middle-class parents. 
Though short and slight of build 
(5* 5", 120 lbs.), the blond 
Southerner had a pair of fixating 
blue-gray eyes that made men stop 
in their tracks. 

Like many of predominantly 
Nordic racial stock, Walker was 
something of a loner. He never 
drank or smoked, and the one 
romance of his life was cut short 
by his belle's death in a cholera 
epidemic in 1848. Instead, as a 
youth Walker "hit the books," 
graduating summa cum laude 
from a Nashville college in 1845. 
Then it was off to the University 
of Pennsylvania medical school in 
Philadelphia, where Walker 
gained his M.D. degree with high 
honors. 

Not content with just what he'd 
learned at the then top-ranked 
medical school in the country, 
Walker embarked for Europe to 
study at the Old World's great 
medical teaching institutions. Af- 
ter brief stays in Edinburgh, 
Paris, and Heidelberg, where he 
also studied languages, the Ten- 
nessean came home to Nashville 
— to watch in shock as his mother 
wasted away and died of cholera, 
despite all his efforts to save her. 

This blow not only shattered 
Walker's confidence in the medi- 
cal knowledge of the era — it also 
shattered the young physician's 
assumptions about bourgeois 
security. Walker opted for the 
daring life, for experiencing what- 
ever the world could give him. 

Against his father's bitter oppo- 
sition, Walker began studying for 
a law degree. In a year and a half 
he passed his bar examination 
with distinction. Now he had two 
areas of expertise: medicine and 
law — at age 24. Still searching 
for more experience, Walker took 
the stagecoach south to New 
Orleans. There he became the 
editor of an antislavery news- 
paper, the Crescent. One of his 
close co-workers on the staff of 
the Crescent was a budding young 
writer named Walt Whitman. 

Unlike the businessmen of this 
Deep South" center of the cotton 
trade, Walker clearly saw the 
insidious and growing dangers 
which Negro slavery posed for 
America as a White nation. But 
although the Crescent's circula- 
tion soared under his guidance, 
Walker felt unable to make any 
headway against the vested inter- 
ests in slavery. In 1850 the 
doctor/lawyer/editor from Ten- 
nessee moved on — to San 
Francisco. 

As a college student in Nash- 
ville, Walker had studied the great 
epics of Homer, and he always 
remembered the high praise the 
poet gave to Achilles: "He was a 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



215 



speaker of words/ And a doer of 
deeds." This, the Greek aristocra- 
tic ideal, now came to fruition in 
the life of William Walker, 
America had just annexed the 
Southwest from Mexico. Walker 
resolved to invade the north- 
western part of what was left of 
Mexico and annex it himself. 

Utterly bereft of military ex- 
perience (other than his college 
reading of Caesar's De Bello 
Gallico), William Walker drew on 
his only resource: his will. For 
three years in San Francisco he 
studied military books, talked 
with officers (and with soldiers of 
fortune, of whom there were 
many in San Francisco, then a 
frontier Lown), and read all the 
newspapers he could get his hands 
on, in order to keep up on world 
events. 

By fall of 1853 Walker was 
ready to invade Baja (or Lower) 
California. He had collected a 
grand total of 45 men (!) for the 
task, got them on an old sailing 
ship loaded with food and arms, 
and by a ruse managed to sail out 
of San Francisco harbor under the 
nose of the authorities. (The 
Neutrality Act prohibited U.S. 
citizens from waging private war 
on foreign countries.) 

The lilliputian force landed at 
La Paz, near the southern tip of 
the Baja California peninsula, 
with only token opposition from 
the local Mexicans. The true 
opposition would come from 
Walker's own men, many of 
whom had joined the expedition 
more for plunder and whoring 
than for soldiering, and from a 
fiercely inhospitable desert en- 
vironment. But the five- foot-five, 
self-made "colonel" soon proved 
his mettle: he marched his men 
over hundreds of miles of sand 
and arid sierras, shooting would- 
be deserters and warning the 
faint-hearted. 

By the time Walker's platoon- 
size army hit the first Mexican 
garrison town it was a disciplined, 
stout-hearted fighting unit. The 
local militia fled, and the Repub- 
lic of Lower California and 
Sonora was proclaimed, William 
Walker, President. 

Though the new republic lasted 
only seven months, Walker's 
performance was remarkable and 
typical of his later actions in Ni- 
caragua, When -Federal troops in 
San Francisco seized his supply 
ships, Walker made do without. 
When Mexican troops and snipers 
counterattacked, Walker dug in. 
It comes as no surprise in view of 
his background that the new 
President ordered medical and 
hygiene reforms in his domain 
and that he gave the area a 
constitution. Walker also strictly 
banned raping and pillaging, as 
well as the shooting of prisoners 
— three mainstays of Mexican 
military life. 

Walker returned to San Fran- 
cisco in May 1854 to face charges 
for violation of the Neutrality 
Act. The two-fisted port populace 
welcomed him as a hero, and a 
sympathetic jury acquitted Wal- 
ker of all charges. One juror, 
mistaking Walker's intentions, 
thought that the Tennessean's 
only crime had been "trying to 
civilize the Greasers." 

Nicaragua 

Exactly one year after his 
acquittal, William Walker and 
another army — this time of 58 
men — landed on the Pacific 
coast of Nicaragua. By now 



famous around the world, Walker 
seemed the embodiment of the 
indomitable Nordic American 
spirit. A newspaper in Muenster, 
Germany, told its readers: 

1 'The bold advance guard of the 
American people in Nicaragua, 
General Walker, has a most 
typically American personality: 
clever, determined to the point of 
recklessness, ruthless, tough, and 
energetic to a degree seldom 
found in other nations. Walker 
seems born to dictate to the soft 
and spineless Spanish-American 
population." 

While the German newspaper 
was correct in saying Walker 
would "dictate" to the Spanish 
and mestizo populace of Nicara- 
gua, it left out the most significant 
point: Walker's plan to colonize 
the country with Anglo-Saxon 
Americans. Walker had not come 
as a mere "filibuster" (in the 
19th-century meaning of "plun- 
derer"), but rather to assert the 
right of a superior race to 
ownership of the land. 

In his The War in Nicaragua, 
published in 1860, Walker himself 
wrote: 

"That which some ignorantly 
call 'filibusterism' is not the 
offspring of hasty passion or ill- 
regulated desire; it is the fruit of 
the sure, unerring instincts which 
act in accordance with laws as old 
as creation. They are but drivel- 
lers who speak of establishing 
fixed relations between the pure 
White American race, as it exists 
in the United States, and the 
mixed Hispano-lndian race, as it 
exists in Mexico and Central 
America, without the employment 
of force. The history of the world 
presents no Utopian vision of an 
inferior race yielding meekly and 
peacefully to the controlling influ- 
ence of a superior people." 

Racially, Nicaragua has always 
been an overwhelmingly Indian 
and mestizo country, with a mere 
aristocratic sprinkling of Euro- 
pean blood, mostly Spanish and 
German. In addition, a number of 
Blacks were settled by England in 
the eastern lowlands of the 
so-called Mosquito Coast. 

In 1811 the general Latin 
American revolt against Spain 
reached Nicaragua, touching off 
an unending series of civil wars 
and coups which has dragged on 
until the present. At first Nicara- 
gua fought only against Spain, 
but then it took on its Central 
American neighbors. Finally Ni- 
caragua's internal provinces, as 
well as her social classes, came 
into open conflict with one 
another. 

In June 1855 more than four 
decades of anarchy and chaos 
were interrupted by the appear- 
ance of new blood from the 
North. Landing at the invitation 
of a left-wing group among the 
country's feuding factions, Walk- 
er and his 58 men began an 
amazing campaign which, by the 
end of the year, made William 
Walker the ruler of Nicaragua. 

Though their numbers were 
small, Walker's troops were hand- 
picked. Many were veterans of the 
Mexican War, and they were 
armed with Mississippi rifles, a 
Colt revolver on each hip, and 
deadly bowie knives. Walker kept 
discipline strict and drilled his 
men constantly. 

But beyond their leadership, 
training, and experience, Walker's 
men had one huge advantage over 
the Indian and mestizo troops of 
Nicaragua: they were willing to 
actually close with the enemy and 




WALKER'S tiny army of soldiers of fortune disembarks at Trujillo, Honduras, in August 1860. 



kill him. The whole idea of 
combat was foreign to the local 
troops: as often as not, by the 
time the mestizo armies got close 
enough to clash, one or both sides 
broke and ran. Units received 
incredibly poor training, their 
officers were incompetent or 
worse, and the favorite tactic 
seems to have been fleeing into 
town, holing up inside the fort or 
a church, and daring the enemy to 
attack. The only occasions on 
which machismo was displayed 
was when prisoners were cap- 
tured: they were always brutally 
tortured and then slaughtered, 
their remains usually being 
thrown into the river or down a 
well. 

Everything the mestizo armies 
were not, Walker's men were. 
They shot well, they stood their 
ground, they closed for the kill, 
and if they captured a town 
prisoners and civilians were 
spared. The latter point, especial- 
ly, led to the enemy's surrender. 
By December 1855, all of Nicara- 
gua had been pacified. After six 
months of Walker's rule, he was 
elected President of Nicaragua on 
July 12, 1856. 

Nemeses 

Before William Walker began a 
series of governmental reforms 
reminiscent of his Baja California 
days, virtually nothing functioned 
in Nicaragua. There were no 
public services, such as sanitation, 
mail delivery, or schools. The 
only smoothly running bit of 
infrastructure in Nicaragua was 




CORNELIUS VANDERBILT 



Cornelius Vanderbilt's Accessory 
Transit Company. 

When gold was discovered in 
California in 3 849 the whole 
world began clamoring for a 
quick sea route west to the 
Promised Land, and Nicaragua 
was the natural choice as a place 
to cross the Central American 
isthmus: in the San Juan River 
and Lake Nicaragua, nature has 
already provided a water route 
across more than three-quarters 
of the country. Only about ten 
miles of land separate the western 
shores of Lake Nicaragua from 
the Pacific Ocean, and here the 
U.S. railroad tycoon Cornelius 
Vanderbilt built the only truly 
serviceable coach road in Nicara- 
gua, to ferry passengers from the 
lake ships to his vessels waiting on 
the Pacific shore. With the vast 
profits Vanderbilt made from his 
monoply on interocean traffic in 
the 1850's, the New York capi- 
talist (worth over $100,000,000 at 
his height) financed a program 
whose aim was to buy up all the 
good land in Nicaragua. 

This was, of course, at com- 
plete cross-purposes with Presi- 
dent Walker's design to open 
Nicaragua to U.S. colonists — 
and not merely to one American 
"fat cat" interested only in 
exploiting cheap Indian farm 
labor. Walker allied himself with 
two officers of the Accessory 
Transit Company, Cornelius Gar- 
rison and Charles Morgan, to 
wrest control of the company 
from Vanderbilt. Garrison and 
Morgan provided Walker with 
critically needed cash for govern- 
ment and army expenditures, and 
in return the Nicaraguan Presi- 
dent seized the Accessory Transit 
Company on the grounds of 
charter violations and signed it 
over to the two officers. 

Needless to say, ttys made 
Cornelius Vanderbilt into Walk- 
er's implacable enemy. Between 
the Wall Street magnate's further 
scheming and the betrayal of 
Walker's armed forces by a 
Jewish officer, the Tennessean's 
fate was sealed. 

But Walker's dream lived on 
for almost another year, until 
May 1, 1857. Thousands of 
Americans responded to the ef- 
forts of Walker's stateside recruit- 
ing agents and came to settle and 
farm in Nicaragua, or to serve in 
the Tennessean's army. However, 



many thousands of others were 
intercepted by the U.S. Navy and 
turned back. With the growing 
hostility between the proslavery 
and antislavery factions in the 
United States, Vanderbilt found it 
easy to persuade the politicians of 
the Northern states that Walker, 
despite his antislavery record with 
the New Orleans Crescent, was 
planning to bring Nicaragua into 
the Union as a slave state. They 
preferred instead to keep Nicara- 
gua out altogether. 

Vanderbilt then began scheming 
with Nicaragua's neighbors to 
invade Walker's domain and 
depose him. But with an army of 
about 1 ,200 Whites Walker fought 
off a whole coalition of invaders 
from El Salvador, Costa Rica, 
Honduras, and Guatemala. One 
point in his favor was the 
traditional hatred which the vari- 
ous Central American nations felt 
for each other, despite their nearly 
identical racial and cultural roots. 
Only on the rarest of occasions 
did rival commanders consent to 
join forces to attack the norte- 
americano's men, and even then 
the mestizo armies usually melted 
into the bushes at some decisive 
moment. 

Walker's rule, and with it the 
success of the American coloniza- 
tion effort, seemed assured. A 
close friend of Walker, William 
Wells, wrote confidently in his 
book, Walker's Expedition to 
Nicaragua', 

"That the effete and decadent 
descendants of the early Spanish 
colonists and their Indian servants 
must succumb and give place to 
the superior activity and intelli- 
gence of the Anglo-Saxon, none 
who have lived in Central Ameri- 
ca or Mexico will dispute. 'Mani- 
fest Destiny' is no longer a myth 
for paragraphists and enthusiasts; 
the tide of American population, 
stayed on the shores of the 
Pacific, seeks new channels; and 
already the advancing step of the 
blue-eyed race is heard among the 
plains and valleys of Central 
America. 

"The power of the press; public 
opinion; Government vigilance; 
absurd bugbears of malaria and 
deathly miasmas; distance; dan- 
gers and trials; are alike impotent 
to prevent the southward march 
of our people. 

"The fiat has gone forth; and 
as was the case with Florida, 



216 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID 



217 



Texas, and California, it is only a 
question of time. With an en- 
lightened and courageous policy 
on the part of the American 
Government, a solid front pre- 
sented against European inter- 
ference in the affairs of this 
continent [a reference specifically 
to British attempts to seize and 
colonize with Blacks a large 
section of Nicaragua's Mosquito 
Coast], and a rigid enforcement 
of the Monroe Doctrine, we may 
look cheerfully and hopefully to 
the speedy accomplishment of 
American rule in Central Ameri- 
ca." 

But what was speedily, accom- 
plished instead was the will of 
Cornelius Vanderbilt. He bank- 
rolled a five-nation invading 
force, and set up a bogus 
Nicaraguan "government-in- 
exile" in neighboring Honduras. 
The U.S. and British Navies, each 
acting to protect its government's 
separate interests from the threat 
posed by White rule in Nicaragua, 
shut off all of Walker's supplies 
and sent American recruits back 
to the States in chains. Neverthe- 
less, under the personal leadership 
of "the gray-eyed man of des- 
tiny," the American colonist 
forces continued to prevail. 

Walker's Waterloo came at the 
town of Rivas, After months of 
fierce fighting against up to 
18,000 enemy soldiers, the Ten- 
nessean's army dwindled to under 
500 men, many of whom were 
mercenaries. What was left of his 
men and supplies Walker concen- 
trated outside Rivas. One night, 
while out reconnoitering, he left 
his camp under the supervision of 
a certain Colonel Schlessinger, a 
soldier of fortune whom the men 
intensely hated. Looking back on 
the disaster that followed, Wil- 
liam Wells wrote; 

"The appointment of Schles- 
singer to this command was in 
every way a most unfortunate 
one. A Jew, he was of a 
capricious, violent, and despotic 
nature. ... At a quarter past two 
o'clock, one of the women who 
had been captured in the morning 
complained of being sick, where- 



upon the Colonel, in a freak of 
liberality, let the whole squad go. 
But it proved to be a fatal folly, 
for in less than three-quarters of 
an hour a picket-guard ran in 
crying, 'The Greasers are 
coming!' 

"This sudden alarm threw the 
whole camp into confusion, and 
none seemed so entirely bewil- 
dered and panic-stricken as 
Schlessinger himself. His cheeks 
turned pale, his knees smote 
together; it seemed impossible for 
him to compose himself." (Walk- 
er's Expedition to Nicaragua, p. 
301) 

Schlessinger fled. As he ran off 
into the bush, he shrieked a few 
garbled commands which a Dutch 
mercenary company misinter- 
preted to mean, "Follow me!" 
And follow they did. Walker's 
force was crippled by the deser- 
tion of its temporary commanding 
officer and by the loss of the 
Dutch contingent, and it suffered 
heavy casualties in the ensuing 
battle. 

After the losses at Rivas the war 
only lasted a few more months. 
Schlessinger, at least, was caught 
and court-martialed for desertion. 
But when sentenced to death, he 
broke his officer's word of honor 
and fled Nicaragua, As for 
Walker's government , it collapsed 
and was replaced by Cornelius 
Vanderbilt's puppet regime. 

On May 1, 1857, William 
Walker surrendered to Comman- 
der Charles Davis of the Ameri- 
can sloop of war St, Mary, He 
and hundreds of his men were 
eventually transported back to the 
United States. Fearing for their 
lives, thousands of White colo- 
nists packed up and sailed back as 
well. 

Back In the United States, 
Walker immediately raised ano- 
ther force. Late in 1857 he was on 
his way back to Nicaragua, but 
the Buchanan administration in 
Washington cut short this second 
expedition. Though Walker 
managed to slip out of New 
Orleans harbor, he was inter- 
cepted by a U.S. Navy warship as 




INSTEAD of this, Nicaragua could have been White, beautiful, and productive. 



he was landing in Nicaragua and 
was returned to the States again. 

While he was gathering forces 
fbr one last try in Central 
America, he wrote a remarkable 
book (composed, like Caesar's De 
Beiio Gallko, in the third person) 
called The War in Nicaragua. 
Even Walker's enemies praised its 
honesty and accuracy. 

Walker bided his time until the 
summer of I860, when with a 
force weak even by his standards 
he invaded Honduras. Quickly 
boxed in by overwhelming native 
forces, he surrendered to a certain 
Commander Salmon of the Bri- 
tish Royal Navy. Salmon pro- 
mised the American safe conduct 
home, but then, on the pretext 
that Walker was a Nicaraguan 



citizen, turned him over to agents 
of Honduras in the pay of the 
Nicaraguan government. On Sep- 
tember 12, 1860, at age 36, 
William Walker was killed by a 
mestizo firing squad. 

Walker's unmarked grave has 
long since been lost, but for a time 
just after his death there were 
efforts to bring his body back to 
Nashville. The Honduran govern- 
ment resisted, and the efforts 
came to nothing. The unmarked 
grave is, at least, an appropriate 
symbol of the death of a forgotten 
dream. 

"Whom the gods love, they 
make to die young," said Menan- 
der. Because he died in his prime 
the Tennessean was spared the 
sight of Nicaragua reverting to its 



accustomed squalor, and he was 
not forced to watch his White 
countrymen slaughter each other 
over "states' rights" and the 
status of the Negro in the Civil 
War. 

Walker was a far-seeing warrior 
and statesman born out of his 
time, a stranger in an era where 
White racial interests were coming 
increasingly under the hammer of 
capitalistic and commercial for- 
ces. But a future generation will 
remember William Walker and 
what he tried to do. As the 
Vikings said: 
One thing I know 
That always lasts: 
The fame of dead men's deeds. 

{Issue No. 85, 1982) 



What Are They Doing to Our World? 



Environment Quality, 
Resources Threatened 
By Failing Economy 

During 1981 the real spendable 
earnings of the average American 
wage earner fell another 3.3 per 
cent, the Bureau of Labor Statis- 
tics in Washington announced on 
January 22. Of all the economic 
statistics monitored by the gov- 
ernment — consumer price index, 
average hourly wages, etc. — the 
real spendable earnings figure is 
the one which is tied most directly 
to the average standard of living. 
It is the amount of real money 
(i.e., money adjusted for infla- 
tion) a wage earner has left to 
spend after taxes. 

When we consider non-econo- 
mic factors, however, we must 
anticipate a much worse decline in 
the American living standard than 
indicated by the falling figure for 
reaJ spendable earnings. 

The crime rate is an example of 
a non-economic factor which has 
a strong effect on the standard of 



living — or quality of life — of 
the average American. Each year 
the average U.S. citizen's chances 
of being murdered, raped, 
robbed, or burgled increase. That 
costs everyone money, whether he 
is a crime victim or not, in higher 
taxes for police protection and in 
higher insurance rates. The non- 
monetary costs, though, are far 
higher, as fear of crime increa- 
singly hedges in the average 
American's life and restricts his 
activities. 

Disease is another example. 
Until quite recently, the United 
States could boast one of the 
lowest disease rates in the world, 
with the rate for most infectious 
diseases continuing to fall each 
year. Many dread afflictions 
common in other parts of the 
world had been virtually eradi- 
cated here. This was one of the 
benefits of an enormous invest- 
ment over the years in sanitation, 
innoculation drives, and other 
public health programs. 

But now this benefit has begun 
to evaporate, largely as the 



consequence of an unchecked 
flow of non-White immigrants 
into the country. The tuberculosis 
rate in Los Angeles County was 
up 30 per cent in 1981 over 1980, 
and similar increases were report- 
ed in other major metropolitan 
areas, resulting in a net increase in 
the tuberculosis rate for the entire 
country. Syphillis, leprosy, and 
other diseases associated especial- 
ly with immigrants have also 
become much more common in 
recent years. 

Extrapolating a few trends 

which, unlike the above, have not 
been much in the news recently 
gives us an even grimmer picture 
of what is happening to our 
world. Consider the American 
farm. It has been one of the 
nation's greatest successes, pro- 
ducing more food per acre and per 
man-hour than has been accom- 
plished on anywhere near as large 
a scale anywhere else in the world. 

This success, however, has had 
a cost. The extremely high yields 
of American agriculture have 
been the result of a very intensive 



approach to farming, depending 
on a complex industrial infra- 
structure. Without a dependable 
supply of chemical fertilizers and 
pesticides, and the ready use of a 
vast rail and road transportation 
network, such intensive farming 
would not be possible. 

The danger in such dependence 
is that it is susceptible to 
catastrophic disruption. A major 
breakdown in the transportation 
network, for example, would very 
quickly cause widespread starva- 
tion in many of the nation's 
heavily urbanized areas. America 
long ago lost its regional self- 
sufficiency in agriculture, and 
most of the Northeast now 
imports more than 70 per cent of 
its food from other states. 

Another cost of America's 
intensive approach to farming is 
overuse of the best land, and its 
consequent loss. The trend in 
recent years has been to produce 
more and more food from less 
and less land, as urban encroach- 
ment on farmland and topsoil loss 
from erosion have reduced the 



acreage under cultivation. A 
growing population is causing an 
acceleration of this process, which 
means a continually increasing 
dependence on chemical fertilizers 
and pesticides. 

The higher costs of food 
production associated with the 
greater use of fertilizers is also 
accelerating the trend away from 
small, family-owned farms 
toward giant agribusiness farm- 
ing, because of the greater 
efficiency of very large farms. 
This in turn results in even less 
regional self-sufficiency and a 
greater dependence on the trans- 
portation network. 

The United States is still able to 
produce more food than it 
consumes — about $40 billion 
worth was exported last year — 
but it is clear that the present 
trend toward more food from less 
land cannot continue indefinitely. 
There is a lack of general 
agreement as to when the crunch 
will come, but ecologists and 
agricultural experts are becoming 
increasingly concerned. 






Lester Brown, head of the 
WorldWatch Institute, warns that 
the doubling of world food output 
since 1950 has been achieved only 
through severe land abuse. "Per- 
haps the most serious single threat 
humanity now faces is the wide- 
spread loss of topsoil," he says in 
his new book, Building a Sus- 
tainable Society. Brown and 
others believe that the continuing 
loss of productive farmland in the 
United States could trigger food 
shortages before the end of this 
decade which would have a far 
greater impact on the population 
than the oil shortage of the 
1970's. 

Topsoil, of course, is only one 
of America's natural resources 
being squeezed by a growing 
population. Fossil fuel is another, 
and the squeeze is leading inevi- 
tably toward the use of lower 
grades of coal and oil, which 
produce large amounts of air 
pollution. 

For most of the last two 
decades the environmental lobby 
has been successful in forcing the 
Congress to enact laws to reduce 
pollution of air and water, protect 
wildlife, and prevent commercial 
exploitation or development 
harmful to America's forests, 
marshlands, and other natural 
areas. It is now quite likely that 
everything which has so far been 
accomplished in the way of 
environmental protection will be 
undone in the 1980's. 

One of the reasons for this 
setback is the philosophy of the 
supporters of the Reagan adminis- 
tration, typified by Secretary of 
the Interior James Watt, who 
seems to believe that it is sinful to 
leave trees uncut, fur-bearing 
mammals unskinned, or high- 
sulfur coal unburned, so long as 
there is money to be made for 
someone by exploiting these re- 
sources, 

Reagan supporters are staunch 
advocates of growth at any cost, 
who see the value of everything in 
what it can be sold for. Many of 
them are incapable of even 
understanding why anyone would 
want to stop them from killing 
bobcats and raccoons, cutting 
down redwoods, paving over 
meadows, or saving a little money 
by dumping toxic wastes into the 
nearest stream. 

Growth advocates are great 
optimists when it comes to the 
question of the depletion of 
natural resources, whether farm- 
land, fossil fuel, or essential metal 
ores. They point out, quite 
correctly, that science has always 
been able to show us new ways to 
obtain greater utilization from old 
resources or has found new 
substitutes when old resources 
were finally exhausted. 

What they tend to ignore are 
the additional costs involved when 
one is obliged to switch from 
easily obtainable, high quality 
resources to scarcer resources or 
to those of lower quality. One of 
these additional costs Americans 
will soon be paying is more air 
pollution, caused by a move to 
dirtier fuels. 

Unfortunately, however, it is 
not just the Republican-capitalist 
types in the population who are 
responsible for what is being done 
to America's environment and 
natural resources. The average 
citizen, when it comes to saving a 
tree or saving a dollar, all too 
often chooses the dollar — 



especially when he is worried 
about his supply of dollars, which 

inevitably will be the case even 
more in the future than it has been 
in the past.. 

As real spendable earnings 
continue to fall, protecting the 
environment will seem like an 
unaffordable luxury to more and 
more people, regardless of 
whether there is a Republican or a 
Democrat in the White House. 

Depressing and frightening as 
are these economic and environ- 
mental prospects, they are all 
overshadowed by the racial pros- 
pect. There are few large cities left 
in the United States which have 
not witnessed a dramatic increase 
in non-White population since the 
Second World War. Most com- 
munities have not experienced 
Washington's change from a 
three-quarters White city in 1940 
to a three-quarters Black city 
today, or Miami's change from 4 
per cent Hispanic to 40 per cent 
Hispanic during the past 30 years 
(with a corresponding White drop 
from 83 per cent to 44 per cent), 
but the trend is the same 
everywhere: more Blacks, more 
Hispanics, more Asiatics, more 
Levantines. 

Even were it not for the 
hundreds of thousands of these 
non-Whites coming into the coun- 
try each year as legal immigrants 
or "refugees" and the estimated 
one million slipping in illegally, 
their prodigious birthrates — 
nearly twice the White birthrate, 
in the case of Hispanics — must 
inevitably lead to an environment 
which is more and more non- 
White. 

Fools may babble endlessly all 
the trendiest cliches — "cultural 
enrichment," "racial justice," 
and so on — but the fact remains 
that the population of the United 
States is becoming uglier, less 
intelligent, less creative, less self- 
reliant, and less capable of 
sustaining a civilization or even 
maintaining its own national 
existence as it grows less White. 

Is not the destruction of 
America's racial basis an even 
greater sin against Nature than the 
destruction of the country's for- 
ests and wildlife and the poisoning 
of its air and water? 

Is there any more terrible legacy 
we can leave to our descendants 
than a nation in which they are a 
minority, at the mercy of an 
irresponsible, incapable, and hos- 
tile mass of non-Whites? 

The tragedy of what is happen- 
ing to our world seems com- 
pounded by the knowledge that it 
need not happen: economic de- 
cline, environmental decline, and 
racial decline can all be reversed. 
But not unless those who wield the 
power in this country are at least 
able to face squarely and unblink- 
ingly the causes of what is 
happening and have the will to 
tackle those causes. 

Mr. Reagan and the other 
politicians certainly want to halt 
the economic decline, but that's 
about all that can be said for 
them. The condition of the 
environment is clearly of very 
little concern to them, and they 
dare not even acknowledge the 
fact of racial decline. 

Can one expect a President who 
reacted in the shamefully abject 
way Mr. Reagan did to the 
minority-liberal criticism of his 
recent announcement on tax 
exemptions for White schools to 
show even the least bit of courage 




DIRTIER AIR is Just one of the penalties Americans will pay for a worsening economic situation. As fuel 
costs continue to rise and unemployment mounts, the political pressure for scrapping environmental 
protection laws will increase. The use of high-polluting Fuels, restricted now, will grow, and the lack of 
effective pollution control equipment increasingly will be excused or overlooked. 




THIS FOREST Is being destroyed by acid rain, a consequence of the continuing use by U.S. industries of 
high-polluting fuels, which pour millions of tons of sulfuric and nitric acids into the atmosphere from factory 
and power plant chimneys every year. Growing economic pressures will lead to even more use of such fuels in 
the future, and most U.S. forests and the wildlife in them will be increasingly threatened. 



in dealing with racial issues? 

And since the declining moral 
and racial quality of the American 
population lies at. the root of the 
declining economy, the prospects 
are hardly bright for a long-term 
solution to the one problem Mr. 
Reagan does want to solve. 
Fiddling with Federal budgets 



cannot give us a more productive 
labor force. Talking about "sup- 
ply side" economics cannot re- 
duce the vast financial burden of 
crime and social services associ- 
ated with the enormous growth in 
racial minorities in America. 

What the politicians are doing 
to our world — economically, 



environmentally, and racially — 
cannot be halted until we have 
men in charge who are not afraid 
to ask the right questions and face 
the real problems. 

{Issue No. 85, 1982)